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Articles de revues sur le sujet "History of islam - islamic empire"
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Nur Atika Alias. « Model of Periodization of the History of Civilization and Phases of Development of Islamic Education ». HISTORICAL : Journal of History and Social Sciences 2, no 4 (27 décembre 2023) : 192–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.58355/historical.v2i4.91.
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This research aims to discuss the periodization model of the history of civilization and the development phases of Islamic education. The historical periodization of Islamic civilization and Islamic education developed simultaneously because education existed because of the existence of a civilization. Islamic civilization and education began with the presence of Islam in Mecca. The Prophet established that Islamic education is based on the Koran and Hadith so that all the values of Islamic education are found in the Koran. Harun Nasution divides the history of Islamic civilization into three periods, namely the classical period, the medieval period and the modern period. The development of Islamic education goes hand in hand with the historical development of Islamic civilization. In the classical period, Islamic education was centered on the Prophet, Khulfaur Rasyidin, the Umayyad daulah and the Abbasid daulah. In the middle period, Islamic education focused on three large empires, namely the Ottoman Empire in Turkey, the Safavid empire in Persia and the Mughal empire in India. Meanwhile, in the modern period Islamic education experienced significant changes because in the medieval period Islam experienced decline. Islamic education was born with a new face to develop Islamic education in various aspects.
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Muslimah, Elma, Faris Abyan Basyir, Imam Tabroni, Zhang Wei et Morse Kathryn. « The Safavid EmpireThe Degradation of Political Islam ». Journal Emerging Technologies in Education 1, no 3 (27 septembre 2023) : 144–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.55849/jete.v1i3.361.
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Background. After the end of the khulafaur rasyidin period, the history of Islamic civilization has been marked by the establishment of Islamic dynasties that played a role in the spread of Islam. However, after the Abbasid dynasty was destroyed by the Mongols, the light of Islam was dimmed.
Purpose. Wars and struggles for Islamic power took place everywhere. Even the books of Islamic science were destroyed.
Method. The political situation of Muslims as a whole only progressed again after the development of three major empires, namely the Ottoman Empire in Turkey, the Safawi Empire in Persia, and the Mughal Empire in India.
Results. The name Safawiyah is known in Islamic history as the name of the kingdom located in Iran, before becoming the Safawiyah kingdom this kingdom originated from the tariqah movement in Ardabil, Azerbaijan (Russian territory) which was established simultaneously with the Ottoman Empire in Turkey. Named Safawiyah because it was taken from the name of its founder, Safi al-Din, the Safawiyah kingdom adheres to the Shia school as its state school.
ConclusionThe founder of the safawiyah kingdom descended from the sixth Shia Imam. The fanaticism of the followers of the safawiyah order who opposed groups other than shia encouraged this movement to enter the political movement. The tendency towards politics emerged during the leadership of Junaid, who added political movements in addition to religious ones
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Yahaya, Nurfadzilah. « Juridical Pan-Islam at the Height of Empire ». Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no 2 (1 août 2021) : 253–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9127167.
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Abstract Located at the intersection of four regions, the Middle East, East Asia, Central Asia, and South Asia, Afghanistan is a country whose legal history is sure to be diverse and exciting at the confluence of multiple legal currents. In the book Afghanistan Rising: Islamic Law and Statecraft between the Ottoman and British Empires, Faiz Ahmed shows how Afghanistan could be regarded as a pivot for Islamic intellectual currents from the late nineteenth century onward, especially between the Ottoman Empire and South Asia. Afghanistan Rising makes us aware of our own assumptions of the study of Islamic law that has been artificially carved out during the rise of area studies, including Islamic studies. Ahmed provides a good paradigm for a legal history of a country that was attentive to foreign influences without being overwhelmed by them. While pan-Islamism is often portrayed as a defensive ideology that developed in the closing decades of the nineteenth century in reaction to high colonialism, the plotting of Afghanistan's juridical Pan-Islam in Ahmed's book is a robust and powerful maneuver out of this well-trodden path, as the country escaped being “landlocked” mainly by cultivating regional connections in law.
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Fawzani, Nurul, Islamiyah Sulaeman, Khairul Mizan, Wachida Muhlis et Zulfi Mubaraq. « History of Islamic Calligraphy in the Ottoman Empire ». Fajar Historia : Jurnal Ilmu Sejarah dan Pendidikan 7, no 2 (30 décembre 2023) : 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.29408/fhs.v7i2.12239.
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The history of Islamic civilization during the Ottoman Empire (1299-1922 AD) is important to study because the Ottoman Empire was the largest Islamic Daulah and ruled for a long time throughout history. The purpose of this writing is to understand three main aspects: firstly, to comprehend the development of calligraphy art during the Ottoman Empire era; secondly, to explore the factors contributing to the advancement of calligraphy art; and thirdly, to analyze the implications of this progress. The research method employed in this study is the historical method. The sources used in this research consist of books and journals related to the history of the Ottoman Empire. This writing resulted in three things. First, the form of Ottoman Empire calligraphy in the form of Al-Qur'an writing, ornaments on religious buildings, and the establishment of a calligraphy school. Second, the factors for the advancement of calligraphy are religious enthusiasm, support from leaders, and love for calligraphy. Third, the implications of the art of calligraphy are the emergence of a new style of calligraphy, Istanbul being the center of Islamic calligraphy, and calligraphy can be used as a medium for learning mathematics. The research is expected to contribute to the implementation of the art of calligraphy as a worldly reflection on the word and to contribute thoughts to the development of Islamic calligraphy.Sejarah peradaban Islam pada masa Turki Usmani (1299 M-1922 M) sangat penting untuk dikaji karena Turki Usmani merupakan Daulah Islam terbesar dan cukup lama berkuasa sepanjang sejarah. Tujuan tulisan ini bertujuan untuk memahami tiga hal yaitu ingin memahami perkembangan bentuk seni kaligrafi pada era Turki Usmani, faktor penyebab kemajuan seni kaligrafi dan implikasi kemajuan seni kaligrafi. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam studi ini adalah metode historis. Sumber-sumber yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah buku dan jurnal yang berkaitan dengan penelitian sejarah Kekaisaran Utsmaniyah. Tulisan ini menghasilkan tiga hal, Pertama, wujud kaligrafi Turki Usmani berupa penulisan Al-Qur’an, ornamen pada bangunan keagamaan, dan didirikannya sekolah kaligrafi. Kedua, faktor kemajuan kaligrafi yaitu semangat keagamaan, dukungan dari pemimpin, dan kecintaan terhadap kaligrafi. Ketiga, implikasi seni kaligrafi yaitu munculnya gaya baru kaligrafi, Istanbul menjadi pusat kaligrafi Islam, kaligrafi dapat digunakan sebagai media pembelajaran matematika. Penelitian diharapkan dapat memberikan kontribusi dalam pengimplementasian seni kaligrafi sebagai refleksi duniawi atas firman serta memberikan sumbangan pemikiran dalam pengembangan kaligrafi Islam.
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Hashmi, Sohail H. « Political Islam ». American Journal of Islam and Society 11, no 2 (1 juillet 1994) : 260–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v11i2.2431.
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This volume surveys the complex roles Islamic ideologies play in thepolitics of the Muslim world. The authors are distinguished scholars inIslamic history, philosophy, and law as well as specialists in the sociologyand politics of various Muslim countries. Despite their varied disciplinarybackgrounds and the vastness of their subject, the book features aremarkable degree of interconnection and does not sacrifice the analyticalspecificity needed for each essay.The volume's fourteen articles ate grouped into six broad categories:History of Islamic Political Theory and Practice. These essays offer twointerpretive histories of the evolution and cutrent status of Islam's role inthe political sphere. Ira Lapidus argues that Islamic political theory hasbeen governed by two paradigms, each grounded in a separate vision ofthe Islamic "golden age." The first paradigm is the "seamless" Islamicethos, a holistic conception of law, politics, and personal morality thatexisted at M a d i i under the Prophet and his four immediate politicalsuccessots. Even though this period lasted for barely four decades, it continuesto serve as the vision of the Islamic ideal, especially for the recurrentrevivalist movements and thinkes who have based their appealsupon this "first golden age." The second paradigm is chatactenzed by diffemtiatedreligious and secular institutions. Despite attempts by medievaljurists to maintain the theoretical church-state unity, Islamic Societies developedtacit and clearly articulated spheres of religious and secularauthority. This made it possible for the early Islamic empires to absorband then live with non-Islamic traditions and peoples (i.e., Persians andTurks). This "second golden age" is epitomized by the Ottoman Empire,which nxognized Islam as the "official" religion and whose ruler was acceptedas the titular caliph. Nevertheless, the fusion of teligion andpolitics was never complete, as reflected in the emergence of distinctly"religious" institutions parallel to those of the state.Modem Muslim states, Lapidus argues, are proof of the triumph ofthe second over the first paradigm. "Modern states can be seen as anexpression of the historical separation of state and Islam .... All hope ofsalvation has been concentrated in the nonstate realm, in the religio-civilcommunity, and in personal piety" (p. 23). As a result, states are notviewed by their own people, by and large, as the bearers of their religious ...
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Pirbhai, M. Reza. « Symbols of Authority in Medieval Islam ». American Journal of Islam and Society 30, no 2 (1 avril 2013) : 117–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i2.1138.
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This insightful book, useful to scholars and students of Islamic and SouthAsian history, illuminates the place of Islamic thought and institutions in thepolitical regimes of the Delhi Sultanate (1206-1526). Finding late approachesto the historiography of the period unduly focused on “fact” and “fiction,”rather than “meaning,” the author unravels the more complex relationshipbetween history and historiography in six pertinent chapters (p. xix). Theseare complemented by maps, illustrations, thorough endnotes, and a usefulbibliography. As a whole, the cohort of Persian histories read lead to the convincingconclusion that “historians played a major role in producing and sustainingideas about power, justice and Islamic rule of the premodern empire”(p. 160) ...
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Bosanquet, Antonia. « How the Umayyads Lost the Islamic West : Contrasting Depictions of the Uprising of 122/740 by Arab Historians ». Der Islam 100, no 2 (1 octobre 2023) : 397–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2023-0021.
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Abstract In 122/740 an uprising in the Far Maghrib triggered a series of rebellions that eventually ended Arab rule over the Islamic West. The event is not of key importance for the historians of the Islamic Empire, and when it is discussed, the focus tends to lie on the uprising’s significance for Arab rule in al-Andalus rather than the Maghrib. This study compares the most detailed accounts of the Uprising of 122 by early imperial historians such as al-Ṭabarī and Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam with those of later historians writing in the heartland of the Islamic Empire, such as Ibn al-Athīr and al-Dhahabī, and of historians situated further west, in al-Andalus and the Maghrib. It finds that the presentation of the Uprising of 122 varies depending on the historical context of and the source tradition used by the author in question. It also finds that while the Umayyad and Khārijite actors tend to be presented with a degree of differentiation and from a variety of perspectives, the portrayal of the rebels is more uniform. The rebels, referred to as Berbers in all accounts, are depicted as a monolithic entity displaying a stereotypical set of characteristics that sets them apart from notions of order and propriety that the authors associate with the Islamic Empire. Although its consequences for Arab rule in the West are not explicitly acknowledged by the historians, this comparison of how they depict its actors reveals the Uprising’s impact on the historical consciousness, particularly in regard to the inhabitants of the seceded region.
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Asni, Asni. « Peran Peradilan Islam dalam Penegakan Hukum Islam di Kesultanan Buton ». AL-'ADALAH 14, no 1 (29 décembre 2018) : 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24042/adalah.v14i1.1938.
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This article tries to reveal the existence of the Islamic Courts in the Sultanate of Buton to measure the extent of its role in the enforcement of Islamic Law in the past. History explains that when Islam entered the territory of Southeast Sulawesi, the kingdom of Buton changed its status to Buton Sultanate and applied Islamic law throughout the empire. Using historical approach, the researcher succeeded in revealing the fact that in the area of the past Sultanate of Buton, once stood two institutions of Islamic Court named Syarana Adati and Syarana Hukumu or Syarana Agama. The authority of Syarana Adati was to deal with criminal cases where as Syarana Hukumu or Syarana Agama took care of certain civil cases such as marriage, divorce and inheritance. Despite the separation of authority, the two institutions can be categorized as Islamic Courts because the legal system used as a backdrop was Islamic Law. The study also finds out that the two institutions play a significant role in the upholding of Islamic law in the past as they were supported by the kingdom, and a strong legal culture both among law enforcers and in the community
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Nasution, Kasron. « Historisitas dan Dinamika Lembaga Pendidikan Islam di Indonesia ». Al-Fikru : Jurnal Ilmiah 14, no 2 (3 mai 2021) : 66–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.51672/alfikru.v14i2.36.
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This study aims to analyze the historicity and dynamics of Islamic education institutions in Indonesia starting from the classical period, colonialism period, and pre- and post-independence periods. This research uses library research method. Data analysis using analytical descriptive analysis techniques. The results of the study show that Islamic education in Indonesia is the same age as the existence of Islam in the archipelago. Broadly speaking, the history of Islamic educational institutions in Indonesia can be divided into three periods. First, the classical period of the 13th - 16th century, namely since the entry of Islam in Indonesia, the establishment of the Islamic empire, the era of the Islamic empire until the entry of colonizers into Indonesia. Several institutions during this period were mosques, Islamic boarding schools, menasah, rangkang and dayah, surau. Second, the colonial period until the independence period (1600 - 1945). At this time it was divided into two, namely during the Dutch colonial period, there were several institutions namely Elementary Education, Latin Schools, Seminarium Theologicum, Academie der Marine, Chinese Schools. During the Japanese occupation there were several institutions, namely Basic Education (Kokumin Gakko), Advanced Education, consisting of Shoto Chu Gakko, Vocational Education, Higher Education. Third, the period of the independence era (1945-present). There are several institutions, namely pesantren, madrasah, schools, PTKI.
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Kabha, Mustafa, et Haggai Erlich. « AL-AHBASH AND WAHHABIYYA : INTERPRETATIONS OF ISLAM ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 38, no 4 (25 octobre 2006) : 519–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743806412459.
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Islam is a universal religion and culture. Scholars who tend to focus on Islam in specific societies may overlook connections that, over the centuries, were important in shaping various Islamic intercultural dialogs. One case in point is the role of Ethiopia in the history of Islam. Although situated next door to the cradle of Islam, Ethiopia conveniently has been perceived by many Western historians of the Arab Middle East as an African “Christian island,” and as largely irrelevant. In practice, however, the Christian-dominated empire has remained meaningful to all Muslims from Islam's inception. It has also been the home of Islamic communities that maintained constant contact with the Middle East. Indeed, one of the side aspects of the resurgence of political Islam since the 1970s is the emergence in Lebanon of the “The Association of Islamic Philanthropic Projects” (Jamעiyyat al-Mashariע al-Khayriyya al-Islamiyya), better known as “The Ethiopians,” al-Ahbash. Its leader came to Beirut from Ethiopia with a rather flexible interpretation of Islam, which revolved around political coexistence with Christians. Al-Ahbash of Lebanon expanded to become arguably the leading factor in the local Sunni community. They opened branches on all continents and spread their interpretation of Islam to many Islamic as well as non-Islamic countries. This article is an attempt to relate some of the Middle Eastern–Ethiopian Islamic history as the background to an analysis of a significant issue on today's all-Islamic agenda. It aims to present the Ahbash history, beliefs, and rivalry with the Wahhabiyya beginning in the mid-1980s. It does so by addressing conceptual, political, and theological aspects, which had been developed against the background of Ethiopia as a land of Islamic–Christian dialogue, and their collision with respective aspects developed in the Wahhabi kingdom of the Saudis. The contemporary inner-Islamic, Ahbash-Wahhabiyya conceptual rivalry turned in the 1990s into a verbal war conducted in traditional ways, as well as by means of modern channels of Internet exchanges and polemics. Their debate goes to the heart of Islam's major dilemmas as it attracts attention and draws active participation from all over the world.
Thèses sur le sujet "History of islam - islamic empire"
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Zaman, Muhammad Qasim. « Early Àbbāsid religious policies and the proto-Sunnī ùlamā' ». Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28557.
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This dissertation studies the evolving relationship of the early 'Abbasid caliphs with the proto-Sunni 'ulama'. By the time of Harun al-Rashid, the 'Abbasids had aligned themselves with the emergent proto-Sunnitrends; a pattern of state - 'ulama' relations, with the caliph's view of his function approaching that of the 'ulama ', had begun to emerge. al-Ma'mun was uncharacteristic of the early 'Abbasids in claiming religious authority for himself, apparently to challenge the 'ulama's influence and authority. That effort proved abortive, and confirmed in its failure the earlier pattern of state - 'ulama' relations. The pattern was one of collaboration between the caliphs and the 'ulama'. Proto-Sunni scholars were among the beneficiaries of extensive caliphal patronage, and it was their viewpoints which caliphal interventions in religious life upheld. Owing perhaps to the effects of 'Abbasid patronage, but also to the implications of certain proto-Sunni viewpoints, proto-Sunnis were generally favourable towards the 'Abbasids. A convergence is discernible in the interests of the Caliphs and the 'ulama', and partly explains not only the latter's pro-'Abbasid sentiment but also why it was the proto-Sunni viewpoints that the 'Abbasids came to patronize.
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Azmeh, Wayel. « Misconceptions About the Caliphate in Islam ». University of Dayton / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=dayton1460735934.
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Mead, Jason Andrew. « The survival of the Oriental church during the early Muslim empire ». Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2001. http://www.tren.com.
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Low, Michael Christopher. « Empire of the Hajj pilgrims, plagues, and pan-Islam under British surveillance,1865-1926 / ». unrestricted, 2007. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07082007-174715/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2007.Stephen H. Rapp, committee chair; Donald M. Reid, committee member. Electronic text (210 p. : ill. (some col.), maps, facsim.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Dec. 20, 2007; title from file title page. Includes bibliographical references (p. 192-210).
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Çelik, Faika. « Gypsies (Roma) in the orbit of Islam : the Ottoman experience (1450-1600) ». Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79830.
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The main premise of this thesis is to demonstrate how the Gypsies, (Roma)---both Muslim and Christian, both settled and nomadic---were marginalized by the Ottoman State and society in Rumelia (Rumili) and Istanbul during the "Classical Age" of this tri-continental Islamic Empire.The Ottoman state and the society's attitudes towards this marginal group are analyzed through the examination of the Muhimme Registers of the second half the sixteenth century and four major Kanunnames concerning the Gypsies issued in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Travelers' accounts and Turkish oral traditions have also been used to explore the social status of the Gypsies in Ottoman society, as well as their image in Ottoman popular culture.
The history of people who were marginal and voiceless in their societies is not just important for its own sake but for what it reveals about the nature of the societies in which they lived. Thus, this present work not only sheds light upon the history of the Gypsies but also attempts to open new grounds for further discussions on the functioning of the "Plural Society" of the Ottoman Empire.
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Fischer, Maureen Julia. « "Turkey is the Key" : Studies on America's Relationship with the Ottoman Empire, The Turkish Republic, and Islam in the Near and Middle East ». W&M ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1477068545.
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Mission Accomplished: Manifest Destiny and American Foreign Missions to the Ottoman Empire in the 1830s William Goodell’s memoir, Forty Years in the Turkish Empire, was a compilation of some of his journals, letters, and other writings during his tenure as a missionary living in Constantinople. This paper analyzes Goodell’s motivations, activities, and reflections during the 1830s in order to discuss Goodell’s role as an agent of Manifest Destiny. Though the United States did not have the desire or ability to conquer the Ottoman Empire by the sword, some Americans asserted their power through the spread of religion, and many of these Americans supported the efforts of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM). William Goodell provides a view into the Protestant missionaries from the United States to the Ottoman Empire and the world at large who, in the 1830s, were intrinsic component of the burgeoning Manifest Destiny mentality and reflected physical American expansion westward in the form of Christian American expansion eastward. These evangelical missionaries were also a force of expansion, and a strand of manifest destiny expressed in the form of ideological imperialism. “A Colorful and Turbulent Career”: Depictions of Turkey in American Tourist Guidebooks, 1920-1935 Americans who wanted to visit Turkey around its establishment as a nation could consult a variety of sources which help to demonstrate the American perceptions of the Turkish Republic and its leaders during the 1920s and 1930s. The ultimate marker of these American guidebooks is the time they devoted to Robert College in Constantinople. These authors’ depiction of Robert College as an American stronghold in the Oriental East represents the type of Western gaze that acted as a penetrating force and constituted a mental and physical imposition on Turkey in the 1920s and 1930s, a process which continued as travelers used the guidebooks for their various needs. This paper discusses the differences in wants and needs between the Turkish government and Western travelers, reconciled effectively through the reality of İstanbul as the destination of choice for Westerners who wanted a taste of the Orient that was still comfortably “Western.”
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Torunoglu, Gulsah. « A Comparative History of Feminism in Egypt and Turkey, 1880-1935:Dialogue and Difference ». The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1545531906081599.
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Scharfe, Patrick. « Muslim Scholars and the Public Sphere in Mehmed Ali Pasha's Egypt, 1801-1841 ». The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1440432505.
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Bouali, Hassan. « De la révolte au califat zubayride : histoire d'une expérience politique dans les débuts de l'islam ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 10, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021PA100110.
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La fin du VIIe siècle est marquée par une longue guerre civile entre Ibn al-Zubayr et les Umayyades. Ibn al-Zubayr parvint à s’imposer durant une décennie sur une partie majeure de l’empire islamique. Cette expérience politique zubayride est le cœur de cette recherche doctorale. Loin des évidences et des simplifications, cette partie vise à montrer que la révolte d’Ibn al-Zubayr ne fut pas le fait d’un seul homme, il convient également de prendre en considération sa dimension collective et de l’inscrire dans le cadre plus large de la construction de l’empire islamique, de la genèse d’un État patrimonial umayyade, de la périphérisation de l’Arabie, et de l’affrontement entre différents groupes à l’intérieur de la communauté des croyants. Dans un second temps, notre recherche étudie la genèse et l’affirmation de l’autorité califale et impériale acquise par Ibn al-Zubayr à la fin du VIIe siècle. Bien que de nombreuses recherches aient en effet bien souligné certains éléments qui permettent de mieux cerner les référents à partir desquels Ibn al-Zubayr a promu son autorité califale, le sujet reste largement sous étudié. Notre recherche permet de jeter un nouveau regard sur la figure du calife mecquois et son statut nouveau d’imām de la communauté des croyants dans différentes sphères, qu’il s’agisse de l’idéologie et de la conception du califat, de la justice ou encore de la direction du pèlerinage musulman. Une troisième et dernière partie de cette thèse porte plus précisément sur le gouvernement des territoires. L’enjeu de cette partie vise avant tout à analyser la « construction impériale » zubayride. Notre réflexion consiste surtout à mettre en lumière la façon dont les territoires qui étaient précédemment sous domination umayyade furent gouvernés en contexte zubayride. Une large place est accordée à l’histoire sociale, aux pratiques militaires et à la construction d’un pouvoir patrimonial zubayride au cœur de la province d’Irak. Tout au long de cette partie, nous avons tenté de ne pas perdre de vue le contexte de la fin du VIIe siècle, lequel mit les Zubayrides devant la nécessité de gouverner les territoires de l’empire à l’épreuve des défis posés par la seconde fitnaThe end of the 7th century is marked by a long civil war between Ibn al-Zubayr and the Umayyads. Ibn al-Zubayr managed to impose himself for a decade over a major part of the Islamic empire. This Zubayrid political experience is the main subject of this doctoral research. Far from obviousness and simplification, we aim to show that the rebellion of Ibn al-Zubayr was not the fact of a single man. It is also necessary to take into account its collective dimension and to include it in the framework larger part of the building of the Islamic empire, the peripherization of Arabia, and the struggle between different groups within the community of believers. Secondly, our research studies the genesis and the assertion of Ibn al-Zubayr’s caliphal and imperial authority. This part allows to understand his new status of imām of the community at the end of the 7th century. A third and final part of this thesis deals more specifically with the government of the Islamic empire. The aim of this part is above all to analyze the Zubayrid "imperial construction"
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Montrose, Christopher Cleveland. « Christian Missions and Islam : The Reformed Church in America and the Origins of the Moslem World ». unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11302006-134821/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.Title from title screen. Mohammed Hassen Ali, committee chair; Ian Fletcher, committee member. Electronic text (109 p. : ill.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed July 23, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 104-109).
Livres sur le sujet "History of islam - islamic empire"
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Nardo, Don. The Islamic Empire. Detroit : Lucent Books, 2011.
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Ḥusayn, Ṭāhā. Fitnah terbesar dalam sejarah Islam. Kuala Lumpur : Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia, 1990.
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Armstrong, Karen. El Islam. Barcelona : Grijalbo Mondadori, 2001.
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Armstrong, Karen. El Islam. Barcelona : Mondadori, 2002.
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Brockelmann, Carl. İslam ulusları ve devletleri tarihi. Ankara : Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1992.
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Armstrong, Karen. Islam : A short history. New York : Modern Library, 2002.
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Armstrong, Karen. Islam : A short history. London : Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2000.
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Armstrong, Karen. Islam : A short history. New York : Modern Library, 2000.
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Madelung, Wilferd. Religious and ethnic movements in medieval Islam. Aldershot, Hampshire, Great Britain : Variorum, 1992.
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Crone, Patricia. God's rule : Government and islam. New York : Columbia University Press, 2004.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "History of islam - islamic empire"
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Melvin-Koushki, Matthew. « Early Modern Islamicate Empire ». Dans The Wiley Blackwell History of Islam, 351–75. Chichester, UK : John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118527719.ch17.
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Henry, John. « From the Roman Empire to the Empire of Islam ». Dans A Short History of Scientific Thought, 26–37. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-35646-7_3.
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Stewart, Devin. « Developments within the Religious Sciences during the Rise and Decline of Empire ». Dans The Wiley Blackwell History of Islam, 137–57. Chichester, UK : John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118527719.ch6.
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Clossey, Luke. « 6. Internal Frontiers between Jews, Christians, Muslims ». Dans Jesus and the Making of the Modern Mind, 1380-1520, 103–28. Cambridge, UK : Open Book Publishers, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0371.06.
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This chapter looks at two “internal” frontiers of the Jesus cult. The first is the border between the Muslim and Christian subcults in the growing Ottoman Empire. Christians converted to Islam, even as both traditions fused together at a level beneath formal identity, as in Bektashism and Hurufism. Muslims used Christian baptism as a deodorant, or recognized the Persian mystic Fazlallah Astarabadi as Jesus, or claimed Jesus as a prophet equal to Mohammad. The second frontier divided Jews and Christians in Iberia—a border within a Christian society. In the Disputation at Tortosa, Christians seeking to convert Jews stressed the Bible's identification of Jesus as the messiah as well as the rational necessity of his incarnation. The Jewish leaders' counterarguments were often oriented towards the plain ken: Christians used an err-riddled translation of the Hebrew Bible, ignored historical context, and too quickly abandoned the literal meaning for the figurative. Taking the plain ken to history, the defenders of Judaism argued that material success, the kind the Jews lacked, was no guarantee of truth. Both frontiers witnessed social unrest and personal tragedy.
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Fuller, Graham E. « The Anguish of Islamic History ». Dans The Future of Political Islam, 1–12. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403978608_1.
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Armijo, Jacqueline. « A Brief History of Islamic Education in China ». Dans Chinese Islam, 205–18. London : Routledge India, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003490043-14.
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Orhan, Zeyneb Hafsa. « Money from the viewpoint of Islam, history of Islam and Islamic economics ». Dans Islamic Monetary Economics, 1–12. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series : Islamic business and finance series : Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003025191-1.
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Findley, Carter Vaughn. « Islam and Empire from the Seljuks through the Mongols ». Dans The Turks In World History, 56–92. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195167702.003.0003.
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Abstract Between the tenth and fourteenth centuries, most Turks converted to Islam, thus crossing the first great civilizational divide in their history. That permitted those who so wished to move freely into the Islamic heartlands of the Middle East. There, they quickly assumed leading roles in military and political affairs. As Central Asian peoples also began to convert to Islam, some of the most important stages in the creation of a Turko-Islamic culture occurred there. This northeast ward advance of Islam continued for centuries. Mahmud al-Kashgari legitimized the Turks’ political rise with a made-up hadith, or saying of the Prophet Muhammad. In the hadith, Muhammad attributes the following statement to God: “I have an army, which I call the Turks and have settled in the East.
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Bobrovnikov, Vladimir. « Islam in the Russian Empire ». Dans The Cambridge History of Russia, 202–24. Cambridge University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521815291.012.
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« THE ARAB EMPIRE ». Dans A History of Medieval Islam, 93–110. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203199763-13.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "History of islam - islamic empire"
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Vicini, Fabio. « GÜLEN’S RETHINKING OF ISLAMIC PATTERN AND ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL EFFECTS ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/gbfn9600.
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Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society. In particular he has defended the role of Islam in the formation of individuals as ethically-responsible moral subjects, a project that overlaps significantly with the ‘secular’ one of forming responsible citizens. Concomitantly, he has shifted the Sufi emphasis on self-discipline/self-denial towards an active, socially- oriented service of others – a form of religious effort that implies a strongly ‘secular’ faith in the human ability to make this world better. This paper looks at the lives of some members of the community to show how this pattern of conduct has affected them. They say that teaching and learning ‘secular’ scientific subjects, combined with total dedication to the project of the movement, constitute, for them, ways to accomplish Islamic deeds and come closer to God. This leads to a consideration of how such a rethinking of Islamic activism has influenced po- litical and sociological transition in Turkey, and a discussion of the potential contribution of the movement towards the development of a more human society in contemporary Europe. From the 1920s onwards, in the context offered by the decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islamic thinkers, associations and social movements have proliferated their efforts in order to suggest ways to live a good “Muslim life” under newly emerging conditions. Prior to this period, different generations of Muslim Reformers had already argued the compat- ibility of Islam with reason and “modernity”, claiming for the need to renew Islamic tradition recurring to ijtihad. Yet until the end of the XIX century, traditional educational systems, public forms of Islam and models of government had not been dismissed. Only with the dismantlement of the Empire and the constitution of national governments in its different regions, Islamic intellectuals had to face the problem of arranging new patterns of action for Muslim people. With the establishment of multiple nation-states in the so-called Middle East, Islamic intel- lectuals had to cope with secular conceptions about the subject and its place and space for action in society. They had to come to terms with the definitive affirmation of secularism and the consequent process of reconfiguration of local sensibilities, forms of social organisation, and modes of action. As a consequence of these processes, Islamic thinkers started to place emphasis over believers’ individual choice and responsibility both in maintaining an Islamic conduct daily and in realising the values of Islamic society. While under the Ottoman rule to be part of the Islamic ummah was considered an implicit consequence of being a subject of the empire. Not many scientific works have looked at contemporary forms of Islam from this perspective. Usually Islamic instances are considered the outcome of an enduring and unchanging tradition, which try to reproduce itself in opposition to outer-imposed secular practices. Rarely present-day forms of Islamic reasoning and practice have been considered as the result of a process of adjustment to new styles of governance under the modern state. Instead, I argue that new Islamic patterns of action depend on a history of practical and conceptual revision they undertake under different and locally specific versions of secularism. From this perspective I will deal with the specific case of Fethullah Gülen, the head of one of the most famous and influent “renewalist” Islamic movements of contemporary Turkey. From the 1980s this Islamic leader has been able to weave a powerful network of invisible social ties from which he gets both economic and cultural capital. Yet what interests me most in this paper, is that with his open-minded and moderate arguments, Gülen has inspired many people in Turkey to live Islam in a new way. Recurring to ijtihad and drawing from secular epistemology specific ideas about moral agency, he has proposed to a wide public a very at- tractive path for being “good Muslims” in their daily conduct. After an introductive explanation of the movement’s project and of the ideas on which it is based, my aim will be to focus on such a pattern of action. Particular attention will be dedi- cated to Gülen’s conception of a “good Muslim” as a morally-guided agent, because such a conception reveals underneath secular ideas on both responsibility and moral agency. These considerations will constitute the basis from which we can look at the transformation of Islam – and more generally of “the religion” – in the contemporary world. Then a part will be dedicated to defining the specificity of Gülen’s proposal, which will be compared with that of other Islamic revivalist movements in other contexts. Some common point between them will merge from this comparison. Both indeed use the concept of respon- sibility in order to push subjects to actively engage in reviving Islam. Yet, on the other hand, I will show how Gülen’s followers distinguish themselves by the fact their commitment pos- sesses a socially-oriented and reformist character. Finally I will consider the proximity of Gülen’s conceptualisation of moral agency with that the modern state has organised around the idea of “civic virtues”. I argue Gülen’s recall for taking responsibility of social moral decline is a way of charging his followers with a similar burden the modern state has charged its citizens. Thus I suggest the Islamic leader’s pro- posal can be seen as the tentative of supporting the modernity project by defining a new and specific space to Islam and religion into it. This proposal opens the possibility of new and interesting forms of interconnection between secular ideas of modernity and the so-called “Islamic” ones. At the same time I think it sheds a new light over contemporary “renewalist” movements, which can be considered a concrete proposal about how to realise, in a different background, modern forms of governance by reconsidering their moral basis.
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Kilinc, Ramazan. « THE PATTERNS OF INTERACTION BETWEEN ISLAM AND LIBERALISM : THE CASE OF THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/qhfj3934.
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The unprecedented resurgence of religious organisations in the public sphere in recent years has given particular urgency to the old question of the compatibility of Islam and liberalism. Some scholars have argued that Islamic notions of social–political order are not hospitable to democracy and human rights. Others have argued that notions of democracy and human rights are firmly established in the Islamic political discourse but their expression depends on history, social structure and context. Although this debate has proved fruitful in framing the role of Islam in the public sphere, both sides have generally focused on essential sources of Islam. The debate needs to be extended to the empirical realm through study of particular Islamic movements and their responses to liberalisation trends. Such study should take into account local context, the organisational capabilities of the movement, and the Islamic repertoire that it deploys in mobilising its followers. This paper looks at the Gülen movement’s response to liberalisation processes in Turkey in the 1990s and 2000s. Since liberalism has radically transformed the economic and political system of the country over the last two decades, Turkey is a good example for our purposes. Furthermore, the increased influence of the Gülen movement in Turkey provides rich empiri- cal data of an Islamic movement engaging with liberalisation in civil society and politics. The paper concludes that, while the movement’s discourse and practice are compatible with liberalism, its Islamic ethos means that at some points it must engage liberalism critically.
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MAȚOI, Ecaterina. « TEHREEK-E-LABBAIK PAKISTAN (TLP) : A RISING EXTREMIST FORCE, OR JUST THE TIP OFA LARGER RADICALISED ICEBERG IN THE AFPAK REGION ? » Dans SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH AND EDUCATION IN THE AIR FORCE. Publishing House of “Henri Coanda” Air Force Academy, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19062/2247-3173.2021.22.26.
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As if Afghanistan’s recent takeover by the Taliban was not a sufficiently significant development in the AfPak region, reports indicate that Pakistan’s largest sect, the Barelvi, becomes increasingly militant and aggressive by the day. Since another important movement for the history of Pakistan - the Deobandi - has generally dominated the violence scene in Pakistan starting with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, this trend within the Barelvis is a rather new one, and deserves extensive attention keeping in mind the recent regional developments. Taking a brief look at the history of the region to identify possible causes that may underlie the radicalization of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan group, it is noticeable that emergence of Barelvi and Deobandi sects in the first part of 19th century was part of a larger movement to revive Islam in the Northern part of India, but in different manners: while the Deobandi kept close to the Hanafi Sunni teachings in a strictly manner, the Barelvi sect – developed itself mostly on a Sufi legacy, as part of a larger Folk Islam inherited from the Mughal Empire, despite being itself affiliated with the Hanafi school. The differences between the two movements became critical from a political, security and social point of view, especially after the division of British India in 1947, into two states: a Muslim one – present day Pakistan, and a Hindu one - present day India, of which, the first, became the state entity that encompassed both Hanafi revivalist movements, Deobandi and Barelvi. Therefore, this research is aiming to analyse the history of Barelvi movement starting with the British Raj, the way in which Pakistan was established as a state and the problems that arose with the partition of the former British colony, the very Islamic essence of the new established state, and the potential for destabilization of Barelvi organisations in an already prone to conflict area. Consequently, the current research aims to identify the patterns of latest developments in Pakistan, their historical roots and causes, main actors active in religious, political and military fields in this important state-actor from the AfPak region, in order to project Barelvi recent in a defined environment, mainly by using a historical approach.
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Al-Jāsir, Ḥamad. « Manuscripts in the history of Makkah and Madīnah ». Dans The Significance of Islamic Manuscripts. Al-Furqān Islamic Heritage Foundation, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.56656/100130.09.
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God has favoured the Muslims by His promise to eternally preserve the Book of Islam. ‘We have, without doubt, sent down the Message; and we will assuredly guard it (from corruption)’ (15:9). And it was He who prepared learned men among the Muslims since the time of the Prophet, the blessing of God be upon him, who carried the message of His laws and His commandments and all the tenets of His religion, as they interpreted them from His Holy Book, and as they received them from the Prophet, and transmitted the message faithfully to those whom they deemed worthy of receiving it. And so the message was passed from one age to the next until today.
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Inayah, Sitti Syahar, Husnul Fahimah Ilyas et M. Hamdar Arraiyyah. « Genealogy of Moderate Islam at DDI Pattojo Islamic Boarding School of Soppeng ». Dans 9th Asbam International Conference (Archeology, History, & Culture In The Nature of Malay) (ASBAM 2021). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.220408.096.
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Anwar, Khoirul, Abu Hapsin, Nazar Nurdin, Ubbadul Adzkiya, Iman Fadhilah et Tedi Kholiludin. « Ka'b Al-Ahbar : Founder of the Transformation Jewish Tradition to Islam ». Dans Proceedings of the First International Conference on Islamic History and Civilization, ICON-ISHIC 2020, 14 October, Semarang, Indonesia. EAI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.14-10-2020.2303851.
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Effendi, Heri, SitiAisyah SitiAisyah, Muspradi Muspradi, Muslim Muslim et Januardi Rosyidi Lubis. « Learning models of islamic history based on diversity (PSI-BK) an alternative of learning freedom in the 4.0 era of industrial revolution ». Dans International Conference Fakultas Tarbiyah dan Keguruan Universitas Islam Negeri Imam Bonjol Padang. Jakarta : Redwhite Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32698/icftk399.
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Eldridge, Bruce. « THE PLACE OF THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE INTELLECTUAL HISTORY OF ISLAM, PARTICULARLY IN RELATION TO ISLAM’S CONFRONTATION WITH POSTMODERNISM ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/wnpd2463.
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The world is changing at an unprecedented rate. Established religions are struggling to come to terms with societies that are increasingly secular and sceptical about the certainties of the past. They are struggling to come to terms with the new modes and speeds of communication and the moods and ideas that can now be spread so fast. How Islam will eventually respond to the post-modern world is still to be determined. Some want nothing to do with that world, others understand the need to take the opportunities and rise to the challenges. Fethullah Gülen is one of the latter. This paper places the Gülen movement and Fethullah Gülen himself in particular, within the context of Islam’s confrontation with modernity and post-modernity. It demonstrates Gülen’s awareness of Islam’s intellectual legacy and the extent to which he utilises the methodolo- gies of earlier scholars. Gülen interprets Islam’s foundational texts in a way that picks out their relevance to today’s world. He is unafraid to engage with other philosophies and faith communities. The schools established by his followers have developed curricula designed to produce the next generation of leaders. Gülen envisions a world where people are deeply grounded in a moral and ethical tradition, where humility and service are highly valued and where reason, science and technology are fully utilised for the benefit of all. This paper shows that when confronted by the uncertainties and relativities of postmodernism, Gülen has located a middle way able to sustain itself in a globalised, postmodern world while re- maining true to its Islamic heritage.
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H. Khalaf AL- JUBOURI, Firas. « Narrator of the Prophet's Hadith The jurist scholar, the argument, Amra bint Abd al-Rahman ». Dans I.International Congress of Woman's Studies. Rimar Academy, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/lady.con1-4.
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Islam did not limit the status and role of women in society. On the contrary ، it preserved her status and dignity in the Islamic society. And he hears her complaint about her husband to our Holy Prophet Muhammad, peace be upon him, in Surat Al-Mujadalah: ((Allah indeed knows the plea of her who pleads with you about her husband and complains to Allah ، and Allah knows the contentions of both of you; surely Allah is Hearing, Seeing)). Our history is replete with the names of many women who influenced various social, political, scientific and even military fields, and the figures are multiple and unbroken in Islamic history. And Sukaina Bint AlHussein, may God be pleased with them, and many others, so shedding light on the status of women and their role throughout history is a reason to trace their traces in order to achieve the status and empowerment of women in our present time by studying the biography of the previous prominent women who were immortalized by their great deeds in various fields of life. In light of the foregoing, tracing the path of female followers in the field of jurisprudence and Sharia and what they presented in this field is a religious, moral and academic duty for specialists in the fields of Sharia and Islamic history. Therefore, choosing the personality of the venerable follower, Amra bint Abd al-Rahman bin Zarara, to be the focus of this research comes in the context of what has been discussed above, especially since she is one of the women who gave their lives in the narration of the noble hadith of the Prophet from its primary sources. Abu Bakr, may God be pleased with her, and her companion, as she also narrated on the authority of the wife of the Holy Prophet, may God bless him and grant him peace, the lady Umm Salamah, may God be pleased with her, and also narrated on the authority of the companion Rafi bin Khadij, and narrated on the authority of the great companion Umm Hisham bint Haritha bin Al-Numan, may God be pleased with her, and she spared no effort in establishing The value of women as an important part of the human society in general and the Islamic society in particular, and with what she presented, may God have mercy on her, from the narration of the honorable hadith of the Prophet, he made her a trustworthy narrator because she was associated with Mrs. Aisha, may God be pleased with her, so she was described as the jurist scholar and the proof
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Atay, Rıfat. « REVIVING THE SUFFA TRADITION ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/tbcm7967.
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In Islamic history, one of the most intriguing questions has been the termination of the Suffa School immediately following the Prophet’s demise. As is well known, the Suffa Companions were comprised of mostly single young men who did not have anywhere else to go to. They were provided with shelter and food in the Prophet’s Mosque in Medina. Their sole occupa- tion was to spend all their time with the Prophet, learning and studying. They became so well versed in Islam that most of them were sent as teachers and/or governors to new provinces. The paper claims that today Gülen is seeking to revive the Suffa tradition in two ways. First, by resembling the first Suffa Companions himself. The four guiding principles traced in the lives of the Suffa Companions (single, simple, humble and pious) can be found in the daily life of Gülen. Thus, this paper suggests that Gülen is often mistaken as a Sufi when in fact he can be considered a member of the Suffa. Secondly, Gülen has been consistently provid- ing personal tutelage over the last two decades to hundreds of theology graduate students. Students gain admission to Gülen’s informal school by passing a rigorous exam in Islamic sciences and Arabic. Thereafter awaits them extensive study and an ascetic lifestyle. Students can remain as long as they wish, some for even as long as ten years. Gülen has been known to have had up to 40 students at times, although given his ill-health this number has dropped to 15 in recent years. In their lifestyle, daily programme and efforts post ‘graduation’ these students resemble the first Suffa Companions.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "History of islam - islamic empire"
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HEFNER, Robert. IHSAN ETHICS AND POLITICAL REVITALIZATION Appreciating Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance. IIIT, octobre 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.001.20.
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Ours is an age of pervasive political turbulence, and the scale of the challenge requires new thinking on politics as well as public ethics for our world. In Western countries, the specter of Islamophobia, alt-right populism, along with racialized violence has shaken public confidence in long-secure assumptions rooted in democracy, diversity, and citizenship. The tragic denouement of so many of the Arab uprisings together with the ascendance of apocalyptic extremists like Daesh and Boko Haram have caused an even greater sense of alarm in large parts of the Muslim-majority world. It is against this backdrop that M.A. Muqtedar Khan has written a book of breathtaking range and ethical beauty. The author explores the history and sociology of the Muslim world, both classic and contemporary. He does so, however, not merely to chronicle the phases of its development, but to explore just why the message of compassion, mercy, and ethical beauty so prominent in the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet came over time to be displaced by a narrow legalism that emphasized jurisprudence, punishment, and social control. In the modern era, Western Orientalists and Islamists alike have pushed the juridification and interpretive reification of Islamic ethical traditions even further. Each group has asserted that the essence of Islam lies in jurisprudence (fiqh), and both have tended to imagine this legal heritage on the model of Western positive law, according to which law is authorized, codified, and enforced by a leviathan state. “Reification of Shariah and equating of Islam and Shariah has a rather emaciating effect on Islam,” Khan rightly argues. It leads its proponents to overlook “the depth and heights of Islamic faith, mysticism, philosophy or even emotions such as divine love (Muhabba)” (13). As the sociologist of Islamic law, Sami Zubaida, has similarly observed, in all these developments one sees evidence, not of a traditionalist reassertion of Muslim values, but a “triumph of Western models” of religion and state (Zubaida 2003:135). To counteract these impoverishing trends, Khan presents a far-reaching analysis that “seeks to move away from the now failed vision of Islamic states without demanding radical secularization” (2). He does so by positioning himself squarely within the ethical and mystical legacy of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. As the book’s title makes clear, the key to this effort of religious recovery is “the cosmology of Ihsan and the worldview of Al-Tasawwuf, the science of Islamic mysticism” (1-2). For Islamist activists whose models of Islam have more to do with contemporary identity politics than a deep reading of Islamic traditions, Khan’s foregrounding of Ihsan may seem unfamiliar or baffling. But one of the many achievements of this book is the skill with which it plumbs the depth of scripture, classical commentaries, and tasawwuf practices to recover and confirm the ethic that lies at their heart. “The Quran promises that God is with those who do beautiful things,” the author reminds us (Khan 2019:1). The concept of Ihsan appears 191 times in 175 verses in the Quran (110). The concept is given its richest elaboration, Khan explains, in the famous hadith of the Angel Gabriel. This tradition recounts that when Gabriel appeared before the Prophet he asked, “What is Ihsan?” Both Gabriel’s question and the Prophet’s response make clear that Ihsan is an ideal at the center of the Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet, and that it enjoins “perfection, goodness, to better, to do beautiful things and to do righteous deeds” (3). It is this cosmological ethic that Khan argues must be restored and implemented “to develop a political philosophy … that emphasizes love over law” (2). In its expansive exploration of Islamic ethics and civilization, Khan’s Islam and Good Governance will remind some readers of the late Shahab Ahmed’s remarkable book, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Ahmed 2016). Both are works of impressive range and spiritual depth. But whereas Ahmed stood in the humanities wing of Islamic studies, Khan is an intellectual polymath who moves easily across the Islamic sciences, social theory, and comparative politics. He brings the full weight of his effort to conclusion with policy recommendations for how “to combine Sufism with political theory” (6), and to do so in a way that recommends specific “Islamic principles that encourage good governance, and politics in pursuit of goodness” (8).
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Shammo, Turkiya, Diana Amin Saleh et Nassima Khalaf. Displaced Yazidi Women in Iraq : Persecution and Discrimination Based on Gender, Religion, Ethnic Identity and Displacement. Institute of Development Studies, décembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2022.010.
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This CREID Policy Briefing provides recommendations to address the marginalisation, discrimination and exclusion faced by displaced Yazidi women in Iraq. Throughout the history of their presence in Iraq, the Yazidis have experienced harassment, persecution, killing and displacement. Most recently, they have been exposed to genocide from the Islamic State (ISIS) group after they took control of Sinjar district and the cities of Bahzani and Bashiqa in the Nineveh Plain in 2014, destroying Yazidi homes, schools, businesses and places of worship. Yazidi people were killed or forced to convert to Islam. Over 6,000 were kidnapped, including over 3,500 women and girls, many of whom were forced into sexual slavery. Men and boys were murdered or forced to become soldiers. Any remaining citizens were displaced. Seven years later, more than 2,000 Yazidi women and children were still missing or in captivity, more than 100,000 Yazidis had migrated abroad, and over 200,000 Yazidi people were still displaced, living in camps.