Articles de revues sur le sujet « Heads of state – south africa – diaries »

This article reflects on South Africa's International Crimes Bill 2017 in relation to the customary international law immunities of sitting heads of states. It revisits the discussion on these immunities and examines their legal status in South Africa. It argues that if South Africa adopts the International Crimes Bill, subject only to the procedural prescripts of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, this will have the effect of recognising customary international law immunities for sitting heads of state in South Africa thereby resolving the legal conundrum arising from the non-recognition of immunities for sitting heads of state.

In the Grace Mugabe decision in which the conclusion was arrived at that Grace Mugabe was not entitled to spousal immunity by virtue of being the wife of the then incumbent foreign head of state, Vally J remarked that the late former President Mugabe would not have been entitled to immunity had he been accused of committing the assault. This article analyses this remark and its potential negative impact on South Africa's relationship with other African states. The analysis is valuable as South Africa has positioned itself as being a human rights state that strives to play a significant role in peace making in Africa and consistently has argued that removing customary international law immunity, to which foreign heads of state are entitled, may undermine these intentions. The article examines South Africa's position on personal immunity for foreign heads of state in customary international law against the backdrop of the Mugabe decision. It argues that as it currently stands South African law recognises absolute personal immunity for foreign heads of state in cases not relating to the perpetration of international crimes.

The relationship between international crimes and sovereign immunities has bedevilled judicial practice and legal scholarship and created an apparently irreconcilable tension between the two notions. Part of the difficulty in addressing this tension derives from the approach to resolving it. This paper proposes a novel approach, viewing the relationship specifically from the perspective of international criminal law and looking at the three core functions of immunities in that context. The authors conclude that customary international law excludes immunities as defence or bar to jurisdiction for core international crimes regardless of the nature of the jurisdiction concerned, the position of the accused, or the capacity in which the accused acted. When interpreted within that framework, the ICC Statute provides for clear limitations to the role of immunities in ICC proceedings and avoids the pitfalls that have thus far marred the ICC’s approach to the law of immunities.

The coronavirus COVID-19 pandemic initially witnessed in China (Wuhan) brought unprecedented devastation in China and other countries. No country was immune to the virus, and heads of state and policymakers had to draw up and implement robust domestic policies to contain the spread of the virus. From an Afrocentric perspective, the virus had dire consequences for African states, considering that most are minor and driven by weak economies. Narrowing this down to South Africa, the virus brought significant repercussions. In South Africa's 29 years of democracy, the state still faces major social ills such as unemployment, poverty, and inequality. The virus’s arrival worsened matters for the South African government, which needed new measures for the majority black marginalised population. As the government could not do it alone, the role of third parties, such as civil society, became fundamental as civil society is of the utmost importance globally, particularly for Africa and Developing Economies. Driven by a qualitative research approach, the purpose of this article was to ponder the role of civil society in developing economies with specific reference to South Africa during the COVID-19 pandemic. The findings show that the government’s role as a single actor in dealing with the pandemic was deficient, as the pandemic crippled the health system. Civil society was pivotal in South Africa during the pandemic and assisted the government with various socio-economic activities, particularly for the marginalised population. Keywords: Afrocentric, Developing economies; Civil society; COVID-19; South Africa

In 2002 at the inaugural Summit of the African Union (AU) held in Durban, South Africa, the African Heads of State and Government committed themselves to adhere to international standards on democracy, good governance (political, economic and corporate), peace, the rule of law, and respect for human rights. They also agreed to hold each other accountable through African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). The present paper examines whether the APRM constitutes a viable peer review mechanism; and, if not, how it can be strengthened?

Fusarium head blight (FHB) of wheat occurs commonly in irrigation regions of South Africa and less frequently in dryland regions. Previous surveys of Fusarium species causing FHB identified isolates using morphological characters only. This study reports on a comprehensive characterisation of FHB pathogens conducted in 2008 and 2009. Symptomatic wheat heads were collected from the Northern Cape, KwaZulu-Natal (KZN), Bushveld and eastern Free State (irrigation regions), and from one field in the Western Cape (dryland region). Fusarium isolates were identified with species-specific primers or analysis of partial EF-1α sequences. A representative subset of isolates was characterized morphologically. In total, 1047 Fusarium isolates were collected, comprising 24 species from seven broad species complexes. The F. sambucinum (FSAMSC) and F. incarnatum-equiseti species complexes (FIESC) were most common (83.5% and 13.3% of isolates, respectively). The F. chlamydosporum (FCSC), F. fujikuroi (FFSC), F. oxysporum (FOSC), F. solani (FSSC), and F. tricinctum species complexes (FTSC) were also observed. Within the FSAMSC, 90.7% of isolates belonged to the F. graminearum species complex (FGSC), accounting for 75.7% of isolates. The FGSC was the dominant Fusaria in all four irrigation regions. F. pseudograminearum dominated at the dryland field in the Western Cape. The Northern Cape had the highest species diversity (16 Fusarium species from all seven species complexes). The type B trichothecene chemotype of FGSC and related species was inferred with PCR. Chemotype diversity was limited (15-ADON = 90.1%) and highly structured in relation to species differences. These results expand the known species diversity associated with FHB in South Africa and include first reports of F. acuminatum, F. armeniacum, F. avenaceum, F. temperatum, and F. pseudograminearum from wheat heads in South Africa, and of F. brachygibbosum, F. lunulosporum and F. transvaalense from wheat globally. Potentially novel species were identified within the FCSC, FFSC, FOSC, FSAMSC, FIESC and FTSC.

The electricity supply in South Africa is characterized by load-shedding. This study analyzed the determinants of the multidimensional energy poverty index (MEPI) in South Africa. The data, which were taken from the 2019–2021 General Household Survey (GHS), were analyzed using Tobit regression. The results showed that between 2019 and 2021, the use of clean energy for cooking declined from 85.97% to 85.68%, respectively, whereas the use of clean energy for water heating declined from 87.24% in 2020 to 86.55% in 2021. Space heating with clean energy declined from 53.57% in 2019 to 50.35% in 2021. The average fuzzy MEPI was 0.143 and Western Cape and KwaZulu-Natal provinces had the highest average values with 0.180 and 0.176, respectively. In the combined dataset, the Tobit regression results showed that, compared to Western Cape, the fuzzy MEPI significantly decreased (p < 0.01) by −0.038, 0.028, 0.045, 0.023, 0.029, 0.038, 0.037, and 0.042 for residents in Eastern Cape, Northern Cape, Free State, Kwazulu-Natal, North West, Gauteng, Mpumalanga, and Limpopo provinces, respectively. In addition, the fuzzy MEPI for the Black, Coloured, Asian, and White respondents decreased by 0.042, 0.062, and 0.084, respectively. The fuzzy MEPI for male-headed households and the number of social grants increased, whereas the fuzzy MEPI significantly decreased (p < 0.01) for the monthly salary and age of household heads. It was concluded that energy poverty in South Africa manifests through unclean energy utilization for space heating. The promotion of clean energy utilization should focus on deprived provinces, farms, and tribal areas.

Resilience is needed for township teachers to overcome their stressful classroom and school environment. The main objective of this paper is to examine the role of teacher resilience in enabling them to respond positively to challenges they encounter. To address these challenges, the study explored the fostering of resilience in township primary school teachers in the Lejweleputswa District of the Free State Province in South Africa. A qualitative approach was followed as it allowed the researchers to gather the necessary in-depth data based on the opinions, experiences, and beliefs of the participants. The sample of the study consisted of two principals, two heads of department, and thirty-three teachers from two township primary schools. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews and open-ended questionnaires. The study's major findings revealed that the most common challenges adversely affecting teachers’ resilience were a lack of teaching and learning resources, a negative work atmosphere, and overcrowded classes. The study recommends that the fostering of resilience should be brought about by school management teams (SMT) implementing the Resilience Wheel model in support of teachers’ resilience regardless of the challenges they faced.

The New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition was launched at Camp David (USA)in May 2012, at a G8 conference, under the chairmanship of US President Barack Obama. Also hosted during that time at a Chicago Council forum were 4 African heads of state, from Tanzania, Benin, Ethiopia (late Prime Minister Meles) and Ghana (late President Atta Mills). This was deliberate and intentional. This new initiative was to target Africa, and to get start-up countries on board, as they needed to understand the issues. There is no doubt this strategy worked. A year later, President Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania is talking food and nutrition security, Ghana has become a favoured country by donors and very welcoming of this attention and the new Prime Minister of Ethiopia (now the Chairman of Africa Union) is spearheading the efforts of his predecessor. Remember, there are 54 countries in the AU, about 45 South of the Sahara. We need all these countries to be on the same page.

Teachers leaving the profession before age of retirement is an ongoing problem in schools worldwide. While fewer teachers enter the profession each year, the number of teachers leaving the profession has increased. Many teachers listed lack of job satisfaction as a reason for leaving the education profession, while citing the lack of mentoring as a main cause of job dissatisfaction. This study explores the impact of an effective mentoring program at primary schools in the province of Mpumalanga, South Africa to support and improve job satisfaction among beginner teachers entering the profession. This study follows a quantitative approach, consisting of a Likert-scale questionnaire. The sample of the study was a number of 550 teachers (principals, deputy principals, heads of department, teachers and student teachers) from different races and cultures from 50 randomly selected state and private primary schools in Mpumalanga. After comparing the literature with the respondents' data, the researchers found that the development and implementation of a mentoring program in the province of Mpumalanga would positively impacts beginner teachers' job satisfaction, thus indicating a definite need for such a mentoring program.

The following essay is part of a body of work titled Signal to Noise: sound and fury in (post)apartheid South Africa. These are a collection of creative non-fiction essays set against the backdrop of my involvement with a small, independent mobile recording studio based in Johannesburg between 1983 and 1997. The metaphor of a drowning signal, pushing through and making itself heard above the noise, resonates throughout the collection. The complexities of the political versus artistic nature of what we were involved with provide a setting for an anecdotal approach to what is part history, part biography, part memoir and part theoretical sonic exploration. The following essay falls into this approach and is constructed from memories enhanced by diaries, scrap-books, shards of notes, lyrics, photos and conversations. These have been employed in reconstructing a narrative arc that covers the recording of the first album made by the band Sankomota, who were banned from entry into South Africa and were based in Maseru, mostly playing to audiences at one of the leading hotels. Sankomota, then called Uhuru, experienced extraordinary, almost metaphysical, peaks and troughs throughout their nearly thirty-year existence hence the hauntological device in the title. The record was also the first made in our fledgling mobile studio using newly affordable equipment that kickstarted many such do-it-yourself projects worldwide. This was the first in a steady stream of technologies that would eventually break the hegemony of mainstream record companies. In apartheid South Africa, this was hugely significant, as being able to sideline the censorship of state-owned media enterprises meant immense freedom in the kind of projects one came to consider. Savage incidents of force and brutality were still common then, and our small venture has to be seen in the context of broader unrest and suffering. Frank Leepa was an uncompromising survivor. His words and melodies still move and inspire a younger generation.

While funding is undoubtedly necessary to promote the quality of the curriculum, teaching, and learning, funding in and by itself is not a guarantee to achieve equity and equality of outcomes. Accordingly, in some cases, such as the South African context, a sound funding regimen to address inequities and quality in education in the post-apartheid setting, the quality of leadership, governance and management are equally key and sometimes more critical to achieving sustainable quality and equity improvements in education, including the quality of matric learners. Five quintile 1s (non-fee paying schools) in the Fezile Dabi district in the Free State Province of South Africa were sampled for this study. The schools were used as samples because they formed what is known as non-performing schools in terms of their matric results for the 2009 and 2010 academic years. We used purposive sampling comprising schools that did not perform satisfactorily in their matric results and adopted an utilisation-focused strategy that could assist the Free State Department of Education to improve quality. The data were collected from School Management Teams comprising the school principals of the five schools and Heads of Department. Knowledge of how principals manage the curriculum in schools in South Africa is therefore limited. Although there are detailed normative frameworks (often from elsewhere) on what principals should do, there is little consideration of the reality of the work of principals, in particular contexts, and what they actually do. There was a concern about some HODs with regard to their content knowledge of the different subjects streams. There was an outcry of 45% of HODs in highly cognitive subjects, such as Mathematics, Accounting, and Physical Science, who did not possess the content knowledge required in their respective subjects streaming. Consequently, a statement was made concerning the level of leadership in high-focus subjects. Similarly, there is a perception that there should be a strong content knowledge from the HOD as an instruction leader as their subjects are regarded as highly skilled subjects.

Objective: The purpose of the article was to develop a transformational leadership model for academic nurse leaders in the nursing education institutions through theory development methodology process. This study emanated from objectives that were set into two phases whereby phase one formulated to enable the identification and classification of concepts in relation to transformational leadership of academic nurse leaders and phase two to develop and describe a model for transformational leadership for nursing education leaders in the Nursing Education Institutions.Methods: An overarching theory generative design was adopted, in qualitative, quantitative, exploratory, descriptive and contextual nature. The theory generative design provided an understanding of the phenomenon of transformational leadership model development for academic nurse leaders in nursing education institutions. The research methods followed the strategy of theory development using concept, identification and classification, data collection methods and procedures, data analysis methods and processes to ensure the trustworthiness of the study, concept description and critical reflection of the model. The study was conducted at nursing education institutions from four Provinces of South Africa, namely, Gauteng, KwaZulu Natal, Free State, and Northwest.Results: A visual structure was constructed after main and associated concepts were identified to give the researcher a diagram that relates to the process and structure for the incorporation of academic nurse leaders. The structure of the model was developed and gave an account of the content conceptually classified. There were four structural forms, which to convey hierarchical relations, differentiation, overlapping areas, and polarity and continuity. The structured model formed the conceptual relationships within the model and thereafter, emerged from relationships within the model, which included central elements of the model and consists of concepts, statements and relationships between concepts. The concepts addressed were agent (transformational leadership), recipient (followers), context (nursing education institution), procedure (transformational leadership), terminus/goal (empowerment) and dynamic (collaboration and partnership).Conclusions: This article described the research design and method employed to develop a model for transformational leadership for nursing education leaders. A theory development, descriptive, exploratory, contextual, qualitative and quantitative research design in nature was described. The research objectives were formulated in two phases to enable exploration, identification, and definition of concepts (phase 1) and for model development (phase 2). Data collected though individual interviews for college principals and focus group interviews for vice-principals and subject heads and questionnaires for lecturers, students and administrative staff. Information regarding the sample size and number of participants the data collection method was discussed. The instrument used in this research including its reliability and validity, discussed in detail. Finally, the data analysis of qualitative and quantitative research methodology was highlighted.

This study explores the importance of self-awareness as a fundamental emotional intelligence skill for the school principals’ leadership toolkit. Globally, school principals face complex challenges and responsibilities in the education system. Failure to manage these educational challenges effectively may result in failure as a principal. However, self-awareness as an emotional intelligence skill for school leadership demonstrates promising results in dealing with these difficulties. This qualitative study was conducted at six Motheo districts, Free State, South Africa secondary schools. Participants totaled 19, comprising six school principals, two deputy principals, three Heads of Departments (HODs), and eight teachers. The findings revealed that self-awareness as an emotional intelligence skill might have positive and significant results for school principals in managing and dealing with educational challenges and overall school leadership. The results indicated that self-awareness should be necessary for school principals. Improving the sub-skills of self-awareness, such as emotional awareness, self-regard, self-confidence, assertiveness, and independence, may give school principals the edge for school and principalship success. It is strongly recommended that principals and staff consider self-development and workshops or seminars on emotional intelligence, specifically self-awareness.

This paper provides evidence that the COVID-19-related mortality rate of national government ministers and heads of state has been substantially higher than that of people with a similar sex and age profile in the general population, a trend that is driven by African cases (17 out of 24 reported deaths worldwide, as of 6 February 2021). Ministers’ work frequently puts them in close contact with diverse groups, and therefore at higher risk of contracting SARS-CoV-2, but this is not specific to Africa. This paper discusses five non-mutually exclusive hypotheses for the Africa-specific trend, involving comorbidity, poorly resourced healthcare and possible restrictions in accessing out-of-country health facilities, the underreporting of cases, and, later, the disproportionate impact of the so-called ‘South African’ variant (501Y.V2). The paper then turns its attention to the public health and political implications of the trend. While governments have measures in place to cope with the sudden loss of top officials, the COVID-19-related deaths have been associated with substantial changes in public health policy in cases where the response to the pandemic had initially been contested or minimal. Ministerial deaths may also result in a reconfiguration of political leadership, but we do not expect a wave of younger and more gender representative replacements. Rather, we speculate that a disconnect may emerge between the top leadership and the public, with junior ministers filling the void and in so doing putting themselves more at risk of infection. Opposition politicians may also be at significant risk of contracting SARS-CoV-2.

The Moroccan Sahara conflict is a regional dispute considered to be artificially created by Algeria with the aim of countering the territorial integrity of the Kingdom of Morocco. This dispute, which has undergone changes over time, originated as part of the decolonization process and subsequently evolved into an ideological and geopolitical conflict characteristic of the Cold War. Today, it persists as a problem of separatism and terrorism, driven by the struggle for hegemony in the Maghreb and Africa. This conflict, which has lasted almost half a century, has been the subject of extensive studies and academic work in various universities around the world. This paper addresses the evolution of the Sahara conflict, its scope, its possible solutions from the Latin American perspective in order to analyze the region's perception of this conflict and the challenges it poses for the relations between Morocco and Latin America. For this purpose, the methodology used was exploratory and was based on exhaustive fieldwork, which led to a tour of almost every country in the region, from Mexico to Patagonia to the south of Argentina. The core of this work is based mainly on dozens of testimonies of political personalities, heads of state, foreign ministers, parliamentarians, academics, international experts and other relevant actors in Latin American countries.

<abstract> <p>Unexpected events and shocks constitute greater threats to the attainment of zero hunger targets in Africa and the world over, and in the extreme case, lead to total collapse of the global food system and food supply chain. Consequently, this causes significant loss of critical income sources, renders individuals vulnerable, and further deteriorates households' livelihood outcome and welfare state. Therefore, the need for social protection programs to mitigate the impact of distress and unexpected events, as well as extreme occurrences cannot be over emphasized. This research used dataset from the 1499 households captured in the 2021 South African General Household Survey to investigate whether access to a special relief from distress grant has effect on the livestock farming households' food security status in Eastern Cape Province of South Africa. Descriptive statistics, cross-tabulation, a two-sample t-test, a food insecurity experience-based scale technique, and a fractional outcome model were used to analyze the datasets. Based on access to the grant, households in the non-beneficiary group are significantly distinguishable from the beneficiary counterparts, such that the beneficiary households out-performed the non-beneficiary households in the food break-even and food surplus categories. The findings further indicated the possibility of transition of the beneficiary households' population under the transitory food insecurity category to either the chronic food insecurity status or food break-even status, subject to the effectiveness of the food security policy to which they are exposed. The fractional outcome model also indicated that non-metropolitan resident households (<italic>p</italic> &lt; 0.05), access to the special grant (<italic>p</italic> &lt; 0.01), access to health facilities (<italic>p</italic> &lt; 0.01), age of households' heads (<italic>p</italic> &lt; 0.01), colored, indian and white population groups (both at <italic>p</italic> &lt; 0.01), as well as access to remittance (<italic>p</italic> &lt; 0.01) made significant contributions to the households' food security status. The Wald test indicated that access to the special relief grant had a significant effect on the households' food security status in the study area. The study therefore recommends accelerated investments in various social investment programs as sustained responses to expected and unexpected shocks and occurrences to be able to induce progress and realize more resilient food systems.</p> </abstract>

AU-Agenda 2063 was adopted at the 24th Ordinary Session of the African Heads of State and Government in 2015 as the blueprint for the future development of the continent. Built upon the continent’s past experiences, challenges, and successes, AU-Agenda 2063 comprehensively describes the strategic path for Africa’s future development in the next 50 years. Thus, the monitoring of its implementation in various African states is critical for ensuring sustainable development and track progress. However, the higher cost of collecting data for accurately and reliably monitoring the implementation of Agenda 2063 may hinder the progress towards achieving these goals. Satellite Earth observation provides ample data, and thus has provided opportunities for the development of novel products and services with the potential to support implementation, monitoring and reporting for AU-Agenda 2063 development imperatives. However, it has been limitedly exploited in Africa, as evidenced by lower research outputs and investments. This calls for increased capacity building in the use of available EO data and products for various users including decision makers to advance national, regional and continental priorities. The use of such data products is often hampered by the capability to understand the products and thus their value for addressing socio-economic challenges. This paper discusses the potential of Earth observation capacity building for supporting the implementation, monitoring of, and reporting towards achieving AU-Agenda 2063 development imperatives. Specifically, this paper identifies existing capacity building resources, including the role of open and free Earth observation data, open-source software, and product dissemination platforms that can be leveraged for supporting national development, service delivery and the achievement of AU-Agenda 2063 targets. Furthermore, the paper recognizes the importance of bilateral and multilateral partnerships in leveraging existing know-how, technology and other resources for advancing strategic goals of African emerging space agencies and promoting sustainable development, with examples from South African National Space Agency (SANSA). Then, the challenges and opportunities for capacity building and the wide adoption of EO in Africa are discussed in the context of AU-Agenda 2063. The paper thus concludes that EO capacity building is essential to address the skills and data gaps and increase the use of EO-based solutions for decision making in various sectors, critical for achieving AU-A2063.

In the global arena, the cooperation between the BRICS countries – Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa – covers around 42% of the world’s population and some of the world’s most dynamic emerging economies. Initially, the BRICS cooperation was suggested as an idea, and it was later welcomed as a new addition to the global governance debate about the future. The BRICS countries have already held ten consecutive summits of heads of state plus a large number of meetings at the ministerial level. The cooperation describes itself as a “cooperation and dialogue” platform, but it has nonetheless signed a number of binding treaties and, notably, established the New Development Bank (NDB) as a permanent institution headquartered in Shanghai (China).The cooperation has also met with resistance, criticism and problems caused by the overall complexity of global affairs in a rapidly changing world. The diversity and remote locations of the BRICS countries have also been thought of as an obstacle to their successful cooperation and their ability to play an active part in global governance in the twentyfirst century. The main challenge thus lies in their ability to overcome their differences and to make a difference in designing the future global political and economic world order. Against the backdrop of the global governance debate, the present paper therefore asks whether the BRICS cooperation constitutes a novel model of regionalism with multilateral aspirations, and what role law and, notably, the “rule of law” can play in this important task. The paper includes a discussion of the extent to which the BRICS cooperation needs to be upgraded in legal and institutional terms, and possibly to proceed from cooperation via consolidation to the codification of its most important sources of global law.

Among the biblical characters used as examples in developing and explaining satyagraha, Daniel is the most important after Jesus. In Gandhi’s speeches and writings from 1909 to 1946, Daniel served as the ideal satyagrahi both in South Africa and in India. Over time, Daniel received company in the gallery of examples in which Socrates occupied a prominent place. Depending on theme, place, and audience, past and present characters from different traditions and scriptures accompanied Daniel. They represented the development of aspects of satyagraha: nonviolent active resistance as a weapon of the strong, courageous actions as a deliberate choice without excitement, love for the antagonist, preparedness to suffer, and no fear of death. All these aspects are embodied by the Gandhian Daniel. Gandhi emphasized the active role of Daniel as a resister, not the traditional view of the victim of court intrigues. In this paper, I argue that the image of the ideal satyagrahi Daniel could be strengthened by combining the court narratives from the first half and the apocalypses from the second one of the biblical book. The article provides context both for Gandhi’s political and religious practice and for the book of Daniel. The strange world of apocalypses seems to contradict the model of the Gandhian figure Daniel. However, they are crisis literature, and it makes sense to observe how the protagonist and his audience in times of occupation, persecutions, and war ask for guidance. Apocalypses show how Jewish resistance to foreign rule was conceived. The result of the survey is a complex image of competing literatures from roughly the same period and the hands, heads, beliefs, and sufferings behind them. The view of the end of history, a program of nonviolence, and hope in the Daniel apocalypse serve as contrast propaganda to contemporary visions on the violent Maccabean revolt and the Seleucid persecutions. They offer a nonviolent counterweight to the ideology of the state propaganda of the Seleucids. They contradict the historiographic idealization of the Maccabean revolt and its armed resistance.

Welcome to Volume 6 (2021), Issue 2 edition of the Journal of African Real Estate Research (JARER). JARER has provided valuable resources that support academics and professional researchers in Africa and those interested in the African continent. Our journal offers an exciting platform for disseminating scholarly and the different types of applied research engaged within the real estate sector in Africa. This issue is coming as the first regular issue of 2021. The journal's first issue gave way for the Special Issue published in June 2021. For this reason, we want to apologize to the authors whose papers were accepted earlier in the year for the delay in publication. To forestall this situation in the future, the JARER management team has decided to start publishing individual papers in digital format on our website once accepted and while waiting to be published with a full issue at the appointed time. Karen Gibler and Geci Karuri-Sebina's diligent and painstaking efforts in supporting the journal with the successful publication of the special issue titled: Women in African Real Estate and Urban Development Research are highly appreciated. Our gratitude also goes to the journal editorial board members and the anonymous reviewers, who have been supporting and inspiring the management team, making it possible for us to improve the rate of submissions. We appreciate the continued support of the African Real Estate Society board members. Similarly, we appreciate the constant support we receive from the team and colleagues at the Library Services for the University of Cape Town, South Africa. We like to put on record the assiduous efforts of our former managing editor - Mr Luke Boyle - whose diligence and teamwork we so much enjoyed, and as he heads on to other endeavours in his life, we wish him the best. The untiring efforts of our new managing editor - Ms Lesedi Kgaka - with a view to moving the journal's operation forward and onto the next level are highly appreciated. Our thanks go to Prof. Karl-Werner Schulte and his team from the IREBS at Regensburg University, the IRES, ERES, from whom JARER continues to receive strong support. The current issue contains seven papers focusing on a wide range of topics covering diverse areas of interest in gender differential in real estate entrepreneurship, integrated rural development, housing affordability, indoor environmental quality, tenure security, resource utilization and automation in valuation. The first paper's focus is on the potential of integrated rural development schemes for improving rural housing infrastructure. A case study of the Rural Development Programme (RUDEP) of Justice Development and Peace Makers' Centre (JDPMC), a non-governmental organization in Osun State, Nigeria, was conducted. The findings led to the conclusion that the RUDEP integrated scheme could be a viable policy option for improving the condition of rural housing in Nigeria. The second paper takes a holistic view of the housing affordability problem in Africa. It considered the multifaceted nature of the problem vis-à-vis the political, social, institutional, economic and financial milieu of Africa. The paper concluded that the enormity of the problem of housing affordability in Africa is a function of, among others, the vested interest of the power brokers who were profiting from it, the market, the unwitting application of western models to Africa, poverty, and the sheer neglect by the housing policymakers of Africa of the time-tested African means of affordable housing delivery. The apparent domination of the real estate business environment by the male gender and the entrepreneurial intentions of men and women in the real estate sector are the concerns of the third paper from Nigeria. The paper studied the intentions of real estate students at three Nigerian universities to understand better barriers and supporters that shape students' entrepreneurial intentions. In doing this, the paper showed how gendered differences might impact students' entrepreneurial aspirations. The conclusion suggests gender-based differences in the entrepreneurial aspirations of real estate students in Nigeria. The fourth paper evaluated the Nigerian Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFund) intervention projects and space utilization in Nuhu Bamalli Polytechnic (NUBAPOLY), Zaria, Kaduna state, Nigeria. The results revealed that the construction of new buildings and laboratory equipment and furniture provided the main focus of TETFund intervention projects. At the same time, the overall space utilization for NUBAPOLY stood at 43.60%. The paper recommended that TETFund ensure adequate utilization of its intervention projects through supervision and inspection. At the same time, the management of Nuhu Bamalli Polytechnic should make optimum utilization of TETFund intervention projects. The fifth paper examines property valuers' perceptions of the adoption of automated valuation models (AVM) in rating valuation against the use of traditional valuation methods in Malawi. The findings showed that the general perception of Malawi's valuers towards AVM was mixed. While one school of thought gave AVM the benefit of the doubt for future incorporation into the profession if modified to suit the local environment, the other hand considered AVM a threat to the valuation profession since anyone may be deemed qualified to carry out property valuation. The conclusion was that AVM could be adopted as a supplement to the traditional valuation methods but not a replacement. The problem of land tenure security with a view to promoting and motivating land-based investment has been the focus of many countries and development partners and calls for a continuous effort at addressing this critical issue. This is the focus of the sixth paper. The paper explored the factors affecting tenure security for legal landholders in Bahir Dar City in Ethiopia. The results suggest that the perception of landholders about land tenure security was low, with consequences of disinvestment and lack of confidence of ownership on the land and property held in the city and fear of expropriation or involuntary relocation. The seventh paper is a literature review of research methods that seek to establish the measurement of individual productivity and organizational performance in office buildings containing enhanced green building features and initiatives that specifically focus on indoor environmental quality (IEQ). The paper used the PRISMA framework and included thirty-nine academic papers from 2000 to 2020 to discuss different research instruments such as post-occupancy evaluations (POE), longitudinal surveys, and interviews. The key findings highlighted that previous research measured individual productivity via self-assessment. At the same time, no research had successfully measured organizational performance within the context of green building features and initiatives. Our sincere hope that you will find the papers in this issue of the Journal of African Real Estate Research interesting, thought-provoking, and informative. We appreciate and encourage feedback from readers on their views of this and previous issues of the journal. Prof. Abel Olaleye Editor-in-Chief

In this critically insightful and highly readable book of political ethnogra- phy, Aisha Ahmad, a political scientist at University of Toronto, seeks to explain how and why Islamist movements continue to militarily prevail and politically succeed in forming proto-states, over clan, ethnic, and/or tribal based competitions, amidst the chaos and disorder of civil wars across the contemporary Muslim world, from Mali to Mindanao. To this end, Ahmad seeks to go beyond the usual expositions that center the explanatory power of Islamist ideologies and identities, which dominate the scholarly fields of political science, international relations, security studies as well as the global public discourse shaped by journalists, politicians, and the punditry of shouting heads everywhere. Through a deep, immersive study of power in Afghanistan and Soma- lia, Ahmad demonstrates the profoundly symbiotic relationship between Islamists and the local business class. While recognizing the interconnec- tions between violent conflict and illicit trade is nothing new, Ahmad’s explication of the economic logics of Islamist proto-states furnishes a nov- el two-stage dynamic to explain the indispensability and ubiquity of this Islamist-business alliance in conflict zones. The first is the gradual social process of conversion of the business class’ worldview and practice to align them with Islamist identity formations, which is “aimed at mitigating un- certainty and improving access to markets” (xvii). Alongside this long-term socialization is a second, short-term political-economic dynamic of rapid shift in the business class’s collective patronage of a new Islamist faction, based on the assumption that it will lower the cost of business. The for- midable alliance between business class interests and Islamist institutions brings forth the new Islamist proto-state. Chapter one of the book adum- brates this two-stage argument and offers justifications for the two case studies, namely the Taliban in Afghanistan and the Islamic Courts Union in Somalia. The second chapter unpacks the two-stage dynamic in detail. We learn that in modern civil wars across the Muslim world, business communi- ties intentionally adopt ardent Islamist identities as a practical means to- ward building trust and lowering cost. Islamist factions, aspiring toward hegemony, offer the possibility of economic relationships that transcend the ethnic boundaries which limit rival factions rooted in clan, tribal, or ethno-linguistic social formations. This leads to the second, faster conver- gence of business-Islamist interests, wherein the Islamist groups leverage their broader social identity and economic market to offer stronger secu- rity at a lower cost. This development of an economy of scale leads the local business elites to throw their financial support behind the Islamists at a critical juncture of militant competition. Once this threshold is met, Islamist factions rapidly conquer and consolidate territories from their rel- atively socially constrained rivals to form a new proto-state, like the Taliban regime and the Islamic Courts Union (ICU). When we look at the timeline of their development (the Taliban in 1994 and the ICU in 2006), we notice a similar length of gestation, about 15 years of war. This similarity may be coincidental, but the political-military threshold is the same. Both societ- ies, ravaged by civil war, reached a stalemate. At this critical juncture the positional properties of Islamist formations in the field of civil war factions gives the Islamists a decided economic (cost analysis) and social (trust building across clan/tribal identities) advantage. Chapters three to six examine each of the two processes for the se- lected sites of inquiry. Thus chapters three and five, respectively, explore the long-term Islamist identity construction within the smuggling industry in the Afghanistan-Pakistan borderland, and the Somali business elites’ gradual convergence with Islamists. In chapter four, Ahmad explores the second dynamic in the context of rising security costs during the Afghan civil war. Mullah Omar’s Taliban provided the order and security across the borderland that had previously eluded the variety of industries. This allowed the Taliban to expand on the backs of voluntary donations, rather than extortions like their rival tribal warlords, which in turn allowed them to recruit and retain more disciplined fighters (81). The source of these donations was the business class, especially those involved in the highly lucrative transit trade, which, before the rise of Taliban, paid immense op- portunity cost at the hands of rapacious local and tribal warlord fiefdoms and bandits. Instead of the multitude of checkpoints crisscrossing south- ern Afghanistan and the borderlands, the Taliban presented a simplified administration. While the rest of the world took notice of their repressive measures against women’s mobility, education, and cultural expression, the men of the bazaar appreciated the newly acquired public safety to ply their trade and the lowered cost of doing business. Chapter six, “The Price of Protection: The Rise of the Islamic Courts Union,” demonstrates a similar mutually beneficial Islamist-business relationship emerging out of the incessant clan-based militia conflicts that had especially plagued southern Somalia since the fall of the last national government in 1991. Businesspeople, whether they were tycoons or small business owners, had to pay two types of tax. First was what was owed to the local racket or warlord, and the second was to the ever-fragmenting sub-clan militias and their checkpoints on the intercity highways. Unlike their rival, the Transitional Federal Government (TGF), ICU forged their supra-clan institutional identity through a universalist legal discourse and practice rooted in Islamic law and ethics. They united the courts and their associated clan-based militias, including al-Shabaab. Ahmad demonstrates, through a synthesis of secondary literature and original political ethnogra- phy, the economic logics of ICU’s ability to overcome the threshold of ma- terial and social support needed to establish the rule of law and a far-reach- ing functioning government. If the Taliban and the ICU had solved the riddle of creating order and security to create hegemonic proto-states, then what was their downfall? Chapter seven gives us an account of the international interventions that caused the collapse of the two proto-states. In the aftermath of their de- struction, the internationally supported regimes that replaced them, de- spite immense monetary and military aid, have failed to gain the same level of legitimacy across Afghanistan and Somalia. In chapter eight, Ahmad expands the scope of analysis to North/Western Africa (Al-Qaeda in the Is- lamic Maghrib: AQIM), Middle East (Islamic State in Iraq and Syria: ISIS), and South Asia (Tahrik-i Taliban-i Pakistan: TTP). At the time of this book’s publication, these movements were not yet, as Ahmad posits, closed cases like the Taliban and the ICU. Thus, the data from this chapter’s comparative survey furnishes suggestive arguments for Ahmad’s larger thesis, namely that Islamist proto-states emerge out of a confluence of economic and security interests rather than mere ideological and identity politics. The epistemic humility of this chapter signals to this reader two lines of constructive criticism of some aspects of Ahmad’s sub- stantiation of this thesis. First, the juxtaposing of Islamist success against their clan-/tribal iden- tity-based rivals may be underestimating the element of ethnic solidarity in those very Islamists’ political success. The most glaring case is the Taliban, which in its original formation and in its post-American invasion frag- mentations, across the Durand Line, was more or less founded on a pan- or-tribal Pashtun social identity and economic compulsions relative to the other Afghan ethno-linguistic communities. How does one disaggregate the force of ethnic solidarity (even if it is only a necessary condition, rather than a cause) from economic calculus in explaining the rise of the Taliban proto-state? The second issue in this juxtaposition is that when we compare a suc- cessful Islamist movement against socially limited ethnocentric rivals, we discount the other Islamist movements that failed. Explanations for those Islamists that failed to create a proto-state along the lines of the ICU or the Taliban, such as al-Ittihad al-Islamiyya (Somalia) or Gulbuddin Hekmat- yar’s Hezb-e Islami (Afghanistan), needed to be more robustly taken into account and integrated into the substantiation of Ahmad’s thesis. Even in the section on ISIS, it would have been helpful to integrate the case of Jabhat al-Nusra’s (an al-Qaeda affiliate in Syria) inability to create a proto-state to rival ISIS. We must ask, why do some Jihadi Islamist movements prevail against each other and why do others fail? Perhaps some of these Islamist movements appear too early to scale up their operation (i.e., they precede Ahmad’s ‘critical juncture’), or they were too embroiled and too partisan in the illicit trade network to fully leverage their Islamist universalism to create the trust and bonds that are the first part of Ahmad’s two-stage dy- namic. Possible answers would need to complement Ahmad’s excellent po- litical ethnography with deeper quantitative dives to identify the statistical variations of these critical junctures: when does the cost of warlords and mafias’ domination outweigh the cost of Islamist-Jihadi movements’ social- ly repressive but economically liberating regimes? At which point in the social evolution of society during an unending civil war do identities forged by the bonds of blood give way to those imagined through bonds of faith? These two critical suggestions do not diminish Ahmad’s highly teach- able work. This book should be read by all concerned policy makers, schol- ars in the social sciences and humanities, and anyone who wants to go be- yond ‘culture talk’ historical causation by ideas and identity and uncover structuralist explanations for the rise of Jihadi Islamist success in civil wars across the Muslim world. It is especially recommended for adoption in cog- nate courses at the undergraduate level, for its combination of erudition and readability. Maheen ZamanAssistant ProfessorDepartment of HistoryAugsburg University

In this critically insightful and highly readable book of political ethnogra- phy, Aisha Ahmad, a political scientist at University of Toronto, seeks to explain how and why Islamist movements continue to militarily prevail and politically succeed in forming proto-states, over clan, ethnic, and/or tribal based competitions, amidst the chaos and disorder of civil wars across the contemporary Muslim world, from Mali to Mindanao. To this end, Ahmad seeks to go beyond the usual expositions that center the explanatory power of Islamist ideologies and identities, which dominate the scholarly fields of political science, international relations, security studies as well as the global public discourse shaped by journalists, politicians, and the punditry of shouting heads everywhere. Through a deep, immersive study of power in Afghanistan and Soma- lia, Ahmad demonstrates the profoundly symbiotic relationship between Islamists and the local business class. While recognizing the interconnec- tions between violent conflict and illicit trade is nothing new, Ahmad’s explication of the economic logics of Islamist proto-states furnishes a nov- el two-stage dynamic to explain the indispensability and ubiquity of this Islamist-business alliance in conflict zones. The first is the gradual social process of conversion of the business class’ worldview and practice to align them with Islamist identity formations, which is “aimed at mitigating un- certainty and improving access to markets” (xvii). Alongside this long-term socialization is a second, short-term political-economic dynamic of rapid shift in the business class’s collective patronage of a new Islamist faction, based on the assumption that it will lower the cost of business. The for- midable alliance between business class interests and Islamist institutions brings forth the new Islamist proto-state. Chapter one of the book adum- brates this two-stage argument and offers justifications for the two case studies, namely the Taliban in Afghanistan and the Islamic Courts Union in Somalia. The second chapter unpacks the two-stage dynamic in detail. We learn that in modern civil wars across the Muslim world, business communi- ties intentionally adopt ardent Islamist identities as a practical means to- ward building trust and lowering cost. Islamist factions, aspiring toward hegemony, offer the possibility of economic relationships that transcend the ethnic boundaries which limit rival factions rooted in clan, tribal, or ethno-linguistic social formations. This leads to the second, faster conver- gence of business-Islamist interests, wherein the Islamist groups leverage their broader social identity and economic market to offer stronger secu- rity at a lower cost. This development of an economy of scale leads the local business elites to throw their financial support behind the Islamists at a critical juncture of militant competition. Once this threshold is met, Islamist factions rapidly conquer and consolidate territories from their rel- atively socially constrained rivals to form a new proto-state, like the Taliban regime and the Islamic Courts Union (ICU). When we look at the timeline of their development (the Taliban in 1994 and the ICU in 2006), we notice a similar length of gestation, about 15 years of war. This similarity may be coincidental, but the political-military threshold is the same. Both societ- ies, ravaged by civil war, reached a stalemate. At this critical juncture the positional properties of Islamist formations in the field of civil war factions gives the Islamists a decided economic (cost analysis) and social (trust building across clan/tribal identities) advantage. Chapters three to six examine each of the two processes for the se- lected sites of inquiry. Thus chapters three and five, respectively, explore the long-term Islamist identity construction within the smuggling industry in the Afghanistan-Pakistan borderland, and the Somali business elites’ gradual convergence with Islamists. In chapter four, Ahmad explores the second dynamic in the context of rising security costs during the Afghan civil war. Mullah Omar’s Taliban provided the order and security across the borderland that had previously eluded the variety of industries. This allowed the Taliban to expand on the backs of voluntary donations, rather than extortions like their rival tribal warlords, which in turn allowed them to recruit and retain more disciplined fighters (81). The source of these donations was the business class, especially those involved in the highly lucrative transit trade, which, before the rise of Taliban, paid immense op- portunity cost at the hands of rapacious local and tribal warlord fiefdoms and bandits. Instead of the multitude of checkpoints crisscrossing south- ern Afghanistan and the borderlands, the Taliban presented a simplified administration. While the rest of the world took notice of their repressive measures against women’s mobility, education, and cultural expression, the men of the bazaar appreciated the newly acquired public safety to ply their trade and the lowered cost of doing business. Chapter six, “The Price of Protection: The Rise of the Islamic Courts Union,” demonstrates a similar mutually beneficial Islamist-business relationship emerging out of the incessant clan-based militia conflicts that had especially plagued southern Somalia since the fall of the last national government in 1991. Businesspeople, whether they were tycoons or small business owners, had to pay two types of tax. First was what was owed to the local racket or warlord, and the second was to the ever-fragmenting sub-clan militias and their checkpoints on the intercity highways. Unlike their rival, the Transitional Federal Government (TGF), ICU forged their supra-clan institutional identity through a universalist legal discourse and practice rooted in Islamic law and ethics. They united the courts and their associated clan-based militias, including al-Shabaab. Ahmad demonstrates, through a synthesis of secondary literature and original political ethnogra- phy, the economic logics of ICU’s ability to overcome the threshold of ma- terial and social support needed to establish the rule of law and a far-reach- ing functioning government. If the Taliban and the ICU had solved the riddle of creating order and security to create hegemonic proto-states, then what was their downfall? Chapter seven gives us an account of the international interventions that caused the collapse of the two proto-states. In the aftermath of their de- struction, the internationally supported regimes that replaced them, de- spite immense monetary and military aid, have failed to gain the same level of legitimacy across Afghanistan and Somalia. In chapter eight, Ahmad expands the scope of analysis to North/Western Africa (Al-Qaeda in the Is- lamic Maghrib: AQIM), Middle East (Islamic State in Iraq and Syria: ISIS), and South Asia (Tahrik-i Taliban-i Pakistan: TTP). At the time of this book’s publication, these movements were not yet, as Ahmad posits, closed cases like the Taliban and the ICU. Thus, the data from this chapter’s comparative survey furnishes suggestive arguments for Ahmad’s larger thesis, namely that Islamist proto-states emerge out of a confluence of economic and security interests rather than mere ideological and identity politics. The epistemic humility of this chapter signals to this reader two lines of constructive criticism of some aspects of Ahmad’s sub- stantiation of this thesis. First, the juxtaposing of Islamist success against their clan-/tribal iden- tity-based rivals may be underestimating the element of ethnic solidarity in those very Islamists’ political success. The most glaring case is the Taliban, which in its original formation and in its post-American invasion frag- mentations, across the Durand Line, was more or less founded on a pan- or-tribal Pashtun social identity and economic compulsions relative to the other Afghan ethno-linguistic communities. How does one disaggregate the force of ethnic solidarity (even if it is only a necessary condition, rather than a cause) from economic calculus in explaining the rise of the Taliban proto-state? The second issue in this juxtaposition is that when we compare a suc- cessful Islamist movement against socially limited ethnocentric rivals, we discount the other Islamist movements that failed. Explanations for those Islamists that failed to create a proto-state along the lines of the ICU or the Taliban, such as al-Ittihad al-Islamiyya (Somalia) or Gulbuddin Hekmat- yar’s Hezb-e Islami (Afghanistan), needed to be more robustly taken into account and integrated into the substantiation of Ahmad’s thesis. Even in the section on ISIS, it would have been helpful to integrate the case of Jabhat al-Nusra’s (an al-Qaeda affiliate in Syria) inability to create a proto-state to rival ISIS. We must ask, why do some Jihadi Islamist movements prevail against each other and why do others fail? Perhaps some of these Islamist movements appear too early to scale up their operation (i.e., they precede Ahmad’s ‘critical juncture’), or they were too embroiled and too partisan in the illicit trade network to fully leverage their Islamist universalism to create the trust and bonds that are the first part of Ahmad’s two-stage dy- namic. Possible answers would need to complement Ahmad’s excellent po- litical ethnography with deeper quantitative dives to identify the statistical variations of these critical junctures: when does the cost of warlords and mafias’ domination outweigh the cost of Islamist-Jihadi movements’ social- ly repressive but economically liberating regimes? At which point in the social evolution of society during an unending civil war do identities forged by the bonds of blood give way to those imagined through bonds of faith? These two critical suggestions do not diminish Ahmad’s highly teach- able work. This book should be read by all concerned policy makers, schol- ars in the social sciences and humanities, and anyone who wants to go be- yond ‘culture talk’ historical causation by ideas and identity and uncover structuralist explanations for the rise of Jihadi Islamist success in civil wars across the Muslim world. It is especially recommended for adoption in cog- nate courses at the undergraduate level, for its combination of erudition and readability. Maheen ZamanAssistant ProfessorDepartment of HistoryAugsburg University

During their inaugural meeting in Durban, South Africa, on 9 July 2002 the African heads of state replaced the 39-year-old Organization of African Unity (OAU) with the latest international organization: the African Union (AU). With the exception of Morocco that was not a member of the OAU and Madagascar, whose president is not recognized by the OAU/AU all African heads of state attended the ceremony. The AU will be headquartered in Addis Ababa in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia.

The first Commonwealth Africa Human Rights Conference (CAHRC) took place in Harare, Zimbabwe between 11–14 October 1991 and immediately preceded the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM). Organized by three local non-governmental organizations, it brought together participants from 14 Commonwealth African nations together with South Africa. NGOs represented included the African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies (The Gambia); Kituo Cha Sheria (Kenya); the Civil Liberties Organization (Nigeria); the Legal Assistance Centre (Namibia); the Legal Resources Centre (South Africa); Uganda Human Rights Activists; and Women in Law and Development in Africa (Mauritius and Tanzania). The conference was informed that one Nigerian participant, Femi Falana, the President of the National Association of Democratic Lawyers, was prevented by his government from leaving Nigeria. Participants unanimously condemned this action and a communication to this effect was sent to the Nigerian Head of State who was attending CHOGM.

Albeit the Rome Statute does not recognise the immunity of incumbent presidents before the International Criminal Court (ICC), prosecuting sitting presidents of non-parties states has become a debacle. Accordingly, despite the decisions of the Supreme Court of Appeal of South Africa and the Pre-Trial Chamber II of the ICC against non-compliance of South Africa and Jordan respectively in the arrest of Al Bashir as the serving President of Sudan, Al Bashir has never been tried even now as a former president because no state is willing to arrest and surrender him. The main defence for not cooperating with the Court is that the serving president, especially of non-states parties still enjoys immunity recognised by customary international law. Accordingly, while Article 27 of the Rome Statute is not applicable to non-state parties as argued by these states, Article 98 is applicable even though these arguments have been categorically rebutted by the Court. Consequently, since the Al Bashir case remains a prototype for state cooperation and the prosecution of serving heads of state before the ICC, this might become the fate of Vladimir Putin as serving head of state of the Russian Federation. This article used qualitative research methods and argues that without state cooperation in matters of arrest and surrender of sitting heads of state and other senior state officials to the ICC, the court’s effort to realise justice for crimes against humanity will remain largely unsuccessful under international criminal law. Keywords: State cooperation, Putin’s arrest warrant, Al Bashir case, International Criminal Court, non-state parties to the Rome Statute.

Governments cannot effectively manage and handle disasters, particularly at the local community level, without actively engaging vulnerable people. The key to achieving sustainability in disaster recovery is community participation and information dissemination. The informal settlements’ lack of access to information and public engagement hampered their ability to recovery, thus prompting this study. Therefore, many cities and intervention partnerships faced information and participation gaps in disaster risk reduction (DRR). The study’s rationale was to determine the participation and communication of Khayalitjha household heads, regarding DRR information dissemination for sustainable human settlement, using a cross-sectional household survey of 295 household heads from Khayalitjha in situ informal settlement in the Free State provinces of South Africa. The security of dwelling unit tenure concept was an indirect indicator used to measure social resilience. The key findings revealed that community volunteers, ward committee members and most of the respondents, were responsible for initiating the DRR and disaster preparedness planning process. This indicated that local government needs to strengthen the human resource capacity building for DRR management information dissemination at a local level. The church, school, WhatsApp, Facebook, Twitter and Instagram were the preferred modes of communication for early warnings of disaster information.Contribution: Despite advocating for a multidisciplinary stakeholder approach, urban DRR studies tend to ignore communities in high disaster-risk areas. Employing social resilience, it aims to extend the DRR information dissemination strategy to in situ informal settlements beyond the communication and public participation advocacy strategies of local municipal urban cities.

Malcolm X’s appeal to the African Heads of State at the 1964 Organization of African Unity (OAU) meeting was necessary to strengthen the Pan-African bonds between Africans and African-Americans during that time. Following the anti-communism push in the post-WWII United States, many Black leaders disassociated with the anti-colonial movements in Africa and began to have a more domestic focus in their pursuit of freedom. While Malcolm X had consistently viewed the struggle of African-Americans as connected to the independence struggle of continental Africans, his 1964 appeal was a high mark. Through a comparative analysis of the speeches of the African Heads of State from this OAU summit, the author explores the way those leaders addressed the African-American, South African, and Palestinian struggles differently. Based on that study, the author concludes that Malcolm’s appeal to these leaders was necessary if the African-American problem was going to gain more attention from them.

Political leaders who fight against the abuse of power are frequently imprisoned for their political activities. Their voices challenge the existing autocratic rulers and their experiences inside and outside prison are essentially emblematic. This article explores power, politics and the prison life of three famous politicians of three continents: Antonio Gramsci from Italy (Europe), Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from Bangladesh (Asia), and Nelson Mandela from South Africa (Africa). Prison Notebooks by Gramsci, Prison Diaries by Rahman, and Conversations with Myself by Mandela are extraordinary works, which contribute immensely to the shaping of prison literature. These authors wrote about loneliness, hegemony, state repression and their resistance against power to establish human rights. Focusing on Michel Foucault’s concept of power, domination and the systematic reformations to treat prisoners more humanely, this article undertakes a comparative critical reading of these three prison narratives about the imprisonment of the three politicians. The analysis explores their protest against power abuse and struggle for humanity, justice, equality and dignity, which make them icons of leadership in the world.

The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) Project on Nursing and Midwifery Education in Africa is designed to respond to critical health skill concerns and a pledge made by the Heads of State and Government of the African Union (AU) in Uganda in 2010 (AU 2010). Ten years later, the State of the World’s Nursing Report (SoWN) (WHO 2020) estimates a shortage of 5.9 million nurses, with the greatest gap (89%) found in low- and lower middle-income countries. To achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) relating to health and well-being, World Health Organisation (WHO) member states would have to educate enough nurses to eliminate global shortages and to meet changing healthcare needs. In low- and lower middle-income countries, addressing nursing shortages requires an average increase in the number of graduates of 8.8% per year from 2018 to 2030 and an uptake of at least 70% into the workforce. The production and uptake burden facing southern Africa is a double-edged sword; a project such as this attempts to address this dual burden by adopting a novel approach to build nursing and midwifery capacity that espouses the values of collaboration, self-reliance and humanness. In this paper, we report on South-South collaboration as one of the strategies to develop nursing and midwifery education in the context and challenges of universities in southern Africa. The paper outlines the principles and values of the project; rooted in Ubuntu as a theoretical framework, it articulates the project vision, goals, objectives and implementation methodology, concluding with the profile of six NEPAD projects.

Orientation: There is a lack of empirical studies regarding the adoption and implementation of the activity-based costing (ABC) system in South African state universities, despite its advantages.Research purpose: This study reports the perceptions on the factors influencing the adoption of ABC held by finance and academic staff at the Durban University of Technology (DUT), KwaZulu-Natal.Motivation for the study: The lack of empirical studies demanded understanding of those factors that influence the adoption of ABC at state-owned universities in South Africa. Therefore, this study examined the factors influencing the adoption of ABC in a South African state university using the DUT as a case study.Research approach/design and method: The study adopted a mixed research method conducted with 202 staff members: 129 academics, 41 heads of departments and 32 finance staff.Main findings: The positive factors influencing the adoption of ABC included the organisational strategy, information technology, decision usefulness of cost information, contextual orenvironmental factors and the organisational structure. However, the systems adaptability theme was considered a barrier to the adoption of ABC.Practical/managerial implications: The information could inform strategic initiatives related to the adoption and implementation of ABC in the university or similar state-funded universities.Contribution/value-add: The study provided an empirical understanding of the factors that would hinder and assist the adoption and execution of the ABC system.

Abstract Background End-stage kidney disease (ESKD) and the required kidney replacement therapy (KRT) are significant public health challenges for low-and-middle-income countries. The South African government adopted a KRT rationing policy to balance the growing need for KRT and scarce resources. We aimed to describe the epidemiology and KRT access in patients with ESKD referred to the main public sector hospital in the Free State Province, South Africa. Methods A retrospective study of adult patients with ESKD admitted to Universitas Academic Hospital for KRT, was conducted between 1 January 2016 and 31 December 2018. A review of the KRT committee decisions to offer or deny KRT based on the KRT rationing policy of the Free State was undertaken. Demographic information, KRT committee outcomes, laboratory test results, and clinical details were collected from assessment tools, KRT committee meeting diaries, and electronic hospital records. Results Of 363 patients with ESKD referred for KRT access, 96 with incomplete records were excluded and 267 were included in the analysis. Median patient age was 40 (interquartile range, 33‒49) years, and male patients accounted for 56.2 % (150/267, p = 0.004) of the cohort. The average annual ESKD incidence was 49.9 (95 % confidence interval [CI], 35.8‒64.0) per-million-population. The most prevalent comorbidities were hypertension (42.3 %; 113/267), human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) (28.5 %; 76/267), and diabetes mellitus (19.1 %; 51/267). The KRT access rate was 30.7 % (82/267), with annual KRT incidence rates of 8.05 (95 % CI, 4.98‒11.1), 11.5 (95 % CI, 7.83‒15.1), and 14.1 (95 % CI, 10.3‒18.0) per-million-population in 2016, 2017, and 2018, respectively. Advanced organ dysfunction was the commonest reason recorded for KRT access denial (58.9 %; 109/185). Age (odds ratio [OR], 1.04; 95 % CI, 1.00‒1.07; p = 0.024) and diabetes (OR, 5.04; CI, 1.69‒15.03; p = 0.004) were independent predictors for exclusion from KRT, while hypertension (OR, 1.80; 1.06‒3.04; p = 0.029) independently predicted advanced organ dysfunction resulting in KRT exclusion. Conclusions Non-communicable and communicable diseases, including hypertension, diabetes, and HIV, contributed to ESKD, highlighting the need for improved early prevention strategies to address a growing incidence rate. Two-thirds of ESKD patients were unable to access KRT, with age, diabetes mellitus, and advanced organ dysfunction being significant factors adversely affecting KRT access.

Preservation of medical histories records is very crucial to patients’ healthcare quality since when preservation is not being discharged properly; medical histories records are either inaccessible or difficult to access, which has a detrimental effect on the healthcare services provided to patients. The purpose of the study was to investigate strategies for the preservation of medical records and to recommend a framework that healthcare institutions may use to ensure that they have their patients’ medical records/histories at their fingertips (readily available). Stratified random sampling was used in the study to collect questionnaire data from records management officials and heads of clinical, nursing and records management units at 40 state hospitals in the province of Limpopo in South Africa. The data was augmented with observation, system analysis and document analysis. The study revealed that the preservation of medical records in public healthcare institutions in Limpopo was very chaotic, to the extent that access to patients’ medical histories was not always a possibility. Healthcare institutions need a framework for medical records preservation throughout the process of healthcare service delivery, to avoid chaotic healthcare service that eventually hamper health of the patients. The study provided a generic framework that may be localised as a centre of benchmark for healthcare institutions to suit their own environmental needs.

In recent times, there is a resurgence of aggressive consciousness by citizens of most African countries, firmly fashioned and sustained through social media. Social media in this way effectively play roles of mobilizing and (re)constructing national identities and solidarities in ways that citizens regularly enter into violent confrontations with foreign nationals, often stereotyped as threats to the prosperity of citizens. In some African countries, executive orders have been given by heads of government that saw the vicious expulsion of millions of foreign nationals. With the advent of distance-and time-shrinking information and communication technologies, social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and WhatsApp are relied upon in rousing support for national interests and in-group solidarity. Through a systematic review of national immigration policies and content analysis of Facebook newsfeeds in selected countries of East/Central, West and Southern Africa (Zimbabwe, Ethiopia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Nigeria, Somalia, Ghana, Uganda, and South Africa), this paper examines how social media strengthen in-group solidarities with the attendant consequences of loss of lives, properties, and inter-state diplomatic relations in postcolonial Africa. The paper concludes that while encouraging freedom of expression within the continent, social media also bolster freedom to hate as both citizens and foreign nationals become more distrustful of one another, thereby exacerbating competition, rivalry and xenophobia. As citizens exercise their right to voice their opinions, they also actively dehumanize foreign nationals. The paper recommends that kin and friendship networks should become the sphere within which interventions for antixenophobia campaigns occur in post-colonial Africa, as these hold the social capital to bridge the divide between citizens and foreign nationals in attempts to achieve peaceful co-existence.

Purpose The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) has been mediating the South Sudan conflict since 2013. IGAD’s intervention in South Sudan is anchored on its founding norm of peaceful settlement of regional conflicts and in reference to the principle of subsidiarity, under the Africa Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). However, it is puzzling how violence continued unabated even as conflict parties negotiated and signed numerous agreements under the auspices of IGAD. The parties to conflict seem unwilling to implement the 2018 peace agreement, which is arguably un-implementable. Yet, it appears that IGAD mediators were privy to this situation all along. The question that then arises is why IGAD would continue engaging in a mediation process that neither ends violence nor offers a promise of a resolution? Drawing out on empirical data, this paper argues that IGAD’s organisational structures and functionality are key to understanding and explaining the South Sudan phenomenon within broader discourses on peace and security regionalism in Africa. This paper suggests the need to pay attention to the embeddedness of political power dynamics in the structures and functionality of Africa’s Regional Economic Communities (RECs), such as IGAD, as one of the ways to (re)thinking and (re)orienting norms and practices of regional conflict management within the APSA and in pursuit of the “African solutions to African problems.” Design/methodology/approach Data for this paper was obtained through document reviews and 39 elite interviews. The interviews were conducted with representatives of IGAD member states, bureaucrats of IGAD and its organs mediation support teams, conflict parties, diplomats and other relevant experts purposively selected based on their role in the mediation. The physical interviews were conducted in Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda, with others conducted virtually. Analysis and presentation of findings are largely perspectival, highlighting coexistence of contending peacemaking ideas and practices. The discussions centre around inter-linked themes of IGAD’s conceptions of peace and approaches to peacemaking as informed by its structural and functional designs. Findings Findings illustrate the complexity of the peace process and the centrality of power politics in IGAD’s peace and security arrangements. In view of the findings, this paper echoes the need for enhanced and predictable collaborative framework between IGAD and the African Union (AU) as central to the operationalisation of the APSA and pursuit of the African solutions to the African problems. Hence, this paper suggests transforming IGAD’s political program into a robust political bureau with predictable interlinkages and structured engagements between IGAD’s heads of state and government and the APSA’s Panel of the Wise (PoW). Originality/value The study is based on empirical data obtained through the researcher's own framed questions, and its argument is based on the researcher's own interpretations innovatively framed within existing theoretical framework, particularly hybrid peace theory. Based on the findings, this paper makes bold and practical recommendations for possible workable collaborative framework between IGAD and the AU under the APSA framework

The promotion and protection of human rights in Africa is underpinned by the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (“the African Charter” or “Banjul Charter”) which was adopted by the Assembly of the Heads of State and Government of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) on 27 June 1981. Other key instruments under the African human rights system are the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (which was adopted in July 2003 and addresses a variety of civil, political, economic, cultural and social rights) and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (which was adopted in July 1990 and entered into force on 29 November 1999). The former has not yet entered into force (as of August 2005, 12 states had ratified the Protocol which requires 15 ratifications to enter into force) while the latter has its own monitoring body, the Committee on the Rights and Welfare of the Child. Consequently, discussion of these two instruments is outside the scope of this note. The Charter entered into force on 21 October 1986 and had been ratified by 53 member states of the African Union (AU) as of July 2004. The African Union is a regional inter-governmental organisation that replaced the OAU. The Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU adopted the Constitutive Act that established the AU in Lome, Togo, on 11 July 2000. The AU was officially launched in Durban, South Africa, on 10 July 2002. The African Charter aims to promote and protect a comprehensive list of rights which includes both individual and collective people’s rights. While its regional counterparts – the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms 1950 and the American Convention on Human Rights 1969 - guarantee only civil and political rights, the African Charter covers civil and political rights (the so-called “first generation” rights); economic, social, and cultural rights (the so-called “second generation” rights); and collective rights of peoples (the so-called “third generation” rights). The Charter also innovatively provides for duties of the individual and the state. This paper discusses the promotion and protection of economic, socialand cultural rights under the African Charter. It does this by first outlining the substantive content of the Charter. Secondly, it provides an overview of the supervisory mechanisms established in terms of the Charter. Next, the paper discusses the methods of promotion and protection of rights under the Charter and the limitations thereto. The paper then presents an overview of the jurisprudence of the African Commission on economic, social and cultural rights. The paper concludes with some comments on the effectiveness of the African human rights system.

Abstract Background African animal trypanosomosis (AAT), transmitted by tsetse flies, is arguably the main disease constraint to integrated crop-livestock agriculture in sub-Saharan Africa, and African heads of state and governments adopted a resolution to rid the continent of this scourge. In order to sustainably reduce or eliminate the burden of AAT, a progressive and evidence-based approach is needed, which must hinge on harmonized, spatially explicit information on the occurrence of AAT and its vectors. Methods A digital repository was assembled, containing tsetse and AAT data collected in Burkina Faso between 1990 and 2019. Data were collected either in the framework of control activities or for research purposes. Data were systematically verified, harmonized, georeferenced and integrated into a database (PostgreSQL). Entomological data on tsetse were mapped at the level of individual monitoring traps. When this was not possible, mapping was done at the level of site or location. Epidemiological data on AAT were mapped at the level of location or village. Results Entomological data showed the presence of four tsetse species in Burkina Faso. Glossina tachinoides, present from the eastern to the western part of the country, was the most widespread and abundant species (56.35% of the catches). Glossina palpalis gambiensis was the second most abundant species (35.56%), and it was mainly found in the west. Glossina morsitans submorsitans was found at lower densities (6.51%), with a patchy distribution in the southern parts of the country. A single cluster of G. medicorum was detected (less than 0.25%), located in the south-west. Unidentified tsetse flies accounted for 1.33%. For the AAT component, data for 54,948 animal blood samples were assembled from 218 geographic locations. The samples were tested with a variety of diagnostic methods. AAT was found in all surveyed departments, including the tsetse-free areas in the north. Trypanosoma vivax and T. congolense infections were the dominant ones, with a prevalence of 5.19 ± 18.97% and 6.11 ± 21.56%, respectively. Trypanosoma brucei infections were detected at a much lower rate (0.00 ± 0.10%). Conclusions The atlas provides a synoptic view of the available information on tsetse and AAT distribution in Burkina Faso. Data are very scanty for most of the tsetse-free areas in the northern part of the country. Despite this limitation, this study generated a robust tool for targeting future surveillance and control activities. The development of the atlas also strengthened the collaboration between the different institutions involved in tsetse and AAT research and control in Burkina Faso, which will be crucial for future updates and the sustainability of the initiative. Graphical Abstract

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Introduction The genealogy of Feminist Standpoint Theory in the 1970s prioritised “locationality”, particularly the recognition of social and historical locations as valuable contribution to knowledge production. Pioneering figures such as Sandra Harding, Dorothy Smith, Patricia Hill Collins, Alison Jaggar, and Donna Haraway have argued that the oppressed must have some means (such as language, cultural practices) to enter the world of the oppressor in order to access some understanding of how the world works from the privileged perspective. In the essay “Meeting at the Edge of Fear: Theory on a World Scale”, the Australian social scientist Raewyn Connell explains that the production of feminist theory almost always comes from the global North. Connell critiques the hegemony of mainstream Northern feminism in her pyramidal model (59), showing how theory/knowledge is produced at the apex (global North) of a pyramid structure and “trickles down” (59) to the global South. Connell refers to a second model called mosaic epistemology which shows that multiple feminist ideologies across global North/South are juxtaposed against each other like tiles, with each specific culture making its own claims to validity.However, Nigerian feminist Bibi Bakare-Yusuf’s reflection on the fluidity of culture in her essay “Fabricating Identities” (5) suggests that fixing knowledge as Northern and Southern—disparate, discrete, and rigidly structured tiles—is also problematic. Connell proposes a third model called solidarity-based epistemology which involves mutual learning and critiquing with a focus on solidarity across differences. However, this is impractical in implementation especially given that feminist nomenclature relies on problematic terms such as “international”, “global North/South”, “transnational”, and “planetary” to categorise difference, spatiality, and temporality, often creating more distance than reciprocal exchange. Geographical specificity can be too limiting, but we also need to acknowledge that it is geographical locationality which becomes disadvantageous to overcome racial, cultural, and gender biases — and here are few examples.Nomenclatures: Global-North and Global South ParadigmThe global North/South terminology differentiating the two regions according to means of trade and relative wealth emerged from the Brandt Report’s delineation of the North as wealthy and South as impoverished in 1980s. Initially, these terms were a welcome repudiation of the hierarchical nomenclature of “developed” and “developing” nations. Nevertheless, the categories of North and South are problematic because of increased socio-economic heterogeneity causing erasure of local specificities without reflecting microscopic conflicts among feminists within the global North and the global South. Some feminist terms such as “Third World feminism” (Narayan), “global feminism” (Morgan), or “local feminisms” (Basu) aim to centre women's movements originating outside the West or in the postcolonial context, other labels attempt to making feminism more inclusive or reflective of cross-border linkages. These include “transnational feminism” (Grewal and Kaplan) and “feminism without borders” (Mohanty). In the 1980s, Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw’s concept of intersectionality garnered attention in the US along with Gloria Anzaldúa’s Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza (1987), which raised feminists’ awareness of educational, healthcare, and financial disparities among women and the experiences of marginalised people across the globe, leading to an interrogation of the aims and purposes of mainstream feminism. In general, global North feminism refers to white middle class feminist movements further expanded by concerns about civil rights and contemporary queer theory while global South feminism focusses on decolonisation, economic justice, and disarmament. However, the history of colonialism demonstrates that this paradigm is inadequate because the oppression and marginalisation of Black, Indigenous, and Queer activists have been avoided purposely in the homogenous models of women’s oppression depicted by white radical and liberal feminists. A poignant example is from Audre Lorde’s personal account:I wheeled my two-year-old daughter in a shopping cart through a supermarket in Eastchester in 1967, and a little white girl riding past in her mother’s cart calls out excitedly, ‘oh look, Mommy, a baby maid!’ And your mother shushes you, but does not correct you, and so fifteen years later, at a conference on racism, you can still find that story humorous. But I hear your laughter is full of terror and disease. (Lorde)This exemplifies how the terminology global North/South is a problem because there are inequities within the North that are parallel to the division of power and resources between North and South. Additionally, Susan Friedman in Planetary Modernisms observes that although the terms “Global North” and “Global South” are “rhetorically spatial” they are “as geographically imprecise and ideologically weighted as East/West” because “Global North” signifies “modern global hegemony” and “Global South” signifies the “subaltern, … —a binary construction that continues to place the West at the controlling centre of the plot” (Friedman, 123).Focussing on research-activism debate among US feminists, Sondra Hale takes another tack, emphasising that feminism in the global South is more pragmatic than the theory-oriented feminist discourse of the North (Hale). Just as the research-scholarship binary implies myopic assumption that scholarship is a privileged activity, Hale’s observations reveal a reductive assumption in the global North and global South nomenclature that feminism at the margins is theoretically inadequate. In other words, recognising the “North” as the site of theoretical processing is a euphemism for Northern feminists’ intellectual supremacy and the inferiority of Southern feminist praxis. To wit, theories emanating from the South are often overlooked or rejected outright for not aligning with Eurocentric framings of knowledge production, thereby limiting the scope of feminist theories to those that originate in the North. For example, while discussing Indigenous women’s craft-autobiography, the standard feminist approach is to apply Susan Sontag’s theory of gender and photography to these artefacts even though it may not be applicable given the different cultural, social, and class contexts in which they are produced. Consequently, Moroccan feminist Fatima Mernissi’s Islamic methodology (Mernissi), the discourse of land rights, gender equality, kinship, and rituals found in Bina Agarwal’s A Field of One’s Own, Marcia Langton’s “Grandmothers’ Law”, and the reflection on military intervention are missing from Northern feminist theoretical discussions. Moreover, “outsiders within” feminist scholars fit into Western feminist canonical requirements by publishing their works in leading Western journals or seeking higher degrees from Western institutions. In the process, Northern feminists’ intellectual hegemony is normalised and regularised. An example of the wealth of the materials outside of mainstream Western feminist theories may be found in the work of Girindrasekhar Bose, a contemporary of Sigmund Freud, founder of the Indian Psychoanalytic Society and author of the book Concept of Repression (1921). Bose developed the “vagina envy theory” long before the neo-Freudian psychiatrist Karen Horney proposed it, but it is largely unknown in the West. Bose’s article “The Genesis and Adjustment of the Oedipus Wish” discarded Freud’s theory of castration and explained how in the Indian cultural context, men can cherish an unconscious desire to bear a child and to be castrated, implicitly overturning Freud’s correlative theory of “penis envy.” Indeed, the case of India shows that the birth of theory can be traced back to as early as eighth century when study of verbal ornamentation and literary semantics based on the notion of dbvani or suggestion, and the aesthetic theory of rasa or "sentiment" is developed. If theory means systematic reasoning and conceptualising the structure of thought, methods, and epistemology, it exists in all cultures but unfortunately non-Western theory is largely invisible in classroom courses.In the recent book Queer Activism in India, Naisargi Dev shows that the theory is rooted in activism. Similarly, in her essay “Seed and Earth”, Leela Dube reveals how Eastern theories are distorted as they are Westernised. For instance, the “Purusha-Prakriti” concept in Hinduism where Purusha stands for pure consciousness and Prakriti stands for the entire phenomenal world is almost universally misinterpreted in terms of Western binary oppositions as masculine consciousness and feminine creative principle which has led to disastrous consequences including the legitimisation of male control over female sexuality. Dube argues how heteropatriarchy has twisted the Purusha-Prakriti philosophy to frame the reproductive metaphor of the male seed germinating in the female field for the advantage of patrilineal agrarian economies and to influence a homology between reproductive metaphors and cultural and institutional sexism (Dube 22-24). Attempting to reverse such distortions, ecofeminist Vandana Shiva rejects dualistic and exploitative “contemporary Western views of nature” (37) and employs the original Prakriti-Purusha cosmology to construct feminist vision and environmental ethics. Shiva argues that unlike Cartesian binaries where nature or Prakriti is inert and passive, in Hindu Philosophy, Purusha and Prakriti are inseparable and inviolable (Shiva 37-39). She refers to Kalika Purana where it is explained how rivers and mountains have a dual nature. “A river is a form of water, yet is has a distinct body … . We cannot know, when looking at a lifeless shell, that it contains a living being. Similarly, within the apparently inanimate rivers and mountains there dwells a hidden consciousness. Rivers and mountains take the forms they wish” (38).Scholars on the periphery who never migrated to the North find it difficult to achieve international audiences unless they colonise themselves, steeping their work in concepts and methods recognised by Western institutions and mimicking the style and format that western feminist journals follow. The best remedy for this would be to interpret border relations and economic flow between countries and across time through the prism of gender and race, an idea similar to what Sarah Radcliffe, Nina Laurie and Robert Andolina have called the “transnationalization of gender” (160).Migration between Global North and Global SouthReformulation of feminist epistemology might reasonably begin with a focus on migration and gender politics because international and interregional migration have played a crucial role in the production of feminist theories. While some white mainstream feminists acknowledge the long history of feminist imperialism, they need to be more assertive in centralising non-Western theories, scholarship, and institutions in order to resist economic inequalities and racist, patriarchal global hierarchies of military and organisational power. But these possibilities are stymied by migrants’ “de-skilling”, which maintains unequal power dynamics: when migrants move from the global South to global North, many end up in jobs for which they are overqualified because of their cultural, educational, racial, or religious alterity.In the face of a global trend of movement from South to North in search of a “better life”, visual artist Naiza Khan chose to return to Pakistan after spending her childhood in Lebanon before being trained at the University of Oxford. Living in Karachi over twenty years, Khan travels globally, researching, delivering lectures, and holding exhibitions on her art work. Auj Khan’s essay “Peripheries of Thought and Practise in Naiza Khan’s Work” argues: “Khan seems to be going through a perpetual diaspora within an ownership of her hybridity, without having really left any of her abodes. This agitated space of modern hybrid existence is a rich and ripe ground for resolution and understanding. This multiple consciousness is an edge for anyone in that space, which could be effectively made use of to establish new ground”. Naiza Khan’s works embrace loss or nostalgia and a sense of choice and autonomy within the context of unrestricted liminal geographical boundaries.Early work such as “Chastity Belt,” “Heavenly Ornaments”, “Dream”, and “The Skin She Wears” deal with the female body though Khan resists the “feminist artist” category, essentially because of limited Western associations and on account of her paradoxical, diasporic subjectivity: of “the self and the non-self, the doable and the undoable and the anxiety of possibility and choice” (Khan Webpage). Instead, Khan theorises “gender” as “personal sexuality”. The symbolic elements in her work such as corsets, skirts, and slips, though apparently Western, are purposely destabilised as she engages in re-constructing the cartography of the body in search of personal space. In “The Wardrobe”, Khan establishes a path for expressing women’s power that Western feminism barely acknowledges. Responding to the 2007 Islamabad Lal Masjid siege by militants, Khan reveals the power of the burqa to protect Muslim men by disguising their gender and sexuality; women escape the Orientalist gaze. For Khan, home is where her art is—beyond the global North and South dichotomy.In another example of de-centring Western feminist theory, the Indian-British sitar player Anoushka Shankar, who identifies as a radical pro-feminist, in her recent musical album “Land of Gold” produces what Chilla Bulbeck calls “braiding at the borderlands”. As a humanitarian response to the trauma of displacement and the plight of refugees, Shankar focusses on women giving birth during migration and the trauma of being unable to provide stability and security to their children. Grounded in maternal humility, Shankar’s album, composed by artists of diverse background as Akram Khan, singer Alev Lenz, and poet Pavana Reddy, attempts to dissolve boundaries in the midst of chaos—the dislocation, vulnerability and uncertainty experienced by migrants. The album is “a bit of this, and a bit of that” (borrowing Salman Rushdie’s definition of migration in Satanic Verses), both in terms of musical genre and cultural identities, which evokes emotion and subjective fluidity. An encouraging example of truly transnational feminist ethics, Shankar’s album reveals the chasm between global North and global South represented in the tension of a nascent friendship between a white, Western little girl and a migrant refugee child. Unlike mainstream feminism, where migration is often sympathetically feminised and exotified—or, to paraphrase bell hooks, difference is commodified (hooks 373) — Shankar’s album simultaneously exhibits regional, national, and transnational elements. The album inhabits multiple borderlands through musical genres, literature and politics, orality and text, and ethnographic and intercultural encounters. The message is: “the body is a continent / But may your heart always remain the sea" (Shankar). The human rights advocate and lawyer Randa Abdel-Fattah, in her autobiographical novel Does My Head Look Big in This?, depicts herself as “colourful adjectives” (such as “darkies”, “towel-heads”, or the “salami eaters”), painful identities imposed on her for being a Muslim woman of colour. These ultimately empower her to embrace her identity as a Palestinian-Egyptian-Australian Muslim writer (Abdel-Fattah 359). In the process, Abdel-Fattah reveals how mainstream feminism participates in her marginalisation: “You’re constantly made to feel as you’re commenting as a Muslim, and somehow your views are a little bit inferior or you’re somehow a little bit more brainwashed” (Abdel-Fattah, interviewed in 2015).With her parental roots in the global South (Egyptian mother and Palestinian father), Abdel-Fattah was born and brought up in the global North, Australia (although geographically located in global South, Australia is categorised as global North for being above the world average GDP per capita) where she embraced her faith and religious identity apparently because of Islamophobia:I refuse to be an apologist, to minimise this appalling state of affairs… While I'm sick to death, as a Muslim woman, of the hypocrisy and nonsensical fatwas, I confess that I'm also tired of white women who think the answer is flashing a bit of breast so that those "poor," "infantilised" Muslim women can be "rescued" by the "enlightened" West - as if freedom was the sole preserve of secular feminists. (Abdel-Fattah, "Ending Oppression")Abdel-Fattah’s residency in the global North while advocating for justice and equality for Muslim women in both the global North and South is a classic example of the mutual dependency between the feminists in global North and global South, and the need to recognise and resist neoliberal policies applied in by the North to the South. In her novel, sixteen-year-old Amal Mohamed chooses to become a “full-time” hijab wearer in an elite school in Melbourne just after the 9/11 tragedy, the Bali bombings which killed 88 Australians, and the threat by Algerian-born Abdel Nacer Benbrika, who planned to attack popular places in Sydney and Melbourne. In such turmoil, Amal’s decision to wear the hijab amounts to more than resistance to Islamophobia: it is a passionate search for the true meaning of Islam, an attempt to embrace her hybridity as an Australian Muslim girl and above all a step towards seeking spiritual self-fulfilment. As the novel depicts Amal’s challenging journey amidst discouraging and painful, humiliating experiences, the socially constructed “bloody confusing identity hyphens” collapse (5). What remains is the beautiful veil that stands for Amal’s multi-valence subjectivity. The different shades of her hijab reflect different moods and multiple “selves” which are variously tentative, rebellious, romantic, argumentative, spiritual, and ambitious: “I am experiencing a new identity, a new expression of who I am on the inside” (25).In Griffith Review, Randa-Abdel Fattah strongly criticises the book Nine Parts of Desire by Geraldine Brooks, a Wall-Street Journal reporter who travelled from global North to the South to cover Muslim women in the Middle East. Recognising the liberal feminist’s desire to explore the Orient, Randa-Abdel calls the book an example of feminist Orientalism because of the author’s inability to understand the nuanced diversity in the Muslim world, Muslim women’s purposeful downplay of agency, and, most importantly, Brooks’s inevitable veil fetishism in her trip to Gaza and lack of interest in human rights violations of Palestinian women or their lack of access to education and health services. Though Brooks travelled from Australia to the Middle East, she failed to develop partnerships with the women she met and distanced herself from them. This underscores the veracity of Amal’s observation in Abdel Fattah’s novel: “It’s mainly the migrants in my life who have inspired me to understand what it means to be an Aussie” (340). 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This article is concerned with dance as an embodied form of collective remembering in the Andean department of Ayacucho in Peru. Andean dance and fiesta are inextricably linked with notions of identity, cultural heritage and history. Rather than being simply aesthetic —steps to music or a series of movements — dance is readable as being a deeper embodiment of the broader struggles and concerns of a people. As anthropologist Zoila Mendoza writes, in post-colonial countries such as those in Africa and Latin America, dance is and was a means “through which people contested, domesticated and reworked signs of domination in their society” (39). Andean dance has long been a space of contestation and resistance (Abercrombie; Bigenho; Isbell; Mendoza; Stern). It also functions as a repository, a dynamic archive which holds and tells the collective narrative of a cultural time and space. As Jane Cowan observes “dance is much more than knowing the steps; it involves both social knowledge and social power” (xii). In cultures where the written word has not played a central role in the construction and transmission of knowledge, dance is a particularly rich resource for understanding. “Embodied practice, along with and bound up with other cultural practices, offers a way of knowing” (Taylor 3). This is certainly true in the Andes of Peru where dance, music and fiesta are central to social, cultural, economic and political life. This article combines the areas of cultural memory with aspects of dance anthropology in a bid to reveal what is often unspoken and discover new ways of accessing and understanding non-verbal forms of memory through the embodied medium of dance. In societies where dance is integral to daily life the dance becomes an important resource for a deeper understanding of social and cultural memory. However, this characteristic of the dance has been largely overlooked in the field of memory studies. Paul Connerton writes, “… that there is an aspect of social memory which has been greatly ignored but is absolutely essential: bodily social memory” (382). I am interested in the role of dance as a site memory because as a dancer I am acutely aware of embodied memory and of the importance of dance as a narrative mode, not only for the dancer but also for the spectator. This article explores the case study of rural carnival performed in the city of Huamanga, in the Andean department of Ayacucho and includes interviews I conducted with rural campesinos (this literally translates as people from the country, however, it is a complex term imbedded with notions of class and race) between June 2009 and March 2010. Through examining the transformative effect of what I call the chorography of place, I argue that rural campesinos embody the memory of place, dancing that place into being in the urban setting as a means of remembering and maintaining connection to their homeland and salvaging cultural heritage.The department of Ayacucho is located in the South-Central Andes of Peru. The majority of the population are Quechua-speaking campesinos many of whom live in extreme poverty. Nestled in a cradle of mountains at 2,700 meters above sea level is the capital city of the same name. However, residents prefer the pre-revolutionary name of Huamanga. This is largely due to the fact that the word Ayacucho is a combination of two Quechua words Aya and Kucho which translate as Corner of the Dead. Given the recent history of the department it is not surprising that residents refer to their city as Huamanga instead of Ayacucho. Since 1980 the department of Ayacucho has become known as the birthplace of Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) and the ensuing 20 years of political violence between Sendero and counter insurgency forces. In 2000, the interim government convened the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC – CVR Spanish). In 2003, the TRC released its report which found that over 69,000 people were killed or disappeared during the conflict and hundreds of thousands more were forced to leave their homes (CVR). Those most affected by the violence and human rights abuses were predominantly from the rural population of the central-southern Andes (CVR). Following the release of the TRC Report the department of Ayacucho has become a centre for memory studies investigations and commemorative ceremonies. Whilst there are many traditional arts and creative expressions which commemorate or depict some aspect of the violence, dance is not used it this way. Rather, I contend that the dance is being salvaged as a means of remembering and connecting to place. Migration Brings ChangeAs a direct result of the political violence, the city of Huamanga experienced a large influx of people from the surrounding rural areas, who moved to the city in search of relative safety. Rapid forced migration from the country to the city made integration very difficult due to the sheer volume of displaced populations (Coronel 2). As a result of the internal conflict approximately 450 rural communities in the southern-central Andes were either abandoned or destroyed; 300 of these were in the department of Ayacucho. As a result, Huamanga experienced an enormous influx of rural migrants. In fact, according to the United Nations International Human Rights Instruments, 30 per cent of all people displaced by the violence moved to Ayacucho (par. 39). As campesinos moved to the city in search of safety they formed new neighbourhoods on the outskirts of the city. Although many are now settled in Huamanga, holding professional positions, working in restaurants, running stalls, or owning shops, most maintain strong links to their community of origin. The ways in which individuals sustain connection to their homelands are many and varied. However, dance and fiesta play a central role in maintaining connection.During the years of violence, Sendero Luminoso actively prohibited the celebration of traditional ceremonies and festivals which they considered to be “archaic superstition” (Garcia 40). Reprisals for defying Sendero Luminoso directives were brutal; as a result many rural inhabitants restricted their ritual practices for fear of the tuta puriqkuna or literally, night walkers (Ritter 27). This caused a sharp decline in ritual custom during the conflict (27).As a result, many Ayacuchano campesinos feel they have been robbed of their cultural heritage and identity. There is now a conscious effort to rescatar y recorder or to salvage and remember what was been taken from them, or, in the words of Ruben Romani, a dance teacher from Huanta, “to salvage what was killed during the difficult years.”Los Carnavales Ayacuchanos Whilst carnival is celebrated in many parts of the world, the mention of carnival often evokes images of scantily clad Brazilians dancing to the samba rhythms in the streets of Rio de Janeiro, or visions of elaborate floats and extravagant costumes. None of these are to be found in Huamanga. Rather, the carnival dances celebrated by campesinos in Huamanga are not celebrations of ‘the now’ or for the benefit of tourists, but rather they are embodiments of the memory of a lost place. During carnival, that lost or left homeland is danced into being in the urban setting as a means of maintaining a connection to the homeland and of salvaging cultural heritage.In the Andes, carnival coincides with the first harvest and is associated with fertility and giving thanks. It is considered a time of joy and to be a great leveller. In Huamanga carnival is one of the most anticipated fiestas of the year. As I was told many times “carnival is for everyone” and “we all participate.” From the old to the very young, the rich and poor, men and women all participate in carnival."We all participate." Carnavales Rurales (rural carnival) is celebrated each Sunday during the three weeks leading up to the official time of carnival before Lent. Campesinos from the same rural communities, join together to form comparsas, or groups. Those who participate identify as campesinos; even though many participants have lived in the city for more than 20 years. Some of the younger participants were born in the city. Whilst some campesinos, displaced by the violence, are now returning to their communities, many more have chosen to remain in Huamanga. One such person is Rómulo Canales Bautista. Rómulo dances with the comparsa Claveles de Vinchos.Rómulo Bautista dancing the carnival of VinchosOriginally from Vinchos, Rómulo moved to Huamanga in search of safety when he was a boy after his father was killed. Like many who participate in rural carnival, Rómulo has lived in Huamanga for a many years and for the most part he lives a very urban existence. He completed his studies at the university and works as a professional with no plans to return permanently to Vinchos. However, Rómulo considers himself to be campesino, stating “I am campesino. I identify myself as I am.” Rómulo laughed as he explained “I was not born dancing.” Since moving to Huamanga, Rómulo learned the carnival dance of Vinchos as a means of feeling a connection to his place of origin. He now participates in rural carnival each year and is the captain of his comparsa. For Rómulo, carnival is his cultural inheritance and that which connects him to his homeland. Living and working in the urban setting whilst maintaining strong links to their homelands through the embodied expressions of fiesta, migrants like Rómulo negotiate and move between an urbanised mestizo identity and a rural campesino identity. However, for rural migrants living in Huamanga, it is campesino identity which holds greater importance during carnival. This is because carnival allows participants to feel a visceral connection to both land and ancestry. As Gerardo Muñoz, a sixty-seven year old migrant from Chilcas explained “We want to make our culture live again, it is our patrimony, it is what our grandfathers have left us of their wisdom and how it used to be. This is what we cultivate through our carnival.”The Plaza TransformedComparsa from Huanta enter the PlazaEach Sunday during the three weeks leading up to the official time of carnival the central Plaza is transformed by the dance, music and song of up to seventy comparsas participating in Carnavales Rurales. Rural Carnival has a transformative effect not only on participants but also on the wider urban population. At this time campesinos, who are generally marginalised, discounted or actively discriminated against, briefly hold a place of power and respect. For a few hours each Sunday they are treated as masters of an ancient art. It is no easy task to conjure the dynamic sensory world of dance in words. As Deidre Sklar questions, “how is the ineffable to be made available in words? How shall I draw out the effects of dancing? Imperfectly, and slowly, bit by bit, building fragments of sensation and association so that its pieces lock in with your sensory memories like a jigsaw puzzle” (17).Recalling the DanceAs comparsas arrive in the Plaza there is creative chaos and the atmosphere hums with excitement as more and more comparsas gather for the pasecalle or parade. At the corner of the plaza, the deafening crack of fire works, accompanied by the sounds of music and the blasting of whistles announce the impending arrival of another comparsa. They are Los Hijos de Chilcas from Chilcas in La Mar in the north-east of the department. They proudly dance and sing their way into the Plaza – bodies strong, their movements powerful yet fluid. Their heads are lifted to greet the crowd, their chests wide and open, eyes bright with pride. Led by the capitán, the dancers form two long lines in pairs the men at the front, followed by the women. All the men carry warakas, long whips of plaited leather which they crack in the air as they dance. These are ancient weapons which are later used in a ritual battle. They dance in a swinging stepping motion that swerves and snakes, winds and weaves along the road. At various intervals the two lines open out, doubling back on themselves creating two semicircles. The men wear frontales, pieces of material which hang down the front of the legs, attached with long brightly coloured ribbons. The dancers make high stepping motions, kicking the frontales up in the air as they go; as if moving through high grasses. The ribbons swish and fly around the men and they are clouded in a blur of colour and movement. The women follow carrying warakitas, which are shorter and much finer. They hold their whips in two hands, stretched wide in front of their bodies or sweeping from side to side above their heads. They wear large brightly coloured skirts known as polleras made from heavy material which swish and swoosh as they dance from side to side – step, touch together, bounce; step, touch together, bounce. The women follow the serpent pattern of the men. Behind the women are the musicians playing guitars, quenas and tinyas. The musicians are followed by five older men dressed in pants and suit coats carrying ponchos draped over the right shoulder. They represent the traditional community authorities known as Varayuq and karguyuq. The oldest of the men is carrying the symbols of leadership – the staff and the whip.The Choreography of PlaceFor the members of Los Hijos de Chilcas the dance represents the topography of their homeland. The steps and choreography are created and informed by the dancers’ relationship to the land from which they come. La Mar is a very mountainous region where, as one dancer explained, it is impossible to walk a straight line up or down the terrain. One must therefore weave a winding path so as not to slip and fall. As the dancers snake and weave, curl and wind they literally dance their “place” of origin into being. With each swaying movement of their body, with each turn and with every footfall on the earth, dancers lay the mountainous terrain of La Mar along the paved roads of the Plaza. The flying ribbons of the frontales evoke the long grasses of the hillsides. “The steps are danced in the form of a zigzag which represents the changeable and curvilinear paths that join the towns, as well as creating the figure eight which represents the eight anexos of the district” (Carnaval Tradicional). Los Hijos de ChilcasThe weaving patterns and the figure eights of the dance create a choreography of place, which reflects and evoke the land. This choreography of place is built upon with each step of the dance many of which emulate the native fauna. One of the dancers explained whilst demonstrating a hopping step “this is the step of a little bird” common to La Mar. With his body bent forward from the waist, left hand behind his back and elbow out to the side like a wing, stepping forward on the left leg and sweeping the right leg in half circle motion, he indeed resembled a little bird hopping along the ground. Other animals such as the luwichu or deer are also represented through movement and costume.Katrina Teaiwa notes that the peoples of the South Pacific dance to embody “not space but place”. This is true also for campesinos from Chilcas living in the urban setting, who invoke their place of origin and the time of the ancestors as they dance their carnival. The notion of place is not merely terrain. It includes the nature elements, the ancestors and those who also those who have passed away. The province of La Mar was one of the most severely affected areas during the years of internal armed conflict especially during 1983-1984. More than 1,400 deaths and disappearances were reported to the TRC for this period alone (CVR). Hundreds of people were forced to leave their homes and in many communities it became impossible to celebrate fiestas. Through the choreography of place dancers transform the urban streets and dance the very land of their origin into being, claiming the urban streets as their own. The importance of this act can not be overstated for campesinos who have lost family members and were forced to leave their communities during the years of violence. As Deborah Poole has noted dance is “…the active Andean voice …” (99). As comparsa members teach their children the carnival dance of their parents and grandparents they maintain ancestral connections and pass on the stories and embodied memories of their homes. Much of the literature on carnival views it as a release valve which allows a temporary freedom but which ultimately functions to reinforce established structures. This is no longer the case in Huamanga. The transformative effect of rural carnival goes beyond the moment of the dance. Through dancing the choreography of place campesinos salvage and restore that which was taken from them; the effects of which are felt by both the dancer and spectator.ConclusionThe closer examination of dance as embodied memory reveals those memory practices which may not necessarily voice the violence directly, but which are enacted, funded and embodied and thus, important to the people most affected by the years of conflict and violence. In conclusion, the dance of rural carnival functions as embodied memory which is danced into being through collective participation; through many bodies working together. Dancers who participate in rural carnival have absorbed the land sensorially and embodied it. Through dancing the land they give it form and bring embodied memory into being, imbuing the paved roads of the plaza with the mountainous terrain of their home land. For those born in the city, they come to know their ancestral land through the Andean voice of dance. The dance of carnival functions in a unique way making it possible for participants recall their homelands through a physical memory and to dance their place into being wherever they are. This corporeal memory goes beyond the normal understanding of memory as being of the mind for as Connerton notes “images of the past are remembered by way of ritual performances that are ‘stored’ in a bodily memory” (89). 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