Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Humanitarian assistance – History »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les listes thématiques d’articles de revues, de livres, de thèses, de rapports de conférences et d’autres sources académiques sur le sujet « Humanitarian assistance – History ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Articles de revues sur le sujet "Humanitarian assistance – History"
1
PANARINA, Daria S. "HUMANITARIAN COOPERATION IN THE HISTORY OF RUSSIAN-PHILIPPINE RELATIONS." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 1 (54) (2022): 168–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-1-1-54-168-192.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article highlights the history of Russia as a donor of humanitarian aid and development assistance on the world stage, primarily in the post-Soviet period, the issue of treating Russia as a donor in the world community. In addition, the author touches upon several cases of Russian humanitarian assistance to the Philippines over the past decade (between 2012 and 2018). And finally, the article talks about Russia's contribution to the aftermath and fight against the coronavirus pandemic in different countries of the world, including the Philippines, as part of the provision of humanitarian assistance in emergency situations.
2
Middleton, Neil, and Phil O'keefe. "Politics, history & problems of humanitarian assistance in Sudan." Review of African Political Economy 33, no. 109 (2006): 543–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0305624060101067.
Texte intégral
3
Jakovljević, Boško. "The right to humanitarian assistance—Legal aspects—." International Review of the Red Cross 27, no. 260 (1987): 469–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400023159.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Throughout history man has been exposed to all kinds of disasters; but in modern times mankind has become aware of its responsibility towards those struck by disasters, and of its increased capability of coping with their consequences. Out of this growing awareness arose the concept of humanitarian assistance as a reflection of solidarity; this was followed by the formulation of legal rules governing such activity. Parallel to the need to provide humanitarian assistance is the corresponding right to such assistance.
4
Harat, Aleksandra, Michał Chojnacki, and Krzysztof Leksowski. "Humanitarian aid of the European Union and United Nations: actions, responsibilities, and finances." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 29, no. 29 (2015): 65–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bog-2015-0025.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The main purpose of the article is to analyze humanitarian aid provided by the European Union and the United Nations. The research includes a review of existing documents, reports, and studies on world humanitarian assistance. The main issues and findings analyzed in this study are the evolution of the humanitarian assistance provided by the European Union and the United Nations and the role of the European Community Humanitarian Aid Office – ECHO and the Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs - OCHA – as units responsible for organization and financial issues. On the basis of the history and key events, the finances, and significant projects in the field of humanitarian aid implemented by the EU and the UN are presented. Finally, the authors attempt to assess the effectiveness of assistance.
5
McKenzie, Kevin. "The humanitarian imperative under fire." Journal of Language and Politics 8, no. 3 (2009): 333–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.8.3.01mck.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper explores how speakers manage the dilemmatic tension between competing demands for accountability in mundane explanations of humanitarian assistance in settings of armed conflict. Taking as analytic data talk recorded in interviews with the personnel of aid agencies and various non-governmental organizations (NGOs) who work in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT), we examine how demands for both non-partisan impartiality, on the one hand, and sympathetic alignment with the victims (or losing parties) of armed conflict, on the other, feature in the explanations that humanitarian aid workers formulate to account for their professional activities. While non-partisanship features as a source of legitimacy given that humanitarian assistance is regarded as a response to universal human suffering, the source of that suffering in armed conflict necessitates recognition of the antagonist-protagonist and victim relationship in order for aid recipients to be identified. Everyday accounts of aid work function to mitigate the otherwise mutually exclusive relationship between competing assumptions that inform the logic of humanitarian assistance.
6
Steinert, Johannes-Dieter. "British Humanitarian Assistance: Wartime Planning and Postwar Realities." Journal of Contemporary History 43, no. 3 (2008): 421–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009408091821.
Texte intégral
7
Dhillon, BA, MB BCh BAO, LRCPSI, DRCOG, Paul Singh. "Health Emergencies in Large Populations: A disaster medicine learning experience." American Journal of Disaster Medicine 6, no. 3 (2011): 137–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5055/ajdm.2011.0053.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Health Emergencies in Large Populations course, organized by the International Committee of the Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, is delivered in a decentralized manner by a number of academic centers around the world. It was one of the first formal educational opportunities developed for those in humanitarian assistance organizations, and its initial aim was to upgrade professionalism in humanitarian assistance programs conducted in emergency situations.This article summarizes the history and describes the current content, structure, and costs of the course.
8
Forsythe, David P. "The International Committee of the Red Cross and humanitarian assistance: A policy analysis." International Review of the Red Cross 36, no. 314 (1996): 512–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400076117.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In today's armed conflicts and complex emergencies more civilians suffer than combatants. After the Cold War one could identify a zone of turmoil in which civilian suffering was acute. But one could also identify a zone of stability from which operated a complicated system of humanitarian assistance designed to respond to civilian suffering. Media coverage emphasized the suffering, but never before in world history had such a kaleidoscope of humanitarian actors tried to provide emergency relief during armed conflicts and complex emergencies. Inevitably calls were heard for better organization and coordination, and in 1991–92 the United Nations created a Department of Humanitarian Affairs (DHA).
9
Wynn-Pope, Phoebe, Yvette Zegenhagen, and Fauve Kurnadi. "Legislating against humanitarian principles: A case study on the humanitarian implications of Australian counterterrorism legislation." International Review of the Red Cross 97, no. 897-898 (2015): 235–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383115000612.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe humanitarian principles – humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence – have come to characterize effective humanitarian action, particularly in situations of armed conflict, and have provided a framework for the broader humanitarian system. Modern counterterrorism responses are posing significant challenges to these principles and the feasibility of conducting principled humanitarian assistance and protection activities. This article explores the origins of the principles, the history behind their development, and their contemporary contribution to humanitarian action. The article then discusses some of the ways in which the principles are threatened, both by practice and by law, in the Australian context, and finally makes suggestions as to how the principles can be reclaimed and protected for the future of effective, impartial humanitarian action.
10
Zamore, Leah. "Refugees, Development, Debt, Austerity: A Selected History." Journal on Migration and Human Security 6, no. 1 (2018): 26–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241800600102.
Texte intégralRésumé :
There is a consensus among global policymakers that the challenges facing refugees today arise, in no small part, from the treatment of forced displacement as predominately a short-term humanitarian problem and the consequent exclusion of refugees from long-term development assistance. This paper agrees that refugees — a majority of whom spend years, a large number decades, some lifetimes in exile — constitute a development challenge, not only a humanitarian one. But it departs from the prevailing consensus which has tended to underemphasize the historical role of certain development policies in contributing to the status quo of refugee poverty in the first place. The paper places particular emphasis in that regard on policies of austerity and of laissez-faire. In their stead, it argues in favor of approaches to development that are proactively egalitarian and redistributive.
Thèses sur le sujet "Humanitarian assistance – History"
1
Thusi, Thokozani. "Mission impossible? Linking humanitarian assistance and development aid in political emergencies in Southern Africa: The case of Mozambique between 1975-1995." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2001. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of this research is to highlight both the conceptual and practical factors that constrain attempts to link humanitarian assistance and development aid in political emergencies in Southern Africa by using the case study of Mozambique in the period between 1975-1995. Extensive use and reference to Norwegian relief and development aid during the above-mentioned period is made. Although cross-reference is made to other donor countries such as the Like-minded Group (comprising of Canada, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands, Norway and Switzerland) and UN agencies that supported Mozambique's transition from war to peace, the major focus is on Norway as she has traditionally been the sixth largest bilateral donor by the early 1990's and incorporated long-term development priorities in her programs.
2
Scott-Smith, Tom. "Defining hunger, redefining food : humanitarianism in the twentieth century." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a19a116e-21b6-4cac-aef1-1a1feb642ba2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis concerns the history of humanitarian nutrition and its political implications. Drawing on aid agency archives and other historical sources, it examines how food has been delivered in emergencies, from the First World War to the present day. The approach is ethnographic: this is a study of the micro-level practices of relief, examining the objects distributed, the plans made, the techniques used. It is also historical: examining how such practices have changed over time. This thesis makes five interlocking arguments. First, I make a political point: that humanitarian action is always political, and that it is impossible to adhere to ‘classical’ humanitarian principles such as neutrality, impartiality and independence. Second, I make a sociological argument: that the activities of humanitarian nutrition have been shaped by a number of themes, which include militarism, medicine, modernity, and markets. Third, I make a historical argument: that the main features of humanitarian nutrition were solidified between the 1930s and the 1970s, and were largely in place by the time of the Biafran war. Fourth, I make a sociological argument: that these mid-century changes involved a profound redefinition of hunger and food (with hunger conceived as a biochemical deficiency, and food as a collection of nutrients). Finally, I make a normative argument, suggesting that this redefinition has not necessarily benefited the starving: the provision of food in emergencies, I argue, is often concerned with control and efficiency rather than the suffering individuals themselves.
3
Gandois, H. N. A. "The emergence of regional security organisations : a comparative study on ECOWAS and SADC." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:82c09a8b-6a13-45dc-b017-a89ceaaea7f8.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The emergence of regional security organisations during the 1990s in Africa proved to be of great significance for the lives of many Africans, including those living in conflict-torn countries such as Liberia, Sierra Leone, Côte d’Ivoire or the Democratic Republic of Congo, but, at the same time, this phenomenon has been understudied. This dissertation explores why regional security organisations with an agenda of democratic governance emerged in Africa in the 1990s. This question is answered with two in-depth case studies on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Driven by an empirical puzzle, this study is both hypothesis-testing and hypothesis generating. The study starts by laying out the different possible factors put forward by several bodies of theory in international relations to explain the emergence of ECOWAS and SADC as security organisations. These hypotheses are then tested throughout the history and the evolution of ECOWAS and SADC in order to highlight the circumstances of their creation and their qualified failure as economic communities. This is followed by a comparative analysis of the security and democracy mandates entrusted to ECOWAS and SADC by its member states based on the study of the legal texts that outline the specific objectives of each regional security organisation and the tools they were given to implement their mandates. The study finally analyses the implementation records of ECOWAS and SADC in order to assess the commitment of their member states to their new democracy and security mandate. The research concludes with the two following hypotheses: 1) A security agenda cannot emerge without the involvement of the regional hegemon. 2) What the regional hegemon can do, including affecting the speed of the transformation, is constrained by the acceptance of its leadership by its neighbours (legitimacy) and by state weakness (capability).
4
Rohr, Karl C. "Progressive reconstruction a methodology for stabilization and reconstruction operations." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Sep%5FRohr.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Karen Guttieri. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-100). Also available in print.
5
Rodrigo, Annelise. "Sauver les plus irremplaçables ? : une histoire du refuge canadien par les associations pendant la Seconde guerre mondiale." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019TOU20062.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse retrace la mobilisation d'associations canadiennes venant en aide aux réfugiés durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. L'étude de cette mobilisation collective - le refuge - éclaire la volonté de secours canadienne face aux dangers et persécutions menaçant les réfugiés entre décembre 1938 et octobre 1945. À partir des sources des deux principaux acteurs du refuge consacrés aux réfugiés - le Canadian National Committee on Refugees (CNCR) et les comités du Canadian Jewish Congress (CJC) - la thèse propose un regard intermédiaire sur l'assistance et l'accueil canadiens tout au long du conflit, entre histoire de la politique migratoire et étude des mouvements de populations. En suivant le rythme du refuge, la thèse retrace la structure complexe de la mobilisation collective constituée d'une dizaine d'organisations opposées par des rivalités idéologiques, politiques et territoriales. En tirant les fils de ce " sac de nœuds associatif ", l'étude du refuge fait ressortir la catégorisation du réfugié dans un Canada ne distinguant pas ceux-ci des migrants classiques. Confrontée au refus gouvernemental d'admettre des réfugiés au Canada, la mobilisation collective ne reste pas isolée du reste de la population canadienne et sollicite son appui pour ouvrir les frontières canadiennes aux personnes persécutées. Le refuge développe alors deux propagandes reflétant la collaboration interne à la mobilisation collective, notamment entre le comité du CJC consacré aux récoltes de fonds - l'United Jewish Refugee and Relief Agencies - et le CNCR. Face à la politique restrictive du gouvernement canadien, le refuge développe un secours à distance, participant à l'aide humanitaire réalisée par des organisations états-uniennes, et détermine une stratégie d'assistance fondée sur la discrétion. Celle-ci a pour objet de contourner les règles migratoires canadiennes et de préparer l'accueil de potentiels réfugiés. L'arrivée des réfugiés apparaît alors comme le point culminant du refuge<br>This thesis traces the mobilization of Canadian associations helping refugees during the Second World War. The study of this collective mobilization - the refuge - sheds light on Canada's willingness to help in the face of the dangers and persecutions threatening refugees between December 1938 and October 1945. Based on the sources of the two main refugee actors in the refuge - the Canadian National Committee on Refugees (CNCR) and the committees of the Canadian Jewish Congress (CJC) - the thesis provides an intermediate perspective on Canadian assistance and reception throughout the conflict, between the history of migration policy and the study of population movements. By following the rhythm of the refuge, the thesis retraces the complex structure of collective mobilization made up of about ten organizations opposed by ideological, political and territorial rivalries. By pulling the threads out of this "associative knot bag", the study of the refuge highlights the categorization of the refugee in a Canada that does not distinguish them from traditional migrants. Faced with the government's refusal to admit refugees to Canada, collective mobilization does not remain isolated from the rest of the Canadian population and seeks its support to open Canada's borders to persecuted people. The shelter then developed two propaganda messages reflecting internal collaboration in collective mobilization, notably between the CJC's fundraising committee - the United Jewish Refugee and Relief Agencies - and the CNCR. Faced with the restrictive policy of the Canadian government, the shelter develops remote relief, participating in humanitarian aid carried out by American organizations, and determines an assistance strategy based on discretion. Its purpose is to bypass Canadian migration rules and prepare for the reception of potential refugees. The arrival of the refugees then appears as the highest point of the refuge
6
Jones, Lee C. "ASEAN, social conflict and intervention in Southeast Asia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c17c8000-e2f2-46c2-a421-5a94a94bea0d.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis challenges the prevailing academic and journalistic consensus that ASEAN states, bound by a cast-iron norm of non-interference, do not intervene in other states’ internal affairs. It argues that ASEAN states have frequently engaged in acts of intervention, often with very serious, negative consequences. Using methods of critical historical sociology, the thesis reconstructs the history of ASEAN’s non-interference principle and interventions from ASEAN’s inception onwards, drawing on sources including ASEAN and UN documents, US and UK archives, and policymaker interviews. It focuses especially on three case studies: East Timor, Cambodia, and Myanmar. The thesis argues that both the emergence of ideologies of non-intervention and their violation can be explained by the social conflicts animating state policies. Non-interference was developed by embattled, authoritarian, capitalist elites in an attempt to bolster their defence of capitalist social order from radical challenges. Where adherence to non-intervention failed to serve this purpose, it was discarded or manipulated to permit cross-border ‘containment’ operations. After communism was defeated in the ASEAN states, foreign policy continued to promote the interests of dominant, state-linked business groups and oligarchic factions. Non-interference shifted to defend domestic power structures from the West’s liberalising agenda. However, ASEAN elites continued meddling in neighbouring states even as containment operations were discarded. This contributed to the collapse of Cambodia’s ruling coalition in 1997, and ASEAN subsequently intervened to restore it. The 1997 Asian financial crisis dealt a crippling blow to ASEAN. To contain domestic unrest in Indonesia, core ASEAN states joined a humanitarian intervention in East Timor in 1999. In the decade since, non-interference has been progressively weakened as the core members struggle to regain domestic legitimacy and lost international political and economic space. This is expressed most clearly in ASEAN’s attempts to insert itself into Myanmar’s democratisation process after decades of failed ‘constructive engagement’.
7
Boitel, Anne. "Des camps de réfugiés aux centres de rétention administrative : la Cimade, analyse d'une action dans les lieux d'enfermement et de relégation (de la fin des années 1930 au début du XXIe siècle)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM3096.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Association d'origine protestante, la Cimade naît en 1939 pour venir en aide aux Alsaciens-Lorrains repliés dans le sud-ouest de la France. Son action s'oriente vers l'accueil des réfugiés dans les lieux d'enfermement et de relégation. Son histoire permet d'aborder sous un angle particulier les années 1940, les camps d'internement français et la Shoah, la Libération, l'épuration, la reconstruction et les mutations du système pénitentiaire. La Cimade œuvre durant la Guerre d'Algérie auprès des populations algériennes dans les camps de regroupement et en métropole dans les centres d'accueil des familles harkies comme indochinoises et dans les bidonvilles où vivent les travailleurs post-coloniaux. Enfin,le gouvernement fait appel à la Cimade en 1984 pour intervenir dans les centres de rétention administrative auprès des étrangers reconduits à la frontière. Sa présence est exclusive jusqu'en 2007. L'histoire de cette association permet de saisir comment d'une assistance humanitaire, l'action bascule vers une "juridiciarisation" dès les années 1970. La continuité de sa présence livre une lecture originale de la gestion des étrangers en France. Interface entre "le dedans et le dehors", la Cimade est en tension permanente avec l'Etat. Association de terrain, pouvant sembler participer à la cogestion du système de l'enfermement, elle ne renonce pas à son militantisme ancré à gauche et dénonce ce qu'elle considère comme des cas d'injustices. Son action est représentative de l'ambiguïté de l'interventionnisme associatif. Ce travail de thèse met en lumière les repositionnements et la progressive sécularisation d'une association protestante qui traverse une partie du XXème siècle,"siècle des camps"<br>Originally a Protestant association,the Cimade was created in 1939 to help people from Alsace-Lorraine,who had taken refuge in the south-west of France.Its action was mainly based on welcoming refugees in confinement and banishment places.Its history helps to understand the 1940s,the French internment camps and the Shoah as well as the purge then post-war reconstruction and the penitentiary reform.During the Algerian war,the association worked both in grouping camps in Algeria and in France where the members of the FLN were assigned.During decolonisation,it gave assistance to harkies and Indochinese families in reception centres as well as to post-colonial workers in shanty towns.As soon as 1984,the government urged the Cimade to work with foreigners escorted to the border in administrative confinement centres.Its presence was exclusive until 2007.The history of this association helps to understand how humanitarian assistance became a cause lawering in the early 1970s.Its permanent presence in camps enables us to consider the specific approach to the governments policies concerning foreigners in France.Working as an interface between "the inside and the outside",the Cimade,throughout its history,was in constant tension with govenments.Although being an association in the field,seemingly involved in joint management of the confinement system,the Cimade didn’t give up its left-centered activism, denouncing what they considered as a justice denial. Its action is representative of the ambiguities of the associations interventionism.This research highlights the repositioning and the progressive secularization of the association throughout the 20th century,the century of camps
8
VAN, DIJK Boyd. "The making of the Geneva conventions : decolonization, the Cold War, and the birth of humanitarian law." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/48765.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 6 November 2017<br>Examining Board:
Prof. Dirk Moses, University of Sydney (EUI/External Supervisor);
Prof. Federico Romero, European University Institute (EUI);
Prof. Paul Betts, University of Oxford;
Prof. Samuel Moyn, Yale University<br>The Geneva Conventions of 1949 are generally considered the most important codified rules ever formulated for times of war. Conventional wisdom considers them as a liberal humanitarian response to the Second World War. Tracing the international, imperial, and intellectual foundations of these treaties, this dissertation breaks with many traditional explanations by uncovering humanitarian law’s mixed and contested origins. It does so by reconstructing the interwar and postwar drafting debates regarding four principal questions, namely: the protection of civilians, irregulars, the regulation of civil and colonial wars, and of air (and atomic) warfare. It shows in detail how the birth of the Conventions was intimately connected to competing political visions of different key actors. Rising Cold War tensions, the memories of occupation and genocide, the outbreak of civil and colonial wars, and the changing character of the international order, all shaped the way in which they reemerged from the 1940s. The dissertation, which is based upon multinational and newly uncovered archival materials, prompts a fundamental shift with respect to the history of humanitarian law. It uses a comparative approach, focusing on the internal and public debates among and within the four major state and non-state drafting parties of this revision process – France, the ICRC, United Kingdom, and the United States. While adhering to recent approaches to international legal history, it seeks to critically examine the origins of, and the connections between, configurations of humanity and human rights at the start of the Cold War and at the end of empire.
9
Zeccola, Paul Gerard. "The dilemmas of new humanitarianism : NGO responses to the separatist conflict and the Indian Ocean tsunami between 1998 and 2008 in Aceh, Indonesia." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150772.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is about the theory and practice of 'new humanitarianism' in the context of converging disasters in Aceh, Indonesia. The main question of this thesis is: what is the relationship between humanitarian assistance and human rights in practice? In order to answer this question, the study examines the challenges local and international non-governmental organisations (NGOs) faced as they engaged in human rights and humanitarian work during both the conflict (1998-2004) and post-tsunami (2004-2008) periods. It investigates the tensions inherent in the 'new humanitarian' approach of combining 'traditional' humanitarian assistance, such as the provision of food, shelter and medical care, with more political, human rights-oriented activities including advocacy, protection and conflict transformation. Discussing the relationship between humanitarian assistance and human rights, the study stresses the fundamental, practical dimensions of new humanitarianism rather than theoretical concerns. It finds that juxtaposing humanitarian principles with human rights and political activities treats humanitarianism as consisting of extremes only. The key to new humanitarianism in practice might not lie in fundamental revisiting of first principles. Rather, the study argues for a 'grounded humanitarianism' approach to the field of humanitarian studies that considers the day-to-day realities and challenges faced in humanitarian action. Grounded humanitarianism should not be limited to the study of international humanitarian actors alone. The findings illustrate that local NGO approaches, while deeply embedded in local political contexts and struggles, were not dissimilar to those that international 'new humanitarian' NGOs espoused. Both groups regularly weighed up the costs and benefits of any particular action. Conventional approaches to the study of humanitarian action tend to overlook the vital role that local humanitarian actors play. Yet locals are always the first to respond to disasters and have a lasting stake in ensuring a beneficial outcome for their community. Local groups in Aceh provided many examples of strategies in combining advocacy, protection and conflict transformation activities alongside humanitarian assistance, often at great personal risk. For theorists of humanitarian action, bringing local actors into the picture allows us to appreciate a more complete, nuanced understanding of the challenges and opportunities for humanitarian assistance. New humanitarians need to be modest in their goals, rather than believing that humanitarianism has the power to transform political structures. The form that humanitarian action will take in any crisis will depend on a range of features, including domestic politics, funding exigencies, the presence of 'competing disasters', and organisational culture. Ultimately, greater consideration should be given to the day-to-day realities that contribute to, or deduct from, new humanitarian approaches. -- provided by Candidate.
10
Zou, Dongxin. "Socialist Medicine and Maoist Humanitarianism: Chinese Medical Missions to Algeria, 1963-1984." Thesis, 2019. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-yxkb-pw05.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As China was recovering from disease, starvation, and death that resulted from the authoritarian policies of the Great Leap Forward, Chinese officials looked outwards to “heal” Africa. From 1963, a steady trickle of Chinese doctors and nurses arrived in Algeria, providing health care for rural and suburban communities, before expanding their care throughout the continent of Africa. This dissertation explores the experiences of the medical mission workers in Algeria during the first two decades of China’s medical aid program. It documents the rise of a globalizing China in the post-colonial world through the highly significant, yet heretofore overlooked, medical and humanitarian networks between Chinese provincial health institutions and Algerian medical facilities. It shows that the exchange of medical technology, drugs, and practices between China and Algeria crossed not only physical borders, but also boundaries between different systems of medicine and visions of development.
Amidst the geopolitics of the Cold War, Chinese medical aid formed an alternative model of postcolonial international health care intervention in Third World countries. Central to this model was what I call “Chinese socialist medicine,” a body of hybrid medical knowledge and socialized health care delivery. Chinese socialist medicine not only challenged medical elitism by devising new, egalitarian approaches and ethical models, but also heavily relied on improvised medical technology and “scientized” acupuncture, which crossed epistemological boundaries between Western and Chinese medicines. Using a combination of Chinese, Arabic, and French textual and video sources, oral interviews, and clinical observations, this study analyzes the mobilization of human resources to Algeria, the application of mixed technologies of biomedicine and Chinese medicine, efforts to build medical supply infrastructure to manage local health problems, and China’s ambitions to transplant Chinese socialist healthcare ethics and ideals to Algerian communities. During this process, China’s socialist medicine emerged as a hybrid and flexible product of Maoist ideals for social welfare and internationalism. It constantly redrew its boundaries in Algeria by competing with medical missions from other socialist countries and recruiting local health actors to its enterprise.
The dissertation argues that China’s medical aid in the form of socialist medicine was a channel for the projection of China’s soft power in global health governance. It demonstrates that medicine and internationalism were integral to China’s political history in the Mao period. Mao’s China was hardly “xenophobic” or inwardly focused, but rather tangibly connected with the rest of the world by flows of people, ideas, materials, and technologies. Socialist China during this era was in fact committed to building its global presence through networks of soft power, including humanitarian aid and medicine. Resting at the intersection of Cold War politics, the history of medicine, and global humanitarianism, the dissertation shows that China’s medical missions served as an ideological and methodological alternative in postcolonial health management within the global South.
Livres sur le sujet "Humanitarian assistance – History"
2
Empire of humanity: A history of humanitarianism. Cornell University Press, 2011.
Trouver le texte intégral
3
Humanitarian reason: A moral history of the present times. University of California Press, 2012.
Trouver le texte intégral
5
Abrisketa, Joana. Derechos humanos y acción humanitaria. Departamento para los Derechos Humanos, el Empleo y la Inserción Social de la Diputacion Foral de Gipuzkoa, 2004.
Trouver le texte intégral
6
Dexaletı̂ mirovane le Kurdistan. Dezgay Çap u Biławkirdinewey Aras, 2004.
Trouver le texte intégral
7
Schümer, Tanja. New humanitarianism: Britain and Sierra Leone, 1997-2003. Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.
Trouver le texte intégral
8
Queen's University (Kingston, Ont.). Centre for International Relations, ed. Darfur: Reflections on the crisis and the responses. Centre for International Relations, Queen's University, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégral
9
Benatia, Farouk. Les actions humanitaires pendant la lutte de liberation: [1954-1962]. Dahlab, 1997.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Humanitarian assistance – History"
1
Irwin, Julia F. "Disastrous Grand Strategy." In Rethinking American Grand Strategy. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190695668.003.0019.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter traces the evolution of the US government’s international disaster assistance policy, beginning at the dawn of the nineteenth century and culminating with the landmark enactment of Public Law (P.L.) 94–161, the International Development and Food Assistance Act of 1975. Avowing the United States’ readiness to provide humanitarian relief in the wake of foreign catastrophes, it empowered the president (or his appointed delegates) to furnish relief and short-term rehabilitation assistance to any country affected by “natural or manmade disasters.” With this act, US international disaster assistance was officially codified as an instrument of US foreign policy. The chapter then analyzes the state's gradually expanding role in the humanitarian sphere in light of the shifting architecture of nineteenth- and twentieth-century US grand strategy. If a grand strategy framework can help make sense of US international disaster assistance, studying the history of catastrophes and disaster relief—and the history of humanitarian aid, more broadly—also stands to say something new about US grand strategy itself.
2
Khlebnikov, Alexey. "Information Warfare and the Role of Global Humanitarians." In Everybody's War. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197514641.003.0008.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter expresses concern with the one-sided nature of humanitarian actors’ narratives from Syria, which is promoted by international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) through their large presence in the media. It discusses how these humanitarian actors’ narratives contributed heavily to the growing alienation and intransigence between the opposition and the government, making any meaningful dialogue between them nearly impossible. It also mentions the humanitarian actors’ contribution to the spread of disinformation in the Syrian war due to their presence on only one side of the conflict. The chapter refers to humanitarian actors who continued to defy the constraints on providing assistance by finding ways to deliver aid inside areas under siege and by speaking out against the complete disregard for civilian life and infrastructure by the warring parties. It reviews the history of contemporary humanitarian organizations’ formation, as well as their role and the activities in which they have participated.
3
Dewachi, Omar, Fouad Gehad Marei, and Jonathan Whittall. "Contested Statehood." In Everybody's War. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197514641.003.0002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter outlines how the history of health care in Syria has shaped the way in which wartime health care has been delivered and controlled. The chapter analyzes the claim by humanitarian organizations to a form of neutrality in the Syrian war, which was ultimately incompatible with the way the Syrian state and the opposition saw aid delivery as part of the battle for statehood. It also mentions how service providers to areas controlled by the opposition were seen by the Syrian government as complicit in directly challenging the legitimacy of the state. The chapter looks at opposition groups that co-opted humanitarian assistance to enforce their own legitimacy to the population.
4
Feldman, Ilana. "No Exit." In Life Lived in Relief. University of California Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520299627.003.0002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter explores the definition, history, and experience of the refugee category. It considers the apparently paradoxical fact that a category that is not meant to provide political status—that is intended rather to hold politics in abeyance—is a starting point for politics in the humanitarian condition. It looks at the specific challenges of the Palestinian refugee category—delineated by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) to determine eligibility for assistance, not to account for all who suffered losses in 1948. The chapter traces operational changes in the category over decades. It also considers how Palestinians, of multiple generations, have lived with and sometimes against the category. It describes tensions about the political meaning of refugee status.
5
Bitar, Maher Anawati. "Internal Displacement in the Occupied Palestinian Territories: Politics and the Loss of Livelihood." In Dispossession and Displacement. British Academy, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264591.003.0004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Between December 2008 to January 2009, the Israel militaries assaulted the Gaza Strip displacing over 50,000 people. This assault accentuated the already long history of Palestinian forced migration. It created ‘internally stuck persons’ (ISPs) who were no longer able to flee conflict areas to safer grounds. For the ISPs, the Gaza Strip has become a prison which is controlled by outside force. Within the context of open-air prison, the ISPs have become ‘internally displaced persons’ because they are compelled to remain within this circumscribed boundary. IDPs receive less assistance and protection than refugees. This chapter discusses the scope, extent and repercussions of the involuntary migratory movements within the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt) of the West Bank and East Jerusalem. It focuses on the physical barrier created by the Government of Israel (GoI) within the oPt. Although the displacement in Gaza, the East Jerusalem, and the West Bank is often triggered by similar and indirect factors, the latter two areas face a distinct set of triggers. A review of the preliminary displacement patterns have shown that forced displacement is both a result of and a means by which the GoI has expanded its hold of East Jerusalem and the prime areas of the West Bank. This review thus asserts that displacement cannot be simply viewed as a humanitarian crisis or a consequence of conflict or Israel’s security needs.
6
Gardner, Anthony. "The Partnership between the USA and the European Union." In Europe's Transformations. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192895820.003.0016.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Western values are under attack all over the world, including in some of the oldest democracies. Populist demagogues are being voted into government in free elections, rather than by seizing power. The political middle appears to be hollowed out as extreme movements gain force. Yet the Western model, frequently predicted to be in danger of imminent collapse, lives on. For one set of values to collapse, another set of values needs to gain widespread acceptance. That prerequisite may never be achieved. China has proven that rapid and sustained economic growth is possible within an autocratic governance system. Its success in lifting hundreds of millions out of poverty into the middle class is rightly viewed as a historic achievement. But it has failed to inspire global admiration for its values, despite major efforts to project its influence culturally and diplomatically, and through massive investment in infrastructure around the world. News about China’s social scoring system, increasing drift toward a cult of personality under Xi Jinping, systematic surveillance, and massive internment of Muslims has contributed to unease about China. The USA and the EU still have an opportunity to ensure the continued relevance of the West as they work together along with other allies under the Biden administration, just as they did so often in the past (prior to the Trump administration) on issues of global importance, including trade, climate change, foreign aid and humanitarian assistance, data privacy, and human rights.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Humanitarian assistance – History"
1
Katheryna, Synytsya, and Greta Keremidchieva. "MEDICAL TERMINOLOGY ASSISTANCE TO MULTINATIONAL PARTNERS THROUGH M-LEARNING." In eLSE 2012. Editura Universitara, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-12-054.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Knowledge of medical-related terminology and communication skills are essential for multinational partners participating in a wide variety of missions - combat, stabilization, humanitarian support and natural disaster relief. In case of injures and sickness they need to know basic medical terminology in English to evaluate the situation, arrange for MEDEVAC or coordinate health services. Although the First aid and MEDEVAC topics are included into many language training programs, participants are unable to use health-related vocabulary in challenging situations due to the lack of language practice and limited training time. The purpose of the study was to identify specific needs of the multinational partners in medical terminology, explore a range of technology-enhanced language learning strategies for vocabulary extension and refreshing, and suggest a framework for medical terminology assistance based on mobile learning. The study started with needs analysis to reveal specific language gaps and challenges in use of common medical terminology that may be addressed by individual mobile learning. It was intended to identify typical communication situations and vocabulary that should be addressed. Native and non-native English speakers from 14 NATO and partner countries (officers and civilians) who had participated in stability operations and other missions around the world were interviewed and answered questionnaire. Additionally, 5 instructors who teach medical and health-related English to future mission participants were interviewed. As a result, three main areas of vocabulary were identified: parts of body, injuries and other health issues (feelings, symptoms), and medical assets/devices used for first aid and healthcare prescriptions. Most typical communication situations were related to car accidents, MEDEVAC calls, taking a person to the hospital, and writing a report about the accident. To identify the best way of exploiting mobile learning for language assistance to the multinational partners we focused on clarifying differences between e-learning and m-learning and identifying specific features of m-learning that may be beneficial and even unique in supporting terminology acquisition for the multinational audience. Early research in m-learning emphasized limitations of the mobile devices, such as size of the display, reduced input, small memory, abridged or specific OS version, and lack of standards, which positioned m-learning as a specific case of e-learning. However, rapid evolution of mobile technologies, their recent features, including efficient and reliable tactile display, automated adjustment of the resolution and the like, put m-learning on an equal footing with e-learning. Moreover, as distribution of mobile devices significantly exceeds the number of personal computers, and “digital native” generation uses these devices extensively not only for communication but also for accessing information on the web, mobile access to e-learning content may increase several times in the near future. M-learning is perceived to be more flexible, more personalized, more interactive, and more engaging. Due to smaller portions of content and shorter learning session times, m-learning becomes a natural activity during transfer or waiting periods. Moreover, continuous use of the personal mobile device appeals to personalization of learning content through contextual and learning history relevancy. Integrating learning, communication, information exchange and assistance, mobile device became a natural enhancer/extender of the individuals’ capabilities. Extensive study of the literature on vocabulary learning strategies and their computer-based implementation suggested a range of learning activities useful for vocabulary acquisition. However, not all of them promise to be efficient in this specific case, as they do not address individual difficulties and initial vocabulary, short intervals of time that may be devoted to learning, limited attention to language learning due to other priorities, lack of translation to mother language. Moreover, most of the widely used vocabulary extension activities are reading-based, whereas video and audio samples are not properly tagged for share and reuse in vocabulary refreshing. Game-based and context-driven vocabulary acquisition strategies raise learning motivation but their efficiency comparing to memorization-based approach has not been measured. In the final part of the study, requirements to the mobile learning environment for medical terminology support are formulated and examples of language learning activities for mobile devices are described.
2
Mazur-Kumrić, Nives, and Ivan Zeko-Pivač. "TRIGGERING EMERGENCY PROCEDURES: A CRITICAL OVERVIEW OF THE EU’S AND UN'S RESPONSE TO THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC AND BEYOND." In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18300.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The large-scale COVID-19 pandemic is a severe public health emergency which poses distressing social and economic challenges to the international community as a whole. In order to provide immediate and effective support to affected welfare and healthcare systems as well as to build their lasting, inclusive and sustainable recovery, both the European Union and the United Nations have introduced a number of urgent measures aiming to help and protect citizens and economies. This paper looks into the specificities of urgent procedures launched and carried out by the two most influential international organisations with a view to rapidly respond to the unprecedented COVID-19 crisis. More specifically, it focuses on the involved institutions and steps of urgent procedures as well as on their most remarkable outcomes. In the case of the European Union, the emphasis is put primarily on two Coronavirus Response Investment Initiatives (CRIIs), adopted during the Croatian Presidency of the Council in one of the fastest legal procedures in the history of the European Union, and the Recovery Assistance for Cohesion and the Territories of Europe (REACT-EU) as an extension of the CRIIs’ crisis repair measures. The overarching United Nations’ response is assessed through an analysis of its urgent policy agenda developed on the premise that the COVID-19 pandemic is not only a health and socio-economic emergency but also a global humanitarian, security and human rights crisis. This particularly includes procedures foreseen by the Global Humanitarian Response Plan (GHRP) and the Strategic Preparedness and Response Plan (SPRP). In addition, the aim of the paper is to provide a critical overview of the subject by highlighting three pivotal elements. First, the paper sheds light on the financial aspects of the urgent fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, necessary for turning words into action. Notably, this refers to funds secured by the Multiannual Financial Frameworks 2014-2020 and 2021-2027, and the Next Generation EU recovery instrument, on the one hand, and the UN COVID-19 Response and Recovery Fund, the UN Central Emergency Response Fund and the Solidarity Response Fund, on the other hand. Second, it offers a comparative evaluation of the end results of the European and global emergency procedures in mitigating the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic. Finally, it summarises the underlying elements of measures governing the aftermath of the ongoing crisis, i.e. those promoting a human-centred, green, sustainable, inclusive and digital approach to future life.