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1
Lin, James Chun. « Humanitarianism and military force : humanitarian intervention and international society ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3ce0813e-b33d-4d02-8049-7851859cc801.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the theory and practice of humanitarian intervention in the modern states system. Humanitarian intervention is defined as the use of military force across state boundaries, against the wishes of the target government, to protect the people from intolerable misrule and grave abuses of human rights. The aim of this thesis is to examine the problem of humanitarian intervention from the perspective of international society. This thesis is divided into two parts. Part One defines the concept, considers the historical and intellectual milieu in which the idea emerged and evolved, and examines the different grounds upon which states have justified a right of intervention. Part Two considers the implications for international society. International society exists when states have shared rules, values, and a mutual concern for order. Three primary arguments are made in Part Two: (1) Humanitarian intervention can co-exist with the rules of state sovereignty, non-intervention, and limitations on the use of force; (2) Humanitarian intervention has performed the historic function of expanding the values of international society; (3) Practised under the right circumstances, it can help promote international order rather than subvert it. As this thesis demonstrates, a more in-depth understanding of how past theorists and practitioners of humanitarian intervention have approached the problem can enrich the current discussion.
2
Östberg, Jenny. « Prisoner of War or Unlawful Combatant : An Evolution of International Humanitarian Law ». Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-5603.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The construction of International Humanitarian Law and the norms regarding protection of prisoners of war have evolved as a reaction to the horrors of war. After September 11 and the following war on terrorism the notion of POWs has been widely debated. The USA holds prisoners at the navy base at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba without granting them status as POWs; this thesis is placing the treatment of these detainees within a historical context. The norm concerning rights of POWs is today both internationalized and institutionalized, but that has not always been the case. This thesis illuminates how the norms have evolved during World War I, World War II and Vietnam War; finally the war against terrorism and the treatment of the prisoners at Guantánamo Bay is analyzed. The intention of the thesis is to use a historical overview of the evolution of IHL, and the rights of POWs in particular, to formulate a wider assumption about the implication of IHL in the war against terrorism and the future.
The thesis adopts a theory which combines constructivism and John Rawls´ theory of justice and uses constructivist ideas about the nature of the international system applied to Rawls´ notion of justice. The constructivist theory and ontology are the basis of the theoretical framework of this thesis and Rawls´ definition of justice as the base of social institutions are viewed from a constructivist perspective. IHL and the norms regarding protection of POWs are thus considered as social facts, constructed and upheld through social interaction between states.
3
Hoeylandt, Pierre van. « Is there a duty of humanitarian intervention ? : an empirical study with moral implications ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3289e232-2d4e-4878-8e2f-ba7e667f5b77.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Large-scale humanitarian crises in foreign countries raise the question of whether or not other countries have a duty to alleviate that suffering. In extreme cases, humanitarian intervention, that is: military intervention for the purpose of alleviating human suffering, is sometimes advocated as the morally required course of action. This thesis suggests that while the international community has a general moral responsibility to prevent and ameliorate humanitarian crises there is no simple duty of military humanitarian intervention. Hitherto, the question has typically been treated as a matter of either moral or legal principle. This thesis argues that empirical factors, which affect the international community's ability to carry out interventions effectively, have not been given their due weight in the debate. On the basis of evaluations of international responses to crises in Somalia and Rwanda, 1992 - 1994, it is suggested that a range of factors undermine the efficacy of humanitarian interventions. These factors include the impact of state interests, the effects of domestic politics in intervening states and, contrary to expectations, the role of humanitarian considerations in decision making on intervention. By showing the limitations of a simplistic view of a duty of humanitarian intervention the thesis seeks to contribute to reconciling idealism with realism in international crisis-responses. Based on sound moral and political judgment military interventions in humanitarian crises would hopefully be less ambitious and ultimately more effective.
4
Cameron, Calla. « Grave Breaches : American Military Intervention in the Late Twentieth- Century and the Consequences for International Law ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1677.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The duality of the United States’ relationship with international criminal law and human rights atrocities is a fascinating theme that weaves through all of American history, but most distinctly demonstrates the contradictory nature of American foreign policy in the latter half of the 20th century. America is both protector of human rights and perpetrator of human rights atrocities, global police force and aggressor. The Cold War exacerbated the tensions caused by American military dominance. The international political and physical power of the American military allowed the United States to do as it pleased in the 20th century with few consequences, but that power also brought watchfulness from the global community and an expectation that the United States would intervene when rogue states or leaders committed crimes against humanity. The international legal community has expected the United States to act and illegally intervene in some situations, but to pursue policy changes peacefully through diplomatic channels on other occasions.
5
Rohr, Karl C. « Progressive reconstruction a methodology for stabilization and reconstruction operations ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Sep%5FRohr.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Karen Guttieri. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-100). Also available in print.
6
Radice, Luke C. « Evolving Conceptions of Sovereignty as Applied to Membership in International Organizations ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2147.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the current international climate, both nations and individuals increasingly question both the validity and necessity of international organizations. This paper seeks to answer some of those questions, and to determine why countries choose to surrender significant portions of the national power that they are afforded under traditional perceptions of “Westphalian sovereignty”. This question is answered through an analysis of historical political thought on the concept of Sovereignty, then is applied to two case studies: the United Nations and the European Union, in which the benefits and downsides of surrendering sovereignty are discussed. Ultimately, this thesis concludes that the concept of Westphalian sovereignty is weakening in the modern world, as the international system gradually adopts new ideas about what national power allows, and reapplies old concepts that had long fallen out of use. Additionally, many of the problems faced by humanity in the present day are too large and complicated to be solved by singular nations, and require concerted international action. Together, these evolving conceptions of sovereignty and increasingly complex global problems have greatly contributed to the growth and empowerment of international organizations.
7
Peltola, Larissa. « Rape and Sexual Violence Used as a Weapon of War and Genocide ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1965.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Rape and other forms of sexual violence have been used against civilian populations since the advent of armed conflict. However, recent scholarship within the last few decades proves that rape is not a byproduct of war or a result of transgressions by a few “bad apples,” rather, rape and sexual violence are used as strategic, systematic, and calculated tools of war, ethnic cleansing, and genocide. Rape has also been used as a means of preventing future generations of children of “undesirable” groups from being born. Rape and sexual violence are also used with the purpose of intimidating women and their communities, destroying the social fabric and cohesion of specific groups, and even as a final act of humiliation before killing the victim. In each conflict that is examined in this thesis, sexual violence is used against civilian populations for the specific purpose of genocide.
8
Gandois, H. N. A. « The emergence of regional security organisations : a comparative study on ECOWAS and SADC ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:82c09a8b-6a13-45dc-b017-a89ceaaea7f8.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The emergence of regional security organisations during the 1990s in Africa proved to be of great significance for the lives of many Africans, including those living in conflict-torn countries such as Liberia, Sierra Leone, Côte d’Ivoire or the Democratic Republic of Congo, but, at the same time, this phenomenon has been understudied. This dissertation explores why regional security organisations with an agenda of democratic governance emerged in Africa in the 1990s. This question is answered with two in-depth case studies on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Driven by an empirical puzzle, this study is both hypothesis-testing and hypothesis generating. The study starts by laying out the different possible factors put forward by several bodies of theory in international relations to explain the emergence of ECOWAS and SADC as security organisations. These hypotheses are then tested throughout the history and the evolution of ECOWAS and SADC in order to highlight the circumstances of their creation and their qualified failure as economic communities. This is followed by a comparative analysis of the security and democracy mandates entrusted to ECOWAS and SADC by its member states based on the study of the legal texts that outline the specific objectives of each regional security organisation and the tools they were given to implement their mandates. The study finally analyses the implementation records of ECOWAS and SADC in order to assess the commitment of their member states to their new democracy and security mandate. The research concludes with the two following hypotheses: 1) A security agenda cannot emerge without the involvement of the regional hegemon. 2) What the regional hegemon can do, including affecting the speed of the transformation, is constrained by the acceptance of its leadership by its neighbours (legitimacy) and by state weakness (capability).
9
Tonkin, Hannah Jane. « States' international obligations to control private military & ; security companies in armed conflict ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1658758a-481a-4f1c-83c0-2ef269a78778.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Tens of thousands of contractors work for private military and security companies (PMSCs) in armed conflicts around the world, often hired by states to fulfil functions that were once the exclusive domain of the armed forces. In this context, PMSCs have performed a wide range of activities including offensive combat, prisoner interrogation, military advice and training, armed security, intelligence and logistics. The proliferation of PMSCs during the past two decades has challenged conventional conceptions of the state as the primary holder of coercive power in the international arena. Nonetheless, this Thesis argues that the traditional state-centred frameworks of international law remain vitally relevant to the regulation of private security activity in contemporary armed conflict. Three states are in a strong position to influence PMSCs in this context—the state that hires the PMSC, the state in which the company is based or incorporated, and the state in which the company operates—and this capacity for influence enables international law to regulate PMSC activities indirectly using these states as an intermediary. This Thesis critically analyses the pertinent international obligations on these three categories of states and identifies the circumstances in which PMSC misconduct may give rise to state responsibility in each case. It also examines the recent practice of certain key states in order to evaluate their compliance with these obligations. By providing a clear and in-depth analysis of states' international obligations to control PMSCs in armed conflict, this Thesis may not only facilitate the assessment of state responsibility in cases of PMSC misconduct; it may also play an important prospective role in setting standards of conduct for states in relation to the private security industry. This in turn may encourage and assist states to develop their domestic laws and policies in order to improve overall PMSC compliance with international law.
10
Frazier, Grant H. « Armed Drones : An Age Old Problem Exacerbated by New Technology ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/156.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this thesis is to examine the history behind and the use of militarized drones in modern day conflicts, and to conclude whether the use of these machines, with special attention to the United States, is legal, ethical, and morally defensible. In achieving the aforementioned goals, shortcomings of current policy surrounding drone warfare will be highlighted, acting as the catalyst for a proposal for changes to be made to better suit legal, ethical, and moral considerations. The proposal of a policy to help us work with armed drones is due to the fact that this thesis acknowledges that armed drones, like guns, nuclear weapons, or any type of military technology, is here to stay and that once we acknowledge that fact, the most important step is to make sure we have the right tools to judge the conduct of conflict carried out using armed drones or other weapons that raise similar issues and questions.
11
Childers, Rex A. « The Rationality of Nonconformity : the United States decision to refuse ratification of Protocol I Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 1949 ». Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1214247432.
Texte intégral
12
Caceres, Felipe Chinalli. « Educação e cultura em direitos humanos na ordem internacional ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2140/tde-05122013-154918/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Considerando a atual situação do Direito à Educação em Direitos Humanos no Brasil e no mundo e a importância de se inserir nos sistemas educacionais a proposta da gestão de um plano em Direitos Humanos, balizada por interculturalidade e interacionismo, a presente pesquisa tem como objetivo institucionalizar a promoção do acesso aos conhecimentos multiculturalistas, inerentes à afirmação histórica dos Direitos Humanos. Entendemos que tanto os alunos quanto os educadores são sujeitos dos direitos históricos da humanidade. Assim, diagnosticamos a necessidade de uma intervenção pedagógica humanista nas escolas a ser institucionalizada por uma cultura em educação alternativa contida no projeto-piloto, ora anexado.Considering the actual state of the Right to Human Rights Education in Brazil, its global present context and the importance to insert its proposals in the educational systems as a political action of a Human Rights plan, oriented by interculturality and interactionism, in this research the main objective has been to institutionalize the promotion of access to multicultural knowledge, associated to the historical affirmation of Human Rights, and to view the students and the educators as mankinds historical rights subjects. It has also been diagnosticated the urgency of a humanistic pedagogical intervention in schools yet to be institutionalized by an alternative educational culture, included in the attached pilot project.
13
Marques, Ivan Contente. « Intervenções humanitarias : aspectos politicos, morais e juridicos de um conceito em (trans)formação ». [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281494.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Orientador: Andrei KoernerDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T01:52:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marques_IvanContente_M.pdf: 767815 bytes, checksum: 6ec7092e0e762c66283af8c6bcc55128 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008
Resumo: Este trabalho se propõe a estudar os debates acerca das intervenções humanitárias e sua relação com os conceitos de legalidade e legitimidade nas relações internacionais. Para isso, partiremos do início desta discussão que ocorreu antes da formação e da consolidação dos Estados nacionais e o fortalecimento do princípio da soberania, e passaremos pelos impactos causados pela nova ordem jurídica internacional criada pela Organização das Nações Unidas. Isso trará subsídios para a análise da situação do combate às crises humanitárias nos anos 1990 sob a ótica da intervenção. Como exemplo da atuação do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, investigaremos dois casos emblemáticos de intervenções humanitárias deste período: o genocídio de Ruanda, em 1994, e os ataques da OTAN no Kosovo, em 1999. Dessa forma, levantaremos o entendimento atual sobre o tema, demonstrando o dilema entre o dever moral de salvar vidas em risco e o impedimento legal de fazê-lo dado o sistema jurídico internacional vigente. Por fim, apresentaremos a teoria ¿Responsabilidade de Proteger¿ que tem a pretensão de dar respostas ao problema da aceitação das intervenções humanitárias como prática legítima nas relações internacionais
Abstract: This work proposes to study the debates on humanitarian intervention and its relation with concepts of validity and legitimacy on international relations. For that, it will start from the beginning of this discussion which occurred before the constitution and consolidation of national states and the strengthen of the sovereignty principle, and goes through the impacts caused by the new international legal order created by the United Nations. This will support the analysis of the humanitarian crisis in the 90's under the optic of intervention. As an example of the United Nations Security Council performance, it will investigate two emblematic cases of humanitarian intervention of the period: Rwanda's genocide, in 1994, and NATO¿s air strikes on Kosovo, in 1999. From this perspective, it will rise the present understanding on this issue, bringing up the dilemma between the moral duty of saving lives jeopardized by the scourge of war and the legal bar of doing it considering the international legal system in vigor. At last, it will present the ¿responsibility to protect¿ theory which intends to provide solutions to the problem of acceptance of humanitarian intervention as a legitimate practice on international relations
Mestrado
Instituições, Processos e Atores
14
Nour, Sckell Soraya. « La justice cosmopolite : histoire des principes et enjeux contemporains ». Thesis, Paris 10, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA100194/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La justice cosmopolite présuppose la justice dans l’ordre interne d’un État ainsi que la justice internationale, en se différenciant aussi bien de l’une que de l’autre pour s’interroger sur le juste et l’injuste qui porte sur l’être humain en tant que tel et en tant qu’individu singulier, au-delà de son statut en tant que habitant, ressortissant ou citoyen d’un État, prenant ainsi aussi en compte les générations futures et l’environnement. Être cosmopolite est une condition à dimension individuelle et collective, liée à la construction de soi (un soi cosmopolite), à la manière de penser et de vivre dans sa dimension quotidienne (l’action sous un angle cosmopolite), ainsi qu’à une réflexion sur ce qu’est le juste et l’injuste cosmopolite, sur l’émergence des groupes sociaux qui exigent le cosmopolitisme et sur la normativité des institutions nationales, internationales et supranationales qui veulent le réaliser. Ainsi, la notion de justice cosmopolite se révèle être un objet commun au champ de la philosophie, des sciences politiques, de la sociologie, des sciences de la culture, de la psychologie sociale ainsi que du droit. Nous analysons d’abord les enjeux de la justice cosmopolite tels qu’ils ont été formulés aux XVIII et XIX siècles chez Hobbes, Kant, Hegel et Alexander von Humboldt, en confrontant ses idées avec les débats contemporains; ensuite, les nouveaux problématiques de la justice cosmopolite qui se dessinent au XX siècle avec Freud, Kelsen, la Théorie Critique et Bourdieu; et enfin, quelques enjeux fondamentaux contemporains de la justice cosmopolite : les droits humains, le droit humanitaire, le droit des minorités et l’espace public mondialCosmopolitan justice presupposes justice in the order of a State as well as international justice, but differs from these two forms in that it questions the just and unjust concerning human beings as such and as a unique individual, beyond one’s status as a resident, national or citizen of a State, and also takes into account future generations and the environment. Being cosmopolitan has an individual and collective dimension related to the construction of the self (a cosmopolitan self), to one’s way of thinking and living in its everyday dimension (action from a cosmopolitan standpoint) and a reflection on what is just and unjust cosmopolitanism, the emergence of social groups that require cosmopolitanism and the normativity of national, international and supranational institutions that want to achieve it. Thus, the notion of cosmopolitan justice proves to be a common object in the field of philosophy, political science, sociology, cultural studies, social psychology and law. This thesis first analyzes the challenges of cosmopolitan justice as they were formulated in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries by Hobbes, Kant, Hegel and Alexander von Humboldt, comparing their ideas with contemporary debates (Part I). It then analyzes new issues regarding cosmopolitan justice that emerged in the twentieth century with Freud, Kelsen, Critical Theory and Bourdieu (Part II). Finally, an analysis is offered on fundamental contemporary issues of cosmopolitan justice, such as human rights, humanitarian law, the rights of minorities and global public space (Part III)
15
Cheriau, Raphaël. « "L'Intervention d'Humanité" or the Humanitarian Right of Intervention in International Relations : Zanzibar, France and Britain in between Colonial Expansion and Struggle against the Slave Trade from the mid-19th Century to the early 1900s ». Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040060.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Dans la seconde moitié du dix-neuvième siècle, le Sultanat de Zanzibar a été au cœur des politiques abolitionnistes et coloniales aussi bien françaises que britanniques. En effet, l’île de Zanzibar ne fut pas seulement le plus grand marché aux esclaves de l’océan Indien mais aussi la porte d’entrée privilégiée des trafiquants d’esclaves, des abolitionnistes, et des partisans de la colonisation en Afrique Orientale. Cette thèse s’intéresse aux controverses, ayant opposé la France et la Grande-Bretagne dans les eaux territoriales de Zanzibar, sur le droit de visite des bateaux transportant des esclaves ainsi que sur le droit des boutres à battre pavillon français et à échapper ainsi aux contrôles de la Royal Navy. Cette recherche souligne combien ces questions furent importantes, non seulement pour les relations de la France, de la Grande-Bretagne et du Sultanat de Zanzibar, mais aussi pour le droit international et les relations internationales jusqu’à la veille de la Première Guerre mondiale. Ce travail montre que les opérations de lutte contre la traite qui ont eu lieu à Zanzibar ont inspiré de nombreux officiers de marine, des consuls, des diplomates, des juristes, et des hommes politiques, aussi bien français que britanniques, quant à la conception et à la mise en œuvre « d’interventions humanitaires ». Ainsi l’histoire des opérations de lutte contre la traite menées dans le sultanat de Zanzibar permet d’éclairer de manière originale l’histoire du concept d’intervention humanitaire ou « d’humanité » (« intervention in the score of humanity »). Cette recherche souligne combien la nature de ces interventions humanitaires a sans cesse oscillé entre de véritables idéaux abolitionnistes et des enjeux coloniaux pressantsIn the second half of the nineteenth century the Zanzibar Sultanate became the focal point of French as well as British imperial and humanitarian policies. In fact, the island was not only the most important slave trade emporium of the Indian Ocean but it was also the great gateway to East Africa for slave traders, humanitarians, or imperialists alike. This thesis looks at the controversies which took place in Zanzibar waters between France and Britain over the right of searching vessels suspected of being engaged in the slave trade as well as the right of dhows to fly the French flag and escape the Royal Navy’s scrutiny. This research highlights how important these questions were, not only for the relations of France, Britain, and the Zanzibar Sultanate, but also for international law and international relations up until the eve of the First World War. This work demonstrates that the anti-slave trade operations which took place in Zanzibar inspired many navy officers, consuls, diplomats, Foreign Secretaries, and lawyers – whether British, French, or American – on the theory and the practice of “humanitarian interventions”. Indeed, the history of anti-slave trade operations implemented in the Zanzibar Sultanate sheds a new light on the history of the concept of humanitarian intervention, or “intervention in the score of humanity” – (“l’intervention d’humanité”) – as it was then called. This research underlines how these humanitarian interventions unceasingly swung between genuine humanitarian ideals and pressing imperial issues
16
Jeangène, Vilmer Jean-Baptiste. « Au nom de l'humanité ? : histoire, droit, éthique et politique de l'intervention militaire justifiée par des raisons humanitaires ». Thèse, Paris, EHESS, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/4242.
Texte intégralRésumé :
L’intervention militaire justifiée par des raisons humanitaires est une constante de
l’ordre international, désignée par différentes appellations : intervention d’humanité au XIXe
siècle, intervention humanitaire (humanitarian intervention) dans la tradition anglophone,
droit ou devoir d’ingérence en France, responsabilité de protéger depuis quelques années.
L’objectif de cette thèse interdisciplinaire est de comprendre ce phénomène complexe dans
toutes ses dimensions – historique, juridique, éthique et politique – et d’élaborer une théorie
réaliste de l’intervention par l’analyse de cinq critères : cause juste, autorité légitime, bonne
intention, dernier recours et proportionnalité.
Nous montrons que le réalisme n’est pas une conception amorale de la politique
étrangère mais une exigence épistémologique d’analyser les relations internationales comme
elles sont plutôt que comme l’on voudrait qu’elles soient. Que l’intervention dite humanitaire
n’est pas, contrairement à un préjugé répandu, un phénomène récent, ni même hérité du XIXe
siècle, mais qu’on peut en retracer la généalogie sur plusieurs millénaires dans plusieurs
civilisations. Qu’aucune des terminologies employées n’est satisfaisante. Qu’il faut
abandonner le critère de bonne intention car l’Etat intervenant n’est pas, ne peut pas et ne doit
pas être désintéressé. Qu’il est possible de défendre un interventionnisme minimal, dans
certains cas et à certaines conditions, tout en assumant cette absence de désintéressement, la
sélectivité des interventions, le risque d’abus et l’incertitude du résultat.Military intervention justified on humanitarian grounds is a constant of the international order, designated by different names: “intervention d’humanité” in the nineteenth century, humanitarian intervention in the English-speaking tradition, “droit” or “devoir d’ingérence” in France, responsibility to protect the last few years. The aim of this interdisciplinary dissertation is to understand this complex phenomenon in all its dimensions - historical, legal, ethical and political - and develop a realistic theory of intervention by the analysis of five criteria: just cause, legitimate authority, right intention, last resort and proportionality. We show that realism is not an amoral conception of foreign policy but an epistemological commitment to analyze international relations as they are rather than as we would like them to be. That so-called humanitarian intervention is not, contrary to a widespread prejudice, a recent phenomenon, or even inherited from the nineteenth century. We can trace its genealogy in several millennia in many cultures. That none of the terminology used is satisfactory. That one must abandon the criterion of good intention because the intervening state is not, cannot and should not be disinterested. That it is possible to defend a minimal interventionism, in some cases and under certain conditions, while assuming the lack of disinterestedness, the selectivity of interventions, the risk of abuse and the uncertainty of the result.
Réalisé en cotutelle avec le Centre de recherches politiques Raymond Aron de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS) de Paris, pour un doctorat en études politiques.
17
VAN, DIJK Boyd. « The making of the Geneva conventions : decolonization, the Cold War, and the birth of humanitarian law ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/48765.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 6 November 2017Examining Board: Prof. Dirk Moses, University of Sydney (EUI/External Supervisor); Prof. Federico Romero, European University Institute (EUI); Prof. Paul Betts, University of Oxford; Prof. Samuel Moyn, Yale University
The Geneva Conventions of 1949 are generally considered the most important codified rules ever formulated for times of war. Conventional wisdom considers them as a liberal humanitarian response to the Second World War. Tracing the international, imperial, and intellectual foundations of these treaties, this dissertation breaks with many traditional explanations by uncovering humanitarian law’s mixed and contested origins. It does so by reconstructing the interwar and postwar drafting debates regarding four principal questions, namely: the protection of civilians, irregulars, the regulation of civil and colonial wars, and of air (and atomic) warfare. It shows in detail how the birth of the Conventions was intimately connected to competing political visions of different key actors. Rising Cold War tensions, the memories of occupation and genocide, the outbreak of civil and colonial wars, and the changing character of the international order, all shaped the way in which they reemerged from the 1940s. The dissertation, which is based upon multinational and newly uncovered archival materials, prompts a fundamental shift with respect to the history of humanitarian law. It uses a comparative approach, focusing on the internal and public debates among and within the four major state and non-state drafting parties of this revision process – France, the ICRC, United Kingdom, and the United States. While adhering to recent approaches to international legal history, it seeks to critically examine the origins of, and the connections between, configurations of humanity and human rights at the start of the Cold War and at the end of empire.
18
Keady, Joseph. « A Translation of Dominik Nagl’s Grenzfälle with an Introductory Analysis of the Translation Process ». 2020. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/masters_theses_2/881.
Texte intégralRésumé :
My thesis is an analysis of my own translation of a chapter from Dominik Nagl's legal history 'Grenzfälle,' which addresses questions of citizenship and nationality in the context of the German colonies in Africa and the South Pacific. My analysis focuses primarily on strategies that I used in an effort to preserve the strangeness of a linguistic context that is, in many ways, "foreign" to twenty first-century North Americans while also striving to avoid reproducing the violence embedded in language that is historically laden with extreme power disparities.