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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Human rights – History – 21th century »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Human rights – History – 21th century"

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Osmaev, Abbaz. « Socio-Political Processes in the Chechen Republic in the Context of the Counter-Terrorist Operation (1999—2009) ». ISTORIYA 12, no 10 (108) (2021) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017107-6.

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The events in the Chechen Republic of the late 20th — early 21th century, especially the counter-terrorism operation (the second “Chechen war”), have become the object of close attention of politicians of various levels and political views, as well as historians, political scientists, sociologists of Russia and the world. The existing assessments of the counterterrorist operation in Chechnya are extremely polarized and numerous also because it almost immediately outgrew a local-regional character, becoming a higher-order phenomenon that has a serious impact on the domestic and foreign policy of the Russian Federation. The problems of preserving territorial integrity and the right of nations to self-determination, the need for a tough fight against terrorism and respect for human rights, conducting military operations using the army on their territory and preserving the constitutional rights and freedoms of citizens are intertwined in one tangle. The Russian, European and American expert communities have paid and continue to pay considerable attention to various aspects of the problems related to the conduct of the counter-terrorism operation in the Chechen Republic, its consequences, results, and the current situation in the region, giving assessments according to their political views and preferences. However, in general, the huge volume of accumulated sources and various research papers on this problem can be stumped — at least the most preliminary work is required to assess the historiography of the “Chechen wars” and specific problems related to the nature of the source base. The peculiarities of the internal policy of the Russian Federation, its involvement in armed conflicts in Ukraine and Syria, the unstable situation in the Caucasus as a whole, undoubtedly have an impact on the intensification of terrorist manifestations in Russia. Moreover, the roots of a number of emerging problems go back to the period of the counter-terrorist operation in the Chechen Republic. Terrorism has evolved in recent years, destabilizing the internal State security for a long time. And although at present the situation in this direction is steadily normalizing, new threats nevertheless appear, and they require scientific understanding and the organization of counteraction on a scientific basis.
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Hanfling, Oswald. « Rights and Human Rights ». Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 58 (mai 2006) : 57–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246106058048.

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The concept of rights, as has often been noted, became prominent at a particular time in our history. It is associated especially with seventeenth and eighteenth century political ideas about the rights of individuals versus those of governments, and with such notable events as the American Declaration of Independence. It was at this time, too, that debates about rights of property and liberty became prominent. What was the role of this concept in earlier times? Has it always existed? Does it have a permanent place in our moral thinking? According to H.L.A. Hart,
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Herindrasti, V. L. Sinta. « 21 LESSONS FOR THE 21TH CENTURY HUMAN SEARCH FOR THE MEANING OF EXISTENCE ». Sociae Polites 19, no 1 (20 juin 2018) : 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v19i1.1644.

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Hanfling, Oswald. « Rights and Human Rights ». Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 58 (mars 2006) : 57–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246100009310.

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The concept of rights, as has often been noted, became prominent at a particular time in our history. It is associated especially with seventeenth and eighteenth century political ideas about the rights of individuals versus those of governments, and with such notable events as the American Declaration of Independence. It was at this time, too, that debates about rights of property and liberty became prominent. What was the role of this concept in earlier times? Has it always existed? Does it have a permanent place in our moral thinking? According to H.L.A. Hart,the concept of a right, legal or moral, is not to be found in the work of the Greek philosophers, and certainly there is no noun or noun phrase in Plato or Aristotle which is the equivalent of our expression ‘a right’, as distinct from ‘right action’ or ‘the right thing to do’.
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Encarnación, Omar G. « Trump and the Retreat from Human Rights ». Current History 116, no 793 (1 novembre 2017) : 309–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2017.116.793.309.

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Ryblova, Marina A. « Widows in a Traditional Family and the Don Cossack Community ». Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no 1 (2021) : 279–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.117.

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Based on the analysis of materials from the Don periodicals of the second half of the 19th century as well as data from field ethnographic studies of the late 20th — early 21th century collected in places of compact residence of the Don Cossacks, the article reveals the status and functions of widows in the Don Cossack community and family. The cardinal changes in the situation of widowed women in the family and community, in the economic and ceremonial spheres of life are shown, and the mechanisms for their adaptation to the new status are revealed. Features of the militarized way of life in the Don Cossack communities had an impact on the position of widows in the family and community. They determined their high status associated with the main social function — the guardians of the military glory of husbands. The special property rights of widows and their active participation in the life of the community, including Cossack self-government, were associated with this. The community secured widows’ rights to land allotment of the deceased husband and his property, defended the rights of the widow and her children, focusing not only on legislation, but also on customary law. In the Cossack milieu, there were also forms of psychological rehabilitation of widows: their inclusion in the ritual life of the family and community, support through the communities of odnosumy (fellow soldiers) and odnosumok (“female fellow soldiers”). These mechanisms enabled women who found themselves in difficult life situations to find a new place in society, opened opportunities for psychological rehabilitation, spiritual realization and continuation of an active social life.
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Zhussipbek, Galym, et Zhanar Nagayeva. « Epistemological Reform and Embracement of Human Rights. What Can be Inferred from Islamic Rationalistic Maturidite Theology ? » Open Theology 5, no 1 (1 janvier 2019) : 347–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opth-2019-0030.

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Abstract The authors argue that there is an epistemological crisis of conservative Islamic scholarship and Muslim mind, rooted in the centuries-old confinement of a role for reason within strict limits, and in the disappearance of rationalistic discursive theology (kalam) as a dynamic science. Moreover, epistemological crisis is exemplified by seriously insufficient level of protection of human rights under Sharia when judged by contemporary principles of human rights. This crisis demands a necessity of undertaking epistemological reform, which denotes the incorporation of international standards of human rights and justice into the epistemology and methodology of producing Islamic norms (usul al-fiqh). It is argued that the key epistemological premises of rationalistic Islam, such as acceptance that human reason can find goodness and badness independently from revelation and non-acceptance of ethical voluntarism, may offer a good ground to make epistemological reform, which would induce the Muslims to critically approach and reinterpret the pre-modern religious interpretations and to construct an Islamic legal and ethical system that is appropriate for the context of the 21th century. In the end, reason, being the human capacity for shaping reality in a humane way, is indispensable to read religious sources from a historical-metaphorical point of view.
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Kelly, Duncan. « Revisiting the Rights of Man : Georg Jellinek on Rights and the State ». Law and History Review 22, no 3 (2004) : 493–529. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4141687.

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A century has passed since the publication in Germany of a now famous essay on the rights of man by the Heidelberg professor of public law, Georg Jellinek. Over the course of that century, although a “rights revolution” has undoubtedly taken place, numerous practical problems remain in trying to enforce the basic proposition that “all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.” Such problems have led one recent commentator to suggest that perhaps the only meaningful defense of human rights is one based on “moral reciprocity” and secular humanism because any attempts to prioritize human rights on either religious grounds, for example, or that of intrinsic human value, are doomed to failure.
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Borbor, Dariush. « Iran's Contributions to Human Rights, the Rights of Women and Democracy ». Iran and the Caucasus 12, no 1 (2008) : 101–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338408x326235.

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AbstractMost scholars generally pre-suppose that the concept of democracy is the exclusive creation of classical Greece and a token of the West to the rest of the world. This concept has originated mainly due to the fact that much of the ancient Iranian history was only known through classical Greek writings before the ever-increasing archaeological finds and decipherments of ancient Near Eastern primary sources, which have shed a very different light on the subject. This paper attempts to alleviate and restore a few of the more vital recurring misunderstandings, misinterpretations and misconceptions in this field, and endeavours to present them in a more realistic historic and historiographic perspective in the light of the latest available scholarship. Beginning in 2200 B.C. Old Elamite Kingdom, was the first manifestation in the world of a structured and, at times, democratically elected heads of state based on matriarchal right of descent. Beginning in Elam and continuing at least to the beginning of the Islamic period, no ancient peoples, including the Greeks and the Egyptians, have surpassed the practice of the rights of women, and the equality of men and women as in Iran. In early 7th century B.C. Iran, the pronouncement by Zoroaster, through Avestan literature, was the first manifestation of the rights of women and unequivocal equality of gender in all aspects and positions of society. In the second part of the 7th century B.C. Media, we encounter the ratification by popular vote of the first constitution for a democratically elected confederated empire, headed by Dioces, who was the first recorded popularly elected emperor. In 539 B.C., we come upon the declaration of the first generally accepted Charter of Rights of Nations by Cyrus the Great. In 522-486 B.C., in the reign of Darius the Great, appeared the first confirmation of a written entrenched democratic constitution. In the 4th century A.D. (or earlier) Sasanian Iran, the first appearance of an advanced system of Common Law based on well-documented jurisprudence was materialised. And finally, the confederated system of government in Iran, which survived the vicissitudes of history and changes of several dynasties, remained in force one way or the other to become the most enduring system of government in world history spanning a period of two-and-half millennia.
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Walton, Charles. « Why the neglect ? Social rights and French Revolutionary historiography ». French History 33, no 4 (décembre 2019) : 503–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crz089.

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Abstract Despite the rise of ‘human rights’ histories in recent decades, the subset of social rights has been largely neglected. To the degree that social rights—to subsistence, work and education—are acknowledged, they tend to be treated as ‘second-generation rights’—as mid-twentieth-century additions to the corpus of civil and political rights stretching back to the eighteenth century. This article shows that debates over social rights also stretch back to that period. The author discusses why historians of the French Revolution have largely neglected social rights. One reason has to do with post-Cold War conceptions of human rights, which stress their liberal rather than socio-economic content. Another has to do with the recent tendency to subsume the ‘social’ within late eighteenth-century liberal political economy. In their effort to recast revolutionaries as ‘social liberals’—as espousing free markets and social welfare—historians have obscured deep tensions over social rights and the obligation, or ‘duty’, to finance them.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Human rights – History – 21th century"

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Milner, Wesley T. « Progress or Decline : International Political Economy and Basic Human Rights ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1999. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2180/.

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This dissertation is a cross-national, empirical study of human rights conditions in a dynamic international political economy. The scope of the examination covers 176 developed and developing countries from 1980 through 1993. Through evaluating the numerous theoretical aspects of human rights conceptualization, I draw upon Shue's framework and consider whether there are indeed "basic rights" and which rights should fit into this category. Further, I address the debate between those who claim that these rights are truly universal (applying to all nations and individuals) and those who argue that the validity of a moral right is relative to indigenous cultures. In a similar vein, I empirically investigate whether various human rights are interdependent and indivisible, as some scholars argue, or whether there are inherent trade-offs between various rights provisions. In going beyond the fixation on a single aspect of human rights, I broadly investigate subsistence rights, security rights and political and economic freedom. While these have previously been addressed separately, there are virtually no studies that consider them together and the subsequent linkages between them. Ultimately, a pooled time-series cross-section model is developed that moves beyond the traditional concentration on security rights (also know as integrity of the person rights) and focuses on the more controversial subsistence rights (also known as basic human needs). By addressing both subsistence and security rights, I consider whether certain aspects of the changing international political economy affect these two groups of rights in different ways. A further delineation is made between OECD and non-OECD countries. The primary international focus is on the effects of global integration and the end of the Cold War. Domestic explanations that are connected with globalization include economic freedom, income inequality and democratization. These variables are subjected to bivariate and multivariate hypothesis testing including bivariate correlations, analysis of variance, and multiple OLS regression with robust standard errors.
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Probert, Thomas John William. « The politics of human rights in the United States of America and in the United Kingdom, 1963-76 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648500.

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Cameron, Calla. « Grave Breaches : American Military Intervention in the Late Twentieth- Century and the Consequences for International Law ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1677.

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The duality of the United States’ relationship with international criminal law and human rights atrocities is a fascinating theme that weaves through all of American history, but most distinctly demonstrates the contradictory nature of American foreign policy in the latter half of the 20th century. America is both protector of human rights and perpetrator of human rights atrocities, global police force and aggressor. The Cold War exacerbated the tensions caused by American military dominance. The international political and physical power of the American military allowed the United States to do as it pleased in the 20th century with few consequences, but that power also brought watchfulness from the global community and an expectation that the United States would intervene when rogue states or leaders committed crimes against humanity. The international legal community has expected the United States to act and illegally intervene in some situations, but to pursue policy changes peacefully through diplomatic channels on other occasions.
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Dunnington, Jeffrey. « A Study of the Journal of Elisha P. Hurlbut, American Social Reformer, 1858-1887 ». VCU Scholars Compass, 2014. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/3325.

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The life of Elisha P. Hurlbut (1807-1889) has been mostly forgotten since his death. This examination of his personal journal, which he wrote from 1858 to 1887, brings back to the forefront an influential figure that lived most of his life in and around Albany, New York. Prior to beginning the journal, Hurlbut was a lawyer and then a Supreme Court justice in New York. Seven years after retiring from public life in 1851, he commenced work on the journal that provided a detailed social and political commentary on New York, the United States, and the world as a whole. While the journal offers detailed insight into many specific subjects, this thesis focuses on Hurlbut’s views and expertise in civil rights, religion, and phrenology. This body of work will demonstrate how he shaped arguments for equality for all people, despised the influence of organized religion, and was a leader in phrenological studies.
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Fahlbusch, Markus. « European integration in the field of human rights protection : the interaction on the basis of different constitutional cultures ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209162.

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The present thesis suggests that judicial interaction can benefit constructive solutions of concrete human rights problems as a specific way of integrating European human rights protection. This affirmation is substantiated by case studies examining the interaction of the European Court of Human Rights with the UK House of Lords and Supreme Court on the one hand and with the German Federal Constitutional Court on the other. Yet, the manner in which the courts proceed in their interaction, notably in view of their potentially conflictual stances, can deflect from the concentration on constructively solving the substantive human rights problem with which the courts are confronted. Accordingly, the courts might be inclined to preserve the status quo of their initial positions and to resort to a mere compromise between the different interests involved.

This thesis identifies two major factors in the courts’ reasoning that inhibit the fruitful discussion of the substantive human rights questions brought up by the cases: the reference to “culture” and the focus on their institutional relationship with the balancing of possibly conflicting interests. By way of analysing practical cases against a legal- and political-theoretical backdrop, this work develops how these two factors contribute to the obstruction of a constructive interaction between the courts and to the shielding of controversial views from being discussed and challenged. In response, also by reference to the concrete practice of the courts, this thesis puts forward an approach to the interaction which avoids this inhibiting effect and therefore allows for a comprehensive, deep and critical discussion on how to solve the specific human rights problems raised by the cases./La présente thèse soutient que l’interaction judiciaire peut bénéficier à des solutions constructives des problèmes concrets de droits de l’homme comme une forme spécifique d’intégration de la protection européenne des droits de l’homme. Cette affirmation est corroborée par des études de cas qui examinent l’interaction de la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme avec la House of Lords et la Cour suprême du Royaume-Uni d’un côté et avec la Cour constitutionnelle fédérale de l’Allemagne de l’autre. Pourtant, la manière dont les cours procèdent dans leur interaction, notamment au vu de leurs points de vue potentiellement conflictuels, peut détourner l’attention de la solution constructive des problèmes substantiels des droits de l’homme auxquels les cours font face. En conséquence, il se peut que les cours soient susceptibles de préserver le statu quo de leurs positions initiales et d’avoir recours à un simple compromis entre les différents intérêts en cause.

Cette thèse identifie deux facteurs majeurs dans le raisonnement des cours qui entravent la discussion fructueuse des questions substantielles soulevées par les cas :la référence à la « culture » et la concentration sur leur relation institutionnelle avec le balancement des intérêts possiblement conflictuels. Au moyen de l’analyse des cas pratiques sur le fond de la théorie juridique et politique, ce travail fait ressortir comment ces deux facteurs contribuent à l’obstruction d’une interaction constructive entre les cours et à la protection des opinions controversées contre leur discussion et défi. En réponse, également en se fondant sur la pratique concrète des cours, cette thèse avance une approche quant à l’interaction qui évite cet effet inhibant et, par conséquent, permet une discussion complète, profonde et critique de comment résoudre les problèmes spécifiques de droits de l’homme posés par les cas.


Doctorat en Sciences juridiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Bourgeat, Emilie. « Penality, violence and colonial rule in Kenya (c.1930-1952) ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f33d9b21-f1b4-43cb-bb38-595e5989b931.

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Within the research field of colonial violence, scholars focused on wars of conquest or independence and tended to picture counterinsurgency campaigns as an exceptional deployment of state violence in the face of peculiar threats. In colonial Kenya, the British repression of the Mau Mau uprising of the 1950s has been the object of extensive and thorough analysis, contrasting with the lack of research on colonial punishment during the preceding decades. Yet the unleashing of state violence during the 1950s actually has a much longer history, lurking in the shadows of the criminal justice system that British powers introduced in the colony in the late nineteenth century. In contrast to previous scholarship, this study shows how ordinary colonial violence - although massively scaled up during the 1950s - was progressively normalised, institutionalised and intensified throughout the colonial experience of the 1930s and 1940s, laying the ground for the deployment of a counterinsurgency campaign against Mau Mau fighters.
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Fernandez, Soriano Victor. « Le fusil et l'olivier : l'Espagne franquiste, la Grèce des colonels et les droits de l'Homme en Europe, 1949-1977 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209476.

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La consolidation des droits de l'Homme comme principe politique du processus d'intégration européenne fut articulée par les relations entre la Communauté économique européenne et les dictatures franquiste en Espagne et des colonels en Grèce. Ces deux régimes aspiraient à maintenir un statut d'États associés à la CEE :les débats politiques qui furent tenus à leur égard contribuèrent à la fixation d'une conditionnalité politique pour la participation au processus d'intégration européenne.
Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Gilman, Daniel. « The Acoustics of Abolition : Recovering the Evangelical Anti–Slave Trade Discourse Through Late-Eighteenth-Century Sermons, Hymns, and Prayers ». Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/24055.

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This thesis explores the late-eighteenth-century movement to end Britain’s transatlantic slave trade through recovering one of the major discourses in favour of abolition, namely that of the evangelical Anglicans. This important intellectual milieu has often been ignored in academia and is discovered through examining the sermons, hymns, and prayers of three influential leaders in this movement: Member of Parliament William Wilberforce, pastor and hymn writer John Newton, and pastor and professor Charles Simeon. Their oral texts reveal that at the heart of their discourse lies the doctrine of Atonement. On this foundation these abolitionists primarily built a vocabulary not of human rights, but of public duty. This duty was both to care for the destitute as individuals and to protect their nation as a whole because they believed that God was the defender of the enslaved and that he would bring providential judgement on those nations that ignored their plight. For the British evangelicals, abolishing the slave trade was not merely a means to avoid impending judgement, but also part of a broader project to prepare the way for Jesus’s imminent return through advancing the work of reconciliation between humankind and God as they believed themselves to be confronting evil in all of its forms. By reconfiguring the evangelical abolitionist arguments within their religious framework and social contexts, this thesis helps overcome the dissonance that separates our world from theirs and makes accessible the eighteenth-century abolitionist discourse of a campaign that continues to resonate with human rights activists and scholars of social change in the twenty-first-century.
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Pouthier, Tristan. « Droit naturel et droits individuels en France au dix-neuvième siècle ». Thesis, Paris 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA020050/document.

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Les droits individuels consacrés en France par les déclarations des droits de la période révolutionnaire ont engendré tout au long du XIXe siècle un corps de droit positif destiné à organiser leur exercice légal. La doctrine de droit public a fourni à cette époque, par le biais des ouvrages, des revues et de l’enseignement, un important effort de théorisation de ce corps de droit inédit. Or il est frappant de constater le peu de souvenirs qui ont été conservés aujourd’hui de cet effort théorique. Les divers discours sur les droits individuels qui ont émaillé la période révolutionnaire nous demeurent en réalité bien mieux connus que la doctrine du siècle suivant : la pensée contemporaine reste par exemple en terrain connu lorsqu’elle démêle au sein des discours de la fin du XVIIIe siècle les influences croisées de Locke, de l’École moderne du droit naturel ou de l’Encyclopédie. En revanche, la réflexion menée par la doctrine publiciste du XIXe siècle sur les droits individuels est tombée dans l’oubli parce qu’elle nous est devenue culturellement étrangère. Le cadre intellectuel et moral au sein duquel la théorie des droits individuels a pu être élaborée à cette époque s’est en effet désagrégé définitivement au tournant des XIXe et XXe siècles, pour laisser la place à une domination sans partage du positivisme juridique. Le but de la présente thèse est de rouvrir l’accès à un moment bien déterminé de la réflexion française sur les droits individuels, en replaçant le travail mené par la doctrine publiciste du XIXe siècle dans le cadre de la culture juridique de l’époque. Elle adopte à cette fin une perspective large incluant l’apport,d’une part, de l’histoire de la philosophie, et, d’autre part, de l’histoire de la doctrine juridique et de l’enseignement du droit. La théorie publiciste des droits individuels au XIXe siècle ne devient en effet pleinement intelligible que mise en rapport avec la doctrine très particulière du droit naturel qui a dominé durant un siècle dans l’université française, et qui a profondément imprégné la culture juridique du temps
The individual rights which were consecrated in France by the declarations of rights from the revolutionary era brought about all through Nineteenth century a body of law which aimed at organizing the legal exercise of these rights. Public law professors made an important effort at that time to theorize this novel body of law through books, scholarly reviews and teaching. It is striking thus to notice that very few memories were kept of this effort. We have far better knowledge today of the several discourses on individual rights which marked the revolutionary era than of the Nineteenth century thinking on these same rights. For instance,contemporary thought remains familiar with intellectual influences on French revolutionaries such as Locke’s, the Modern School of natural law’s or theFrench Encyclopedia’s. On the contrary, the reflection led by Nineteenth century public law scholars on individual rights has been forgotten because it has become estranged from us from a cultural point of view. Indeed, the intellectual and moral framework within which the theory of individual rights was developed at that time collapsed by the turn of the Twentieth century, thus opening the way tothe unrivaled domination of legal positivism. The aim of this doctoral dissertation is to allow a renewed access to this specific moment of the French thinking on individual rights, by setting the theory of individual rights developed by Nineteenth century public law scholars within the wider framework of the legal culture of their time. To this end, the dissertation adopts a wide perspective which includes contributions of both history of philosophy and history of legal science. Indeed, the Nineteenth century legal theory of individual rights becomes fully intelligible only when related to the very specific doctrine of natural law which dominated during a century within French universities, a doctrine which deeply marked the legal culture of that time
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HOFFMANN, Florian F. « Are Human Rights Transplantable ? Reflections on a pragmatic theory of human rights under conditions of globalization ». Doctoral thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4659.

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Awarded the Mauro Cappelletti Prize for the best comparative law doctoral thesis, 2005.
Defence date: 26 January 2004
Supervisor: Wojciech Sadurski (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Livres sur le sujet "Human rights – History – 21th century"

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Wolfgang, Benedek, Feyter K. de, Marrella Fabrizio et European Inter-University Centre for Human Rights and Democratisation, dir. Economic globalisation and human rights. Cambridge, UK : Cambridge University Press, 2007.

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Fusun, Ozerdem, dir. Human security in Turkey : Challenges for the 21st century. London : Routledge, 2013.

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Kaye, Mike. Arrested development : Discrimination and slavery in the 21st century. [London] : Anti-Slavery International, 2008.

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The end of human rights : Critical legal thought at the turn of the century. Oxford : Hart Pub., 2000.

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Reynolds, Moira Davison. Women champions of human rights : Eleven U.S. leaders of the twentieth century. Jefferson, N.C : McFarland, 1991.

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Soviet dissidents : Their struggle for human rights. 2e éd. Boston : Beacon Press, 1985.

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Rubenstein, Joshua. Soviet dissidents : Their struggle for human rights. 2e éd. Boston : Beacon Press, 1985.

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Quataert, Jean H. The gendering of human rights in the international systems of law in the twentieth century. Washington, D.C : American Historical Association, 2006.

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Jordan, Goodman, McElligott Anthony 1955- et Marks Lara 1963-, dir. Useful bodies : Humans in the service of medical science in the twentieth century. Baltimore : Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003.

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Fictions of dignity : Embodying human rights in world literature. Ithaca : Cornell University Press, 2013.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Human rights – History – 21th century"

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Bromley, Patricia, et Susan Garnett Russell. « The Holocaust as History and Human Rights : A Cross-National Analysis of Holocaust Education in Social Science Textbooks, 1970–2008 ». Dans As the Witnesses Fall Silent : 21st Century Holocaust Education in Curriculum, Policy and Practice, 299–320. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-15419-0_17.

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Liu, Daniel. « Scaling from Weather to Climate ». Dans Cultural Inquiry, 93–117. Berlin : ICI Berlin Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37050/ci-17_05.

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One of the theoretical tensions that has arisen from Anthropocene studies is what Dipesh Chakrabarty has called the ‘two figures of the human’, and the question of which of these two figures of the human inheres in the concept of the Anthropocene more. On the one hand, the Human is conceived as the universal reasoning subject upon whom political rights and equality are based, and on the other hand, humankind is the collection of all individuals of our species, with all of the inequalities, differences, and variability inherent in any species category. This chapter takes up Deborah Coen’s argument that Chakrabarty’s claim of the ‘incommensurability’ of these two figures of the human ignores the way both were constructed within debates over how to relate local geophysical specificities to theoretical generalities. This chapter examines two cases in the history of science. The first is Martin Rudwick’s historical exploration of how geologists slowly gained the ability to use fossils and highly local stratigraphic surveys to reconstruct the history of the Earth in deep time, rather than resort to speculative cosmological theory. The second is Coen’s own history of imperial, Austrian climate science, a case where early nineteenth-century assumptions about the capriciousness of the weather gave way to theories of climate informed by thermodynamics and large-scale data collection.
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« HUMAN RIGHTS : HISTORY, DEVELOPMENT AND CLASSIFICATION ». Dans Human Rights : 21st Century, 49–60. Routledge-Cavendish, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781843140474-8.

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Bates, Ed. « 1. History ». Dans International Human Rights Law. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198767237.003.0001.

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This chapter traces the historical development of the concept of human rights and their status in international law. It first discusses human rights on the domestic plane, focusing on the key developments since the late eighteenth century, and then examines international law from the perspective of human rights over the period up to the Second World War. Finally, the chapter considers the efforts to create a universal system of human rights protection in the 1940s, culminating with the proclamation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948.
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Bates, Ed. « 1. History ». Dans International Human Rights Law, 3–22. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198860112.003.0001.

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This chapter traces the historical development of the concept of human rights and their status in international law. It first discusses human rights on the domestic plane, focusing on the key developments since the late eighteenth century, and then examines international law from the perspective of human rights over the period up to the Second World War. Finally, the chapter considers the efforts to create a universal system of human rights protection in the 1940s, culminating with the proclamation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948.
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« Human rights on a world stage : the 19th century and the interwar decades ». Dans Human Rights in World History, 102–39. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203119952-9.

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Marino, Katherine M. « History and Human Rights ». Dans Feminism for the Americas, 225–36. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649696.003.0010.

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The Epilogue demonstrates how the UN Charter’s women’s and human rights promises inspired feminists throughout the Americas, and how the Cold War stifled the movement and largely erased the historical memory of inter-American feminism. Paulina Luisi and Marta Vergara helped organize an inter-American feminist meeting in Guatemala in 1947 that articulated broad meanings of inter-American feminism and global women’s and human rights. However, the Cold War’s pitched battle between communism and capitalism narrowed both “feminism” and “human rights” to mean individual political and civil rights. The Cold War also contributed to historical amnesia about this movement. The epilogue explores how Cold War politics affected each of the six feminists in the book. Each woman sought in different ways to archive the movement and write inter-American feminism into the historical record. The epilogue also provides connections between their movement and the global feminist and human rights movements that emerged in the 1970s through the 90s. It argues that the idea that “women’s rights as human rights” was not invented in the 1990s; rather, it drew on the legacy of early twentieth-century inter-American feminism.
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Brockman-Hawe, Benjamin E. « Investigating and ameliorating atrocities in the nineteenth century ». Dans The Routledge History of Human Rights, 37–56. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429324376-3.

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« 6. Promoting Human Rights In The Twenty-First Century : The Changing Arena Of Struggle ». Dans The History of Human Rights, 315–56. University of California Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520934917-009.

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« The rise of human rights in international politics ». Dans International History of the Twentieth Century and beyond, 579–604. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315739717-23.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Human rights – History – 21th century"

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Dmitriyev, Alexey. « The Welfare of Each and Everyone in Russian Legal Theory ». Dans The Public/Private in Modern Civilization, the 22nd Russian Scientific-Practical Conference (with international participation) (Yekaterinburg, April 16-17, 2020). Liberal Arts University – University for Humanities, Yekaterinburg, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35853/ufh-public/private-2020-24.

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The prerequisite for the study was the spread of views in the academic literature that the category of public welfare, without accounting for concretising factors, was a void abstraction, and that in Russia, public welfare was seen as the dominant principle over the individual. The main purpose of the study is to analyse the content of the term ‘the welfare of each and everyone’ in Russian legal theory. The author uses the methods of conceptual history and intellectual history to analyse the concept of ‘the welfare of each and everyone’ in the works of pre-revolutionary authors and the relationship between the concepts of ‘the welfare of each and everyone’ and ‘the common good’. The author determined that: ‘public welfare’ can be classified as fiction, purpose, method, interest and balance, depending on the context of use and semantic scope. The term ‘the welfare of each and every one’ became theoretically meaningful (as an objective, method, and interest), and was enshrined in law in Russian Empire in the XVIII -early XX centuries. The term was understood as achieving the common good, preserving the good of everyone and the reduction of public harm. Twentyfirst century Russian legal theory uses the related notion of ‘public welfare’, understood as a fiction, a goal, a method, an interest, a balance. The main findings of the study suggest that today the ‘public welfare’ is reduced to bringing benefits to anyone and everyone (D. I. Dedov), which is close to the historical understanding of ‘the welfare of each and every one’. The public welfare theory incorporates progressive elements such as the veil of ignorance, the win-win principle, and shapes institutions, resources, practices and formulates the issue of the emergence of a new generation of human rights.
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Đorđević, Miroslav. « LEGITIMITET VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA – IDEALIZAM BEZ REALNOG UPORIŠTA ». Dans 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.027dj.

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The Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (KSHS) of 1921 had for its goal to constitutionalize the organization of the new state, created after the end of the First World War: its organization of government, human and minority rights and freedoms, etc. and also to establish a new nation – the so called "nation with three names" or "three-tribe nation", i.e. – Yugoslavs, as the bearer of the identity of the new state. KSHS was to reconcile not only the nations with different history, mentality and language, but also nations who fought each other fiercely just until a few years back before the adoption of the Vidovdan Constitution. The constitutionalization of a unitary state in which the official language is "Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian" (which as such simply does not exist), ignored clear signals that the essential legitimacy for such state does not exist in a significant part of the country. The analysis of the political activities of the parties, their programs and the election results in the western territories of what was soon to become KSHS (especially in Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia – back then within the Austro-Hungary) shows a distinct anti-Serbian and especially anti-Yugoslav narrative since the middle of the 19th century and the political actions of Ante Starčević, Eugen Kvaternik, later Ivo Pilar and others. It is also clear that such chauvinist, extreme political standpoints, present to a far greater extent to be simply ignored, would turn out to be too much of a burden for the new state and nation, as well as for the Vidovdan Constitution itself, indirectly leading to its infamous end, declaration of dictatorship, assassination of King Alexander Karađorđević and finally the disintegration of the state and horrendous atrocities and genocide against Serbs in the Independent state of Croatia (NDH). In a certain way, the Vidovdan Constitution, due to the shortcomings in its legitimacy, traced the road to hell – paved with good intentions.
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Vicini, Fabio. « GÜLEN’S RETHINKING OF ISLAMIC PATTERN AND ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL EFFECTS ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/gbfn9600.

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Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society. In particular he has defended the role of Islam in the formation of individuals as ethically-responsible moral subjects, a project that overlaps significantly with the ‘secular’ one of forming responsible citizens. Concomitantly, he has shifted the Sufi emphasis on self-discipline/self-denial towards an active, socially- oriented service of others – a form of religious effort that implies a strongly ‘secular’ faith in the human ability to make this world better. This paper looks at the lives of some members of the community to show how this pattern of conduct has affected them. They say that teaching and learning ‘secular’ scientific subjects, combined with total dedication to the project of the movement, constitute, for them, ways to accomplish Islamic deeds and come closer to God. This leads to a consideration of how such a rethinking of Islamic activism has influenced po- litical and sociological transition in Turkey, and a discussion of the potential contribution of the movement towards the development of a more human society in contemporary Europe. From the 1920s onwards, in the context offered by the decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islamic thinkers, associations and social movements have proliferated their efforts in order to suggest ways to live a good “Muslim life” under newly emerging conditions. Prior to this period, different generations of Muslim Reformers had already argued the compat- ibility of Islam with reason and “modernity”, claiming for the need to renew Islamic tradition recurring to ijtihad. Yet until the end of the XIX century, traditional educational systems, public forms of Islam and models of government had not been dismissed. Only with the dismantlement of the Empire and the constitution of national governments in its different regions, Islamic intellectuals had to face the problem of arranging new patterns of action for Muslim people. With the establishment of multiple nation-states in the so-called Middle East, Islamic intel- lectuals had to cope with secular conceptions about the subject and its place and space for action in society. They had to come to terms with the definitive affirmation of secularism and the consequent process of reconfiguration of local sensibilities, forms of social organisation, and modes of action. As a consequence of these processes, Islamic thinkers started to place emphasis over believers’ individual choice and responsibility both in maintaining an Islamic conduct daily and in realising the values of Islamic society. While under the Ottoman rule to be part of the Islamic ummah was considered an implicit consequence of being a subject of the empire. Not many scientific works have looked at contemporary forms of Islam from this perspective. Usually Islamic instances are considered the outcome of an enduring and unchanging tradition, which try to reproduce itself in opposition to outer-imposed secular practices. Rarely present-day forms of Islamic reasoning and practice have been considered as the result of a process of adjustment to new styles of governance under the modern state. Instead, I argue that new Islamic patterns of action depend on a history of practical and conceptual revision they undertake under different and locally specific versions of secularism. From this perspective I will deal with the specific case of Fethullah Gülen, the head of one of the most famous and influent “renewalist” Islamic movements of contemporary Turkey. From the 1980s this Islamic leader has been able to weave a powerful network of invisible social ties from which he gets both economic and cultural capital. Yet what interests me most in this paper, is that with his open-minded and moderate arguments, Gülen has inspired many people in Turkey to live Islam in a new way. Recurring to ijtihad and drawing from secular epistemology specific ideas about moral agency, he has proposed to a wide public a very at- tractive path for being “good Muslims” in their daily conduct. After an introductive explanation of the movement’s project and of the ideas on which it is based, my aim will be to focus on such a pattern of action. Particular attention will be dedi- cated to Gülen’s conception of a “good Muslim” as a morally-guided agent, because such a conception reveals underneath secular ideas on both responsibility and moral agency. These considerations will constitute the basis from which we can look at the transformation of Islam – and more generally of “the religion” – in the contemporary world. Then a part will be dedicated to defining the specificity of Gülen’s proposal, which will be compared with that of other Islamic revivalist movements in other contexts. Some common point between them will merge from this comparison. Both indeed use the concept of respon- sibility in order to push subjects to actively engage in reviving Islam. Yet, on the other hand, I will show how Gülen’s followers distinguish themselves by the fact their commitment pos- sesses a socially-oriented and reformist character. Finally I will consider the proximity of Gülen’s conceptualisation of moral agency with that the modern state has organised around the idea of “civic virtues”. I argue Gülen’s recall for taking responsibility of social moral decline is a way of charging his followers with a similar burden the modern state has charged its citizens. Thus I suggest the Islamic leader’s pro- posal can be seen as the tentative of supporting the modernity project by defining a new and specific space to Islam and religion into it. This proposal opens the possibility of new and interesting forms of interconnection between secular ideas of modernity and the so-called “Islamic” ones. At the same time I think it sheds a new light over contemporary “renewalist” movements, which can be considered a concrete proposal about how to realise, in a different background, modern forms of governance by reconsidering their moral basis.
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