Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Harvard-Radcliffe Afro-American Cultural Center »

<p>The homepage of a corporation has become an unprecedentedly important promotional vehicle for advertising campaign nowadays. Given the cultural sensitivity of homepages, this paper, referring to the “two-dimensional genre analysis model”, compares how the corporate homepages of “Tsinghua professional manager training center” (Tsinghua) and “Harvard ManageMentor” (Harvard) simultaneously create their corporate identity as well as their official gateway to get their products and services promoted. The results show that the homepage of Tsinghua highlights a strong sense of authoritativeness and collectivism. Besides, the information density is less than that of Harvard. Harvard, on the other hand, presents as much information as it can and values the individual’s leadership cultivation greatly. The differences are interpreted from a socio-cultural perspective and the corporations’ involvement in marketization. This paper extends multimodal approaches to hypermodal analysis and takes the relations between hypermedia and culture as well as ideology into consideration.</p>

Leadership roles in the Harvard University Planning Office and the Cambridge City Planning Commission prompted Josep Lluìs Sert to adapt the utopian proclivities he formulated as President of the Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne (CIAM) to American social and cultural realities. The Harvard planning report of 1960 in turn provided a theoretical basis for Sert’s architectural designs for the university, particularly his firm’s Center for the Study of World Religions (1959–61), Holyoke Center (1958–67), and Peabody Terrace (1962–62). All were developed with landscape architects Sasaki, Walter and Associates and built in the campus periphery 1. Although acclaimed in the architectural media, the latter two examples provoked considerable controversy locally, as this account elaborates.

-Charles V. Carnegie, W. Jeffrey Bolster, Black Jacks: African American Seamen in the age of sail. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1997. xiv + 310 pp.-Stanley L. Engerman, Wim Klooster, Illicit Riches: Dutch trade in the Caribbean, 1648-1795. Leiden: KITLV Press, 1998. xiv + 283 pp.-Luis Martínez-Fernández, Emma Aurora Dávila Cox, Este inmenso comercio: Las relaciones mercantiles entre Puerto Rico y Gran Bretaña 1844-1898. San Juan: Editorial de la Universidad de Puerto Rico, 1996. xxi + 364 pp.-Félix V. Matos Rodríguez, Arturo Morales Carrión, Puerto Rico y la lucha por la hegomonía en el Caribe: Colonialismo y contrabando, siglos XVI-XVIII. San Juan: Editorial de la Universidad de Puerto Rico y Centro de Investigaciones Históricas, 1995. ix + 244 pp.-Herbert S. Klein, Patrick Manning, Slave trades, 1500-1800: Globalization of forced labour. Hampshire, U.K.: Variorum, 1996. xxxiv + 361 pp.-Jay R. Mandle, Kari Levitt ,The critical tradition of Caribbean political economy: The legacy of George Beckford. Kingston: Ian Randle, 1996. xxvi + 288., Michael Witter (eds)-Kevin Birth, Belal Ahmed ,The political economy of food and agriculture in the Caribbean. Kingston: Ian Randle; London: James Currey, 1996. xxi + 276 pp., Sultana Afroz (eds)-Sarah J. Mahler, Alejandro Portes ,The urban Caribbean: Transition to the new global economy. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1997. xvii + 260 pp., Carlos Dore-Cabral, Patricia Landolt (eds)-O. Nigel Bolland, Ray Kiely, The politics of labour and development in Trinidad. Barbados, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago: The Press University of the West Indies, 1996. iii + 218 pp.-Lynn M. Morgan, Aviva Chomsky, West Indian workers and the United Fruit Company in Costa Rica, 1870-1940. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996. xiii + 302 pp.-Eileen J. Findlay, Maria del Carmen Baerga, Genero y trabajo: La industria de la aguja en Puerto Rico y el Caribe hispánico. San Juan: Editorial de la Universidad de Puerto Rico, 1993. xxvi + 321 pp.-Andrés Serbin, Jorge Rodríguez Beruff ,Security problems and policies in the post-cold war Caribbean. London: :Macmillan; New York: St. Martin's, 1996. 249 pp., Humberto García Muñiz (eds)-Alex Dupuy, Irwin P. Stotzky, Silencing the guns in Haiti: The promise of deliberative democracy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997. xvi + 294 pp.-Carrol F. Coates, Myriam J.A. Chancy, Framing silence: Revolutionary novels by Haitian women. New Brunswick NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1997. ix + 200 pp.-Havidán Rodríguez, Walter Díaz, Francisco L. Rivera-Batiz ,Island paradox: Puerto Rico in the 1990's. New York: Russel Sage Foundation, 1996. xi + 198 pp., Carlos E. Santiago (eds)-Ramona Hernández, Alan Cambeira, Quisqueya la Bella: The Dominican Republic in historical and cultural perspective. Armonk NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1996. xi + 272 pp.-Ramona Hernández, Emilio Betances ,The Dominican Republic today: Realities and perspectives. New York: Bildner Center for Western Hemisphere studies, CUNY, 1996. 205 pp., Hobart A. Spalding, Jr. (eds)-Bonham C. Richardson, Eberhard Bolay, The Dominican Republic: A country between rain forest and desert. Wekersheim, FRG: Margraf Verlag, 1997. 456 pp.-Virginia R. Dominguez, Patricia R. Pessar, A visa for a dream: Dominicans in the United States. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1995. xvi + 98 pp.-Diane Austin-Broos, Nicole Rodriguez Toulis, Believing identity: Pentecostalism and the mediation of Jamaican ethnicity and gender in England. Oxford NY: Berg, 1997. xv + 304 p.-Mary Chamberlain, Trevor A. Carmichael, Barbados: Thirty years of independence. Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers, 1996. xxxv + 294 pp.-Paul van Gelder, Gert Oostindie, Het paradijs overzee: De 'Nederlandse' Caraïben en Nederland. Amsterdam: Bert Bakker, 1997. 385 pp.-Roger D. Abrahams, Richard D.E. Burton, Afro-Creole: Power, Opposition, and Play in the Caribbean. Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press, 1997. x + 297 pp.-Roger D. Abrahams, Joseph Roach, Cities of the dead: Circum-Atlantic performance. New York NY: Columbia University Press, 1996. xiii + 328 pp.-George Mentore, Peter A. Roberts, From oral to literate culture: Colonial experience in the English West Indies. Kingston, Jamaica: The Press University of the West Indies, 1997. xii + 301 pp.-Emily A. Vogt, Howard Johnson ,The white minority in the Caribbean. Princeton NJ: Markus Wiener, 1998. xvi + 179 pp., Karl Watson (eds)-Virginia Heyer Young, Sheryl L. Lutjens, The state, bureaucracy, and the Cuban schools: Power and participation. Boulder CO: Westview Press, 1996. xiii + 239 pp.

The author, a cultural anthropologist, Professor Emeritus, Social Research Center, American University in Cairo, and a member of UNESCO's International Bioethics Committee and Egypt's National Bioethics Committee, after completing her Ph. D studies at Cornell University, has been for 25 years Professor and Director of the Social Research Center, American University in Cairo, while also acting as Senior Fellow, Population Center, Harvard University; Senior Visiting Associate, Population Program, California Institute of Technology; Research Project Director, United Nations Research Institute for Social Development, Geneva. Parallel to the above, she has been consultant for, and member of numerous international evaluation missions and expert committees of the UN Economic and Social Department, the UN Population Division, UNFPA, UNESCO, UNICEF, WHO and FAO. She has also been Secretary General of the Organization for the Promotion of Social Sciences in the Middle East; member of the Smithsonian Center for the Study of Man and of the Board of the International Union for Ethnological and Anthropological Sciences; member of the World Society for Ekistics (WSE),of which she was Vice-President for four years. The various distinctions awarded to Dr El-Hamamsy for her overall scientific achievements include the Distinguished Alumni Award of the American University in Cairo and the President Award of the American Anthropological Association. The text that follows is a slightly edited and revised version of a paper presented at the WSE Symposion "Defining Success of the City in the 21st Century," Berlin, 24-28 October, 2001.

In the modern rankings of higher education institutions almost monopolistic American universities (Harvard, Stanford, Princeton, etc.) play the leading role promoting the idea of the “entrepreneurial university”. The classic European university fails in the competition, and the idea of the Humboldt University is losing credibility. Our assumption is that this situation is in the large part due to the historical identity of civilizational missions, elites and forms of communica­tion (“trading zones”) that initiated these types of universities. The comparative history of European and American universities demonstrates that in the first case philosophers played a leading role in achieving the goals of cultural policy, and in the second, there were managers who won in the economic competition. European and American universities were, in different proportions, culture-forming centers and factors of economic development. University reforms were usually initiated from outside: these are its competitors and sponsors, politi­cians, and entrepreneurs. Who exactly takes on the functions of the moderator in the trading zones is a key question for the university’s fate. If a business model-oriented manager builds cooperation, then the university becomes the embodiment of academic capitalism. If a cultural policy is implemented in the interdisciplinary interaction of scientists themselves, then there is a chance to measure the university's development with humanistic values and the ethos of science.

Although the United States has elected an African American president, since that election there have been numerous indicators that racism remains a persistent, and complex, issue in America. Shortly after President Obama took office, for example, renowned Harvard University professor Henry “Skip” Gates was arrested for being uncooperative with the responding officer when police mistook him for a burglar at his own home. This incident served as a small reminder of the resilient nature of racism in the United States. More importantly, there has been an increase in the number of hate groups since 2008, and the proposed plans for an Islamic cultural center near the site of the former World Trade Center have initiated a wave of anti-Islamic sentiment. Despite the hope that Barack Obama would usher in a new era in race relations, it seems as though his election has brought to the surface tensions that some people assumed had disappeared. Among scholars of black politics, race serves as the central construct. In some cases, race serves as a lens through which other variables such as class and gender are filtered. In other cases, race serves as the key independent variable explaining a number of factors that influence the lives of blacks. Each of the texts reviewed in this essay examines issues of race to varying degrees, and each one reveals the complex nature and long-lasting impact of race on American society.

The study of Soviet-American scientific relations during the Cold War is an urgent scientific task. The historiography considered the contacts of the two world powers at the highest scientific level (space exploration, Antarctic exploration, etc.). However, connections between individual scientists or universities, as a rule, did not attract special attention. The article for the first time publishes letters from the personal fund of Professor M. Ya. Syuzyumov (Ural University, Sverdlovsk), which he received from Professor of Byzantine History and Literature at Harvard University I. I. Shevchenko, as well as from librarians of the Center for Byzantine Studies at Harvard University in Dumbarton Oaks Lois Hassler-Smith and Merlin Packard. These archival materials allow us to trace the ways of international book exchange, an important driving force in the development of world Byzantine studies in the 1960s and 1970s. At this time, informal contacts were established between Soviet and American scientists, which allowed, avoiding bureaucratic formalities, to receive the latest scientific literature. The letters published in the article indicate that the correspondence of M. Ya. Syuzyumov with the staff of the Dumbarton Oaks library lasted more than 10 years. The American side received scientific periodicals published in Sverdlovsk, materials of confessions and textbooks, and M. Ya. Syuzyumov received novelties of the American Byzantine literature. The authors of the article managed to identify an error made by the compilers of the index Who Was Who at Dumbarton Oaks, 1940–2015. In this edition, it is indicated that Lois Smith and Lois Hassler worked in the library. Meanwhile, the analysis of correspondence of M. Ya. Syuzyumov and his colleagues from the USA and data from the American periodical press prove that we are talking about one person – Lois Hassler-Smith. The results obtained by the authors of the article will be used to create a scientific biography of M. Ya. Syuzyumov, as well as to implement projects for the preservation of cultural heritage and the popularization of scientific knowledge. Изучение советско-американских научных связей в годы холодной войны является актуальной научной задачей. В историографии рассматривались контакты двух мировых держав на высшем научном уровне (исследование космоса, изучение Антарктики и прочее). Однако связи между отдельными учеными или университетами, как правило, специального внимания не привлекали. В статье впервые публикуются письма из личного фонда профессора М. Я. Сюзюмова (Уральский университет, Свердловск), которые он получал от профессора византийской истории и литературы Гарвардского университета И. И. Шевченко, а также от библиотекарей центра византийских исследований при Гарвардском университете в Думбартон Окс Лоис Хасслер-Смит и Мерлина Пакарда. Эти архивные материалы позволяют проследить пути международного книгообмена, важной движущей силы развития мировой византинистики 1960–1970-х гг. В данное время между советскими и американскими учеными завязались неофициальные контакты, которые позволяли, избегая бюрократических формальностей, получать новейшую научную литературу. Публикуемые в статье письма свидетельствуют, что переписка М. Я. Сюзюмова с сотрудниками библиотеки Думбартон Окс продолжалась более 10 лет. Американская сторона получала изданную в Свердловске научную периодику, материалы конфкренций и учебные пособия, а М. Я. Сюзюмов – новинки американской византиноведческой литературы. Авторам статьи удалось выявить ошибку, допущенную составителями указателя Who Was Who at Dumbarton Oaks, 1940–2015. В этом издании указано, что в библиотеке работали сотрудницы Лоис Смит и Лоис Хасслер. Между тем, анализ переписки М. Я. Сюзюмова с коллегами из США и данные американской периодической печати доказывают, что речь идет об одном человеке – Лоис Хасслер-Смит. Полученные авторами статьи результаты будут использованы для создания научной биографии М. Я. Сюзюмова, а также для реализации проектов по сохранению культурного наследия и популяризации научных знаний.

Among the excellent national simulations available—the Harvard Model UN, Cleveland Model UN, Howard University Model Organization of African States, etc., and several regional models—the best may be the National Model League of Arab States, held annually in March at American University in Washington, DC. Sponsored by the Arab League Information Center and the National Council on U.S.-Arab Relations, the Model (in its seventh year in 1989) imitates the League of Arab States, an organization founded in 1945 for the purpose of coordinating issues related to Arab development and cooperation.College and university student delegations represent the 22 member states of the Arab nation. As they debate, lobby, and caucus, students learn about the interplay of the state system, international and regional organization, intra-Arab cooperation and conflict, issues of the region, and superpower impact upon the area. As participants gain greater understanding of the culture, concerns, achievements, and problems of the Arab world, they shed stereotypes, question prejudices, and begin to appreciate another perspective on regional issues.The Model League consists of plenary sessions, five committees (political, economic, social and cultural, legal, and Palestinian affairs), and a summit conference of the League Council. The bulk of time is spent in the committee sessions, where students introduce, debate, and build coalitions in support of resolutions. In the process, they practice parliamentary procedure and sharpen forensic and bargaining skills. Faculty advisors evaluate the delegations and nominate individuals for awards.

Making Harvard Modern is a candid, richly detailed portrait of America's most prominent university from 1933 to the present: seven decades of dramatic change. Early twentieth century Harvard was the country's oldest and richest university, but not necessarily its outstanding one. By the century's end it was widely regarded as the nation's, and the world's, leading institution of higher education. With verve, humor, and insight, Morton and Phyllis Keller tell the story of that rise: a tale of compelling personalities, notable achievement and no less notable academic pratfalls. Their book is based on rich and revealing archival materials, interviews, and personal experience. Young, humbly born James Bryant Conant succeeded Boston Brahmin A. Lawrence Lowell as Harvard's president in 1933, and set out to change a Brahmin-dominated university into a meritocratic one. He hoped to recruit the nation's finest scholars and an outstanding national student body. But the lack of new money during the Depression and the distractions of World War Two kept Conant, and Harvard, from achieving this goal. In the 1950s and 1960s, during the presidency of Conant's successor Nathan Marsh Pusey, Harvard raised the money, recruited the faculty, and attracted the students that made it a great meritocratic institution: America's university. The authors provide the fullest account yet of this transformation, and of the wrenching campus crisis of the late 'sixties. During the last thirty years of the twentieth century, a new academic culture arose: meritocratic Harvard morphed into worldly Harvard. During the presidencies of Derek Bok and Neil Rudenstine the university opened its doors to growing numbers of foreign students, women, African- and Asian-Americans, and Hispanics. Its administration, faculty, and students became more deeply engaged in social issues; its scientists and professional schools were more ready to enter into shared commercial ventures. But worldliness brought its own conflicts: over affirmative action and political correctness, over commercialization, over the ever higher costs of higher education. This fascinating account, the first comprehensive history of a modern American university, is essential reading for anyone with an interest in the present state and future course of higher education.

The Soul of the American University Revisited traces the role of Protestantism in shaping American higher education from the founding of Harvard in the 1630s to the present. It offers a critical analysis of the changing ways in which Protestantism intersected with collegiate life, intellectual inquiry, and broader cultural developments. In accounts that have been edited and somewhat abridged for this second edition, it looks at pace-setting colleges and universities as they coped with modern society, post-Darwinian science, new secular philosophies, and increasing diversity in American life. Until the mid-twentieth century most leading American schools remained nominally Protestant, but their Protestantism was typically of a liberal variety that emphasized the broad ethical ideals of the Western and Judeo-Christian heritage. After the attacks in the 1960s on the “WASP” privilege, the vestiges of that establishment in higher education were soon largely dismantled. By the late twentieth century exclusive secular viewpoints were often considered the normative standard in higher education. Originally published in 1994 as The Soul of the American University, this new edition carries the story into the twenty-first-century culture. In the disarray and diversity of the intellectual life of this arguably “postsecular” age there is increasing room in the academy for varieties of intellectually responsible religious viewpoints. Indeed, as a concluding chapter recounts, more traditionalist Christian scholars and institutions, Protestant as well as Catholic, have developed substantially in recent decades.

Throughout the twentieth century, elite US law schools have been presented as sites of power, admiration, influence and envy. Robert Stevens, in the opening of his seminal 1983 work Law School, suggested that foreign lawyers looked wistfully at elite US law schools. At a time when US political institutions—and even law schools—seem to have lost much of their former global luster, this book investigates whether in reality the elite US models ever proved so attractive to foreigners. Collectively the contributions cast doubt on traditional narratives that point toward the globalization or homogenization of legal education. They challenge the idea that many educators beyond the United States believed that the adoption of American models would lead to better legal education and scholarship, better legal systems, better lawyers, and better governance. And they illuminate the cultural and political significance of attempts to transplant US models. The book consists of historical examinations of American contacts within legal education in fourteen countries: China, Japan, Israel, the Philippines, Nigeria, Kenya, Ghana, France, Brazil, Sweden, Estonia, England, Australia, and Canada. And it includes critical commentary from two leading American law professors, along with a founding chapter from Bruce Kimball, the leading historian of Harvard Law School.

It is, in some circles, called No-Touch Torture. Yet it brings pain and damage that can last a lifetime. Psychological torture techniques - which have a history of use by U.S. forces globally trailing far into the past beyond Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib - include a variety of methods from mock executions, severe humiliation, and mind-altering drugs, to forced self-induced pain, sensory disorientation including loud music and light control, and exploitation of personal or cultural phobias. It is no accident, for example, that Private Lynndie England was seen in Abu Ghraib pictures, which shocked the world, with Arab prisoners forced naked into a pile or led like dogs by leash. Arabs have strong spiritual beliefs about the humiliation of public nudity, and also have a strong cultural fear of dogs. These techniques are neither surprising nor particular to England if one has fair knowledge of the U.S. history of sanctioned psychological torture techniques, say the experts behind this book. Having reached a joint crescendo of intolerance and horror, scholars from across the nation met in 2006 for a conference on psychological torture and what can be done to stop the practice. They agree with Alberto Mora, the U.S. Navy's general counsel, who fought to stop the Pentagon-sanctioned psychological torture at Guantanamo. Cruelty disfigures our national character. Where cruelty exists, law does not, Mora said. This book is the joint effort of those scholars, from the University of California Center for the Study of Human Rights in the Americas, to Harvard Medical School, to paint a clear picture of psychological torture, its longterm affects, and spur action to stop the practice. The distinctly American form of psychological torture has four characteristics that make it attractive to the CIA and other supporters, say the authors. It is elusive - lacks the clear signs of physical abuse so eludes detection and complicates investigation, prosecution, or attempts at prohibition. It is shrouded - in scientific patina that makes it appeal to policy makers and avoids the obvious physical brutality unpalatable to the general public. It is adaptable - as shown by searing innovations by the CIA across 40 years. And it is destructive - can cause psychosis and other psychological disorders or, in more severe cases, death. While, in public, U.S. officials spotlight and support legislation that has banned physical torture, far more clandestine political, military, and CIA activities are refining and increasing the use of psychological torture. This book includes a brief history of sanctioned psychological experiments and actions to torture, as well as CIA research outsourced to leading U.S. universities that produced what the authors call key findings that led to the first real revolution in the cruel science of pain in centuries. Historical information here includes a summary of a decade of mind-control research by the CIA that in 1963 resulted in the KUBARK Counterintelligence Interrogation manual. This volume represents a striking collaboration of distinguished psychologists, psychiatrists, neurobiologists, lawyers, historians, and a semanticist. The book closes with case studies of the psychological torture of Mohammed al-Qahtani, the alleged 20th hijacker in the 9/11 attacks, and of Salim Hamdan, the alleged driver of Osama bin Laden. This work will be absorbing to any reader interested in human rights, covert politics now and across history, military science, psychology, or psychiatry.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

Abstract Within less than a decade, beginning late in the 1980s, a distinctive body of writing began to appear that is concerned with aspects of collective memory in the history and culture of the United States. Comparable works have also been generated for France, Germany, Great Britain, Israel, and, to a lesser degree, Russia, Japan, and diverse developing nations or constituent social groups within those nations, such as tribes and sects.* Much of this literature emphasizes the socially constructed nature of memory and its political or cultural uses. Although memory distortion per se has not commonly been a defining focus in this literature, it does emerge as an implicit theme, and sometimes rather prominently. Its appearance thus far more nearly resembles the highly visible vein patterns of a leaf rather than the exoskeleton of shellfish. This essay was presented on May 8, 1994, at the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in Cambridge, Massachusetts, as part of the first conference sponsored by the Harvard Center for the Study of Mind, Brain, and Behavior. The focus of that multidisciplinary conference was memory distortion.

After World War II universities often added religious programs. But these seldom touched the heart of the enterprise. Mainstream American Protestants typically saw religion as an add-on, in contrast to John Henry Newman’s Catholic Idea of a University with theology and philosophy at the center. Nathan Pusey’s efforts to strengthen religion at Harvard illustrate the problem. Will Herberg and John Courtney Murray each pointed out the limits of generalized American religion. Religion departments acted as a palliative. But especially in the 1960s legitimate concerns for pluralism and diversity undermined specifically Protestant teachings in favor of a generalized ethic, as illustrated by Harvey Cox in The Secular City. Mainline Protestant campus ministries declined rapidly in the later 1960s. By the 1970s and 1980s ideals of inclusiveness displaced any specifically Protestant heritage. Some see a “cultural triumph of liberal Protestantism,” but the laudable inclusive ideals by themselves also bring cultural fragmentation.

Abstract Two-Party politics could tame farmer/worker radicalism because bourgeois/ middle-class ethos and politics pervaded centers of enterprise to cut deeply into the producer class. Ever since the onset of market revolution, the northeastern commercial gentry had been mustering cultural authority against democratic challenge to their political authority. The American bourgeoisie enlisted conservative clerics and the emerging professional/ intellectual elites of lawyers, doctors, professors, writers and artists to school all classes in a pansectarian middle-class culture of effortful “character” and self-improvement. Cultural capital Philadelphia was hobbled in this effort by Quaker privatism and denominational/party strife, while booming but equally divided New York City neglected “elegant & useful science” for “eager cultivation & rapid increase of the arts of gain.” Primacy in the capitalist surge-cultural as well as entrepreneurial and technological-passed to New England, where Puritanism sanctified effort and Bible-reading literacy, while topography brought water power almost to seaboard and agrarian crisis honed both labor and enterprise for manufacturing. Arminian/ antinomian polarities energized rival wings of the Yankee cultural offensive. Boston’s arminian Brahmins consolidated their commercial profits for industrialization and their Unitarian institutions for cultural preeminence through family marriage alliances, testamentary trusts, and generous endowment of Athenaeum library, Massachusetts General Hospital, Lowell Institute for public lectures, Massachusetts Historical Society, North American Review, and preeminently Harvard College.

Because the American Ethnic Geography Specialty Group was established in 1992 and was, therefore, not a part of the original Geography in America anthology in 1989, we think it is beneficial to present briefly the development and context of American ethnic geography into which we can place more current work. In 2000 the American Ethnic Geography Specialty Group changed its name to the Ethnic Geography Specialty Group; but because almost the whole of this report deals with the decade of the 1990s, we use the specialty group’s original name throughout. American ethnic geography encompasses the geographic dimensions and experiences of ethnic groups in the United States and Canada. Its roots are in cultural-historical and population geography. As such, American ethnic geography reflects the epistemologies and methodologies of human geography. Like geographers in general, most American ethnic geographers are empirical and inductive in their research. Because ethnicity is a complex concept, scholars who research ethnicity have been troubled over the years by definitional conundrums. Although in his 1974 study Isajiw determined that most ethnic researchers never explicitly define the meaning of ethnicity, he examined twenty-seven characteristics of ethnicity to construct a definition of North American ethnicity as “an involuntary group of people who share the same culture or . . . descendants of such people who identify themselves and/or are identified by others as belonging to the same involuntary group” (ibid. 122). To Isajiw, then, a person is either born into an ethnic group and is therefore socialized as Anglo, Chinese, French, Polish, etc., or can decide at some point in her/his life which ethnic identity fits best, or other people can perceive a person’s ethnicity. As underscored in the Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups (1980), these latter internal/external modes of ethnic identification have become increasingly more significant in North America. Paradoxically, in today’s multiethnic American society, many ethnic groups are celebrating their heritages with renewed vigor, while, simultaneously, many people are less bound by past ethnic loyalties and have either used innovative terms of self-identification to describe their multiethnicity or simply refused to be categorized ethnically.

The long Worcester slumber of the Kentucky Mummy came to an end in 1875, with a letter to Joseph Henry from Samuel Haven, then in his fourth decade as Librarian of the American Antiquarian Society. “Nearly a year ago,” Haven wrote, “I received from you a request that the mummy (so called) from a cave in Kentucky, which had for many years been in possession of this Society, should be transferred to the Smithsonian Institution . . . I therefore . . . now feel at liberty to forward the body by express; hoping that you may find it convenient to make such return in exchange as seems proper.” Thus the Kentucky Mummy was packed up and sent south—by train, rather than by wagon, as in her northward journey—with little fanfare at either end. It is uncertain whether the return exchange was completed, but the episode provided an opportunity to highlight the Antiquarian Society’s collections, and perhaps thereby its priority in the study of the indigenous past. Earlier in 1875 the Society had called the attention of the membership to the display of antiquities in its halls. “Anything connected with the North American Indians is deemed worthy of the study of the antiquary,” noted the Council’s report, pointing out that even remains from lowly shell heaps “make known the character of their food with all the certainty of a bill of fare at the Parker House.” The same note, however, also acknowledged that the center of gravity for North American archaeology in New England had definitively shifted away from Worcester. The establishment of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard in 1866 was the initial cause of this realignment, which provided for scholarship a new venue, relatively unburdened by institutional culture. The museum’s first curator, Jeffries Wyman, died in 1874 and was replaced by a younger and more ambitious man, Frederic Ward Putnam. In the same year the Council of the Antiquarian Society was joined by Stephen Salisbury III, a dynamic patron with interests in the ancient Maya. With new leaders, the two institutions moved in different directions.

Aujourd'hui, la communauté éducative dans son ensemble est confrontée à un défi universel : se préparer à l'ère de la post-pandémie-COVID-19. Ce défi signifie qu’il faut assurer un enseignement équitable et de qualité ainsi qu'une évaluation efficace et efficiente de l'apprentissage selon des modalités hybrides, flexibles ou entièrement à distance. En outre, les bureaux de soutien à l’enseignement (BSE) jouent un rôle essentiel pour relever et surmonter ce défi. Ce livre blanc met en lumière la manière dont les BSE, les centres d'enseignement et d'apprentissage et les entités équivalentes ont abordé et prévoient d'aborder les tendances et les problèmes de l'apprentissage numérique dans le contexte de la perturbation de l'enseignement causée par la COVID-19. Il commence par un aperçu du rôle traditionnel que les BSE et les entités équivalentes ont joué depuis leur création dans les établissements d'enseignement. Il décrit ensuite comment ce rôle a évolué pour devenir les premiers intervenants académiques dans le contexte de la pandémie COVID-19. Le document se poursuit par une discussion approfondie sur les défis auxquels les BSE ont été confrontés depuis l'éruption de la pandémie en mars 2020 et ceux qu'ils anticipent pour les semestres à venir. Il énumère également des exemples concrets de mesures qu'ils ont prises pour faire face à ces défis. En outre, il fournit des informations détaillées sur une action majeure entreprise par tous, à savoir le partage public d'une abondance de ressources pour soutenir le corps enseignant et les étudiants pendant la transition en ligne. Cette discussion met en évidence les ressources pertinentes en matière d'équité. La dernière section de ce document présente les leçons apprises et les recommandations des centres aux centres, ainsi que les commentaires d'experts et de chercheurs du domaine avec des idées et des approches adaptées au mandat actuel des centres pour les aider à mieux faire face à ce qui s'en vient. Les recommandations de ce livre blanc s’appliquent aux établissements d'enseignement, aux membres du corps enseignant, aux étudiants et aux décideurs politiques. Ce livre blanc a été préparé dans le cadre des travaux de l’Observatoire international sur les impacts sociétaux de l’IA et du numérique (OBVIA) sur les effets des systèmes d’intelligence artificielle et des outils numériques déployés pour lutter contre la propagation de la COVID-19 sur les sociétés soutenus par les Fonds de recherche du Québec (FRQ). Il a été rédigé par Nadia Naffi PhD, Université Laval, soutenue par la Chaire de leadership en enseignement (CLE) sur les pratiques pédagogiques innovantes en contexte numérique – Banque Nationale, la Chaire de recherche « Maker Culture » de l’Université Concordia, avec la participation des chercheur·e·s Ann-Louise Davidson PhD, Concordia University, Roger Kaufman PhD, Florida State University, Richard E (Dick) Clark PhD, University of Southern California, Brian Beatty PhD, San Francisco State University, Didier Paquelin PhD, Université Laval, des consultants Dawn M. Snyder PhD, Dawn Snyder Associates, et Guy Wallace, EPPIC Inc, et des assistante·s de recherche Azeneth Patino, Université Laval, Edem Gbetoglo, Université Laval, Nathalie Duponsel, Concordia University, Céleste Savoie, Université Laval, Isabelle Fournel, Université Laval, et Ivan Ruby, Concordia University. Un grand merci aux auteurs invités qui ont contribué au livre blanc (par ordre alphabétique): Barbar Akle PhD, Lebanese American University, Fawzi Baroud PhD, UNESCO & Notre Dame University, Tony Bates PhD, Ryerson University & Contact Nord, Chris Dede PhD, Harvard University, Julie Desjardins PhD, Université de Sherbrooke, Rula Diab PhD, Lebanese American University, Moira Fischbacher-Smith PhD, University of Glasgow, Aline Germain-Rutherford PhD, University of Ottawa, David Hornsby PhD, Carleton University, Jaymie Koroluk, Carleton University, Hubert Lalande, University of Ottawa, Patrick Lyons, Carleton University, Florian Meyer PhD, Université de Sherbrooke, Richard Pinet, University of Ottawa, Annie Pilote PhD, Université Laval, Dragana Polovina-Vukovic, Carleton University, Bart Rienties PhD, Open University, Roland van Oostveen PhD, Ontario Tech University, et Laura Winer PhD, McGill University. Et un remerciement spécial aux dix-neuf centres d'enseignement et d'apprentissage et aux équipes équivalentes du Canada, des États-Unis, du Liban, du Royaume-Uni et de la France pour leur temps et les expériences qu'ils ont partagées avec notre équipe. Tous les centres faisaient face à des défis très difficiles et ont pourtant trouvé le temps de soutenir ce travail.