Bibliographies thématiques / Haiti. President

Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Haiti. President »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 25 juillet 2024
Mis à jour le 26 juillet 2024

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Haiti. President"

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Leigh, Monroe. « The Political Consequences of Economic Embargoes ». American Journal of International Law 89, no 1 (janvier 1995) : 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203894.

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The failure of the U.S.-led embargo against Haiti had become notorious long before the time President Clinton decided to invade Haiti in order to restore President Aristide to office. The embargo had failed to unseat the junta and it had worked enormous hardship on the poor people of Haiti—so much so that thousands were willing to risk their lives on the high seas in makeshift vessels to seek asylum in the United States. This comment deals not with the legalities of the President’s action—which seem clear enough in view of the Security Council resolutions—but, rather, with the political consequences of the economic embargo in Haiti as well as elsewhere.
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Murphy, Sean D. « Democratic Legitimacy and the Recognition of States and Governments ». International and Comparative Law Quarterly 48, no 3 (juillet 1999) : 545–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300063430.

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In a seminal 1992 article Thomas Franck postulated the emergence in international law of a right to democratic governance.1 Franck argued that, increasingly, the acceptance of a government by other States turns on whether the government governs with the consent of its people.In supporting this notion, Franck pointed to events such as the 1991 effort by Haitian military and police authorities to overthrow the elected President of Haiti, Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Although those authorities exercised complete control over Haiti, the international community condemned the coup leaders, refused to engage in normal diplomatic relations with them or to seat their representatives at international organisations, and instead continued to recognise the exiled President Aristide as representing the legitimate government of Haiti. Severe economic and ultimately military sanctions were imposed on Haiti, and finally, in 1994, the coup leaders were forced to relinquish power. President Aristide then returned to Haiti to complete his term as president.
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Ali LATEEF, Rafal, et Maher Mubdir AL ABBASI. « THE ECONOMIC POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TOWARDS HAITI DURING THE KENNEDY PRESIXENCY : ALLIANCE FPR PROGRESS AS A CASE STUDY ». RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 05, no 06 (1 novembre 2023) : 491–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.26.30.

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When John F. Kennedy became president of the United States in 1961, he brought with him a new political vision for his nation’s approach to many nations around the world, particularly the Caribbean and Haiti. He pursued a different course than his predecessor, Dwight Eisenhower, in this regard. President Kennedy discovered that his predecessor’s strategy, which produced more comprehensive regimes in that region, including Haiti, which was governed by President Francois Duvalier, did not achieve the results that his country had hoped for in terms of developing states that would prevent the spread of communism in the Caribbean region, particularly after the success of the Cuban revolution. According to President Kennedy, the person in charge of the economy is the one who will rein in those regimes
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Damrosch, Lori Fisler. « The Constitutional Responsibility of Congress for Military Engagements ». American Journal of International Law 89, no 1 (janvier 1995) : 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203892.

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The U.S.-led military operation in Haiti has unfolded with minimal violence and few casualties so far. That factual proposition—which is necessarily subject to revision—has important ramifications under both U.S. constitutional law and international law. On the constitutional level, the avoidance of hostilities defused what was poised to become a serious confrontation between the President and the Congress. On the international level, doubts in some quarters about the legitimacy of a forcible intervention, although not entirely allayed, were somewhat quieted with the achievement of a negotiated solution, which enabled U.S. troops to bring about the return to power of President Aristide without having to shoot their way into Haiti.
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MARTIN, IAN. « Haiti : International Force or National Compromise ? » Journal of Latin American Studies 31, no 3 (octobre 1999) : 711–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x99005398.

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The objective is clear: to reinstate the legitimate President in his functions and ensure his maintenance in power until the end of his mandate. The question which is posed is to know how to achieve this objective: international force or national compromise? – Boutros Boutros-Ghali, UN Secretary-General.
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Trimble, Phillip R. « The President’s Constitutional Authority to Use Limited Military Force ». American Journal of International Law 89, no 1 (janvier 1995) : 84–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203897.

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The United States intervention in Haiti concludes another chapter in the development of the constitutional common law of presidential power. The Haiti experience further confirms the constitutional authority of the President to deploy armed forces into hostile foreign environments, and to initiate the use of force without prior, specific congressional authorization. The facts of the situation limit the “precedent” to small-scale interventions where the risk of major military engagements, either initially or upon escalation, is negligible. The cases of largescale hostilities, like Korea, Vietnam and Iraq, are quite different in fact and perhaps also in law. But the Haiti “precedent,” coupled with the recent interventions in Grenada and Panama and innumerable examples earlier in history, strongly supports an unqualified presidential power to carry out small-scale military operations in support of foreign policy goals.
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Reisman, W. Michael. « Haiti and the Validity of International Action ». American Journal of International Law 89, no 1 (janvier 1995) : 82–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203896.

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In December 1990, after decades of dictatorship, the Haitian people overwhelmingly elected Jean-Bertrand Aristide as President. Every aspect of the election was monitored by international organizations and confirmed as “free and fair.” Within months, the army, an ill-trained force of some five thousand men, seized power, expelled Aristide, and brutally suppressed popular protest. The Organization of American States and the United Nations Security Council condemned the coup and its aftermath and ordered economic sanctions to dislodge the military. The sanctions failed. On July 31, 1994, the Security Council, acknowledging the gravity of the situation and recognizing that an “exceptional response” was required, passed Resolution 940, authorizing military action. The legality and wisdom of Resolution 940 has been criticized on the following grounds.
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Timofeeva, Julia A. « Brazilian “soft power”. In the context of peacekeeping missions in Haiti and Lebanon ». Latinskaia Amerika, no 4 (5 mai 2024) : 74–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x24040057.

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In the context of growing tensions in international relations the example of Brazil as a country that integrated into the global context mainly by peaceful means and which in 2023 was again headed by the president who consolidated its status of a peacekeeping country in the first decade of the XXI century is of particular relevance. The year 2024 will mark the 20th anniversary of Brazil's landmark UN peacekeeping operation in Haiti, and the aggravation of the political and social situation on the island since the second half of 2021 makes the topic even more pressing. Using the case study method, i.e., the example of the missions in Haiti and Lebanon, the author analyses the use of “soft power” by Brazilian peacekeepers during the operations with a force component.
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Kain, Geoffrey. « Spirit Confronts the Four-Headed Monster : Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s Mistik–Infused Flood-Rise in Duvalierist Haiti ». Humanities 9, no 4 (15 décembre 2020) : 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h9040144.

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To explore Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s rise from obscure rural Haiti to become the nation’s first democratically elected president—by a landslide—is to enter into a world and a swirl of events that reads like surreal fiction or magical realism. As a Catholic priest (Salesian order), Aristide was fueled by the religio-socialist principles of liberation theology, which emerged as a significant force in Latin America primarily in the 1970s and 1980s, forcefully and vocally advocating for the masses of Haitian poor mired in deeply-entrenched disenfranchisement and exploitation. As a charismatic spokesperson for the popular democratic movement in Haiti during an era of entrenched dictatorship and repressive violence, Aristide boldly confronted the “four-headed monster” of the Haitian power structure—the army, the church hierarchy, the tontons macoutes, and the wealthy elite. His seemingly impossible escape from multiple assassination attempts, together with the power of his colorful rhetoric and his close association with urban slum dwellers and rural peasants, led to a rising “flood” (or lavalas) that invested him with an aura of Spirit, or mistik, that in either/both the Haitian-embraced tradition of Christianity or vodoun (voodoo) served to energize and greatly reassure an intense mass movement arrayed against seemingly impossible odds. This article focuses on the rise of Aristide as the embodiment and voice of Spirit among the people and does not extend into his tumultuous secular years in and out of the presidency, having been twice the victim of coups (1991 and 2004); instead it focuses primarily on the years 1985–1990 and does not enter into an assessment of Aristide as president. Aristide’s own vivid narratives of this time, segments of his sermons, and later, passages of his poetry serve to bolster the literary quality or interpretation of this brief but vividly colorful historic epoch in the Haitian experience.
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Chaar-Pérez, Kahlila. « Revolutionary Visions ? Ramón Emeterio Betances, Les deux Indiens, and Haiti ». Small Axe : A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 24, no 1 (1 mars 2020) : 44–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-8190553.

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This essay examines the aesthetics and politics of one of the key figures in the emergence of the Caribbean anti-imperial imaginary in the nineteenth century: the Afro–Puerto Rican activist Ramón Emeterio Betances (1827–98). Through a critical interpretation of Les deux Indiens (1857), a romantic novella about the conquest of Puerto Rico, and “A Cuba Libre” (1871), a biographical essay about Haiti’s first president, Alexandre Pétion, the author explores Betances’s vision of Caribbean unity and its connections to race, gender, republicanism, and decolonization.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Haiti. President"

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Katsavara, Elpida. « Congress, President Clinton and Military Interventions in haiti, Bosnia and Kosovo 1993-2001 ». Thesis, University of Kent, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.499692.

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Livres sur le sujet "Haiti. President"

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Storrs, K. Larry. Haiti under President Preval : Issues for Congress. [Washington, D.C.] : Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1996.

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Storrs, K. Larry. Haiti after President Aristide's return : Concerns of the 104th Congress. [Washington, D.C.] : Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1996.

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United States. President (1993-2001 : Clinton). Update of events in Haiti : Communication from the President of the United States transmitting the fourth report on the continuing deployment of United States Armed Forces to Haiti. Washington : U.S. G.P.O., 1996.

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United States. President (1993-2001 : Clinton). Status on Haiti : Communication from the President of the United States transmitting a report regarding action to support multilateral efforts to restore democracy in Haiti and to protect democracy in our hemisphere. Washington : U.S. G.P.O., 1994.

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United States. President (1993-2001 : Clinton). Update of events in Haiti (Operation "Uphold Democracy") : Communication from the President of the United States transmitting an update of events in Haiti (Operation "Uphold Democracy") consistent with the War Powers Resolution to ensure that the Congress is kept fully informed regarding events in Haiti. Washington : U.S. G.P.O., 1995.

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United States. President (1993-2001 : Clinton). Termination of national emergency with respect to Haiti : Communication from the President of the United States transmitting his termination of the national emergency with respect to Haiti, pursuant to 50 U.S.C. 1622(a). Washington : U.S. G.P.O., 1994.

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United States. President (1993-2001 : Clinton). Continuation of national emergency with respect to Haiti : Communication from the President of the United States transmitting developments since the last report concerning the national emergency with respect to Haiti, pursuant to 50 U.S.C. 1703. Washington : U.S. G.P.O., 1993.

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Clinton), United States President (1993-2001 :. Further reporting on United States naval embargo of Haiti : Communication from the President of the United States transmitting a further report on the status of the U.S. contribution to the ongoing United Nations embargo enforcement effort of Haiti. Washington : U.S. G.P.O., 1994.

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United States. President (1993-2001 : Clinton). With regards to Haiti : Communication from the President of the United States transmitting a report on the objectives and character of the planned deployment of U.S. Armed Forces into Haiti, pursuant to Public Law 103-139, sec. 8147(c). Washington : U.S. G.P.O., 1994.

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United States. President (1989-1993 : Bush). Continuation of national emergency with respect to Haiti : Message from the President of the United States transmitting a report on developments since his last report, concerning the national emergency with respect to Haiti, pursuant to 50 U.S.C. 1703(c). Washington : U.S. G.P.O., 1992.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Haiti. President"

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« President Clinton Changes Policy ». Dans Plunging into Haiti, 244–56. University Press of Mississippi, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt2tvhk0.22.

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Geffrard, Fabre. « President Geffrard Protests the Spanish Annexation of the Dominican Republic ». Dans The Haiti Reader, traduit par Anne Eller, 100–104. Duke University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9781478007609-027.

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Geffrard, Fabre. « President Geffrard Protests the Spanish Annexation of the Dominican Republic ». Dans The Haiti Reader, 100–104. Duke University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1220qc0.30.

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« When They Are President, They Will Understand Me ». Dans Haiti Will Not Perish. Zed Books Ltd, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350220584.ch-017.

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Stotzky, Irwin P. « Haiti : Searching for Alternatives ». Dans Impunity And Human Rights In International Law And Practice, 185–97. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195081367.003.0014.

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Abstract The challenges posed by Haiti’s rocky transition from the Duvalier era to one of democracy have been as difficult as any in the world. As this book goes to press, international efforts to restore the democratically elected government have successfully reinstated President Aristide to office. It remains unclear, however, whether the international efforts will again founder on the intransigence of the most powerful forces in Haiti—the economic elite and the military and paramilitary forces. Even assuming that these corporative forces can be brought under democratic control, the difficulties of creating a viable economy, an institutional structure, and respect for the rule of law, which must undergird both, remain formidable. The question of whether to prosecute those who have committed serious human rights violations played a key role in the events leading up to the September 1991 coup. That question continued to be significant in negotiations for President Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s return and is now a key question in the consolidation of the democratic government. Indeed, dealing with the past will be crucial to opening up new possibilities for establishing the rule of law in both the institutions and the minds of the Haitian people.
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Destradi, Sandra. « Brazil’s Non-Reluctant Approach to Regional Crisis Management ». Dans Reluctance in World Politics, 126–48. Policy Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529230239.003.0006.

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This chapter addresses regional crisis management by Brazil under President ‘Lula’ da Silva’s first presidency (2003–11). It focuses on Brazil’s extended neighbourhood, and in particular on its engagement in Haiti (with a focus on the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti, MINUSTAH, from 2004) and on its approach to the civil war in Colombia. The analysis reveals that in both cases Brazil was not reluctant: in MINUSTAH, it shed its initial reluctance and pursued a determined and responsive policy, taking over leadership of the mission. In Colombia, Brazil was less proactive, but pursued a consistent (not hesitant and therefore non-reluctant) approach to crisis management, focusing on low-key offers of support and mediation. By applying the theory of reluctance, this chapter shows that the Brazilian government was able to adopt non-reluctant policies by allaying domestic concerns and by fostering an alignment of international expectations in the case of Haiti. In the case of Colombia, a consistent and responsive policy was the result of clear domestic preferences and a lack of competing international pressures.
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Zacaïr, Philippe. « Conversation with Myrtha Désulmé, President of the Haiti-Jamaica Society ». Dans Haiti and the Haitian Diaspora in the Wider Caribbean, 145–52. University Press of Florida, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813034614.003.0008.

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Webb, Jack Daniel. « Representations of the Haitian Empire in the British Press, 1847–59 ». Dans Haiti in the British Imagination, 37–86. Liverpool University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781800348226.003.0002.

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Chapter One explores images and texts relating to the Haitian president-turn-emperor Faustin Soulouque that appeared in the British press. These representations contained meditations on the Haitian state and the newly-created Haitian Empire. Although they were produced and published in the British context, they reflect the concerns of interlocutors from across the Atlantic World, including the thoughts and words of observers based in the US, France and, of course, Haiti. Faustin Soulouque intervened explicitly in these Atlantic-wide discussions on the significance of the Haitian Empire by providing counter-representations. Such texts and images produced by the Haitian state, this chapter details, were received, read and interpreted in Britain to alter significantly ideas about Haiti. Concomitantly, the future relationship between British imperialism and people of African descent was questioned and made problematic.
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Robertson Preston, Ashley. « The Legacy Continues ». Dans Mary McLeod Bethune the Pan-Africanist, 129–39. University Press of Florida, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813069654.003.0008.

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Chapter 7 explores how NCNW presidents after Bethune interpret and implement the international agenda of the organization. Dorothy Ferebee, Vivian Mason, and Dorothy Height were well positioned to lead NCNW because of the mentorship of Bethune, and their willingness to commit to furthering the organization, to continue the legacy that she left behind. Each of the women faced a new era, in which barriers of segregation and colonialism were being broken, carefully navigating these challenges by leading NCNW to engage on all fronts, just as they had done in the past. Welcoming women from African nations to join as members, traveling to Europe to build alliances, solidifying bonds with the women of Haiti, are all ways in which each president uniquely contributed to expanding the international scope of NCNW. Standing upon the shoulders of Bethune, the three women who followed her tenure as president took the organization to even greater heights through their work.
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Godbold Jr., E. Stanly. « Servant of Peace ». Dans Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter, 563—C39.P72. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197581568.003.0040.

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Abstract This chapter reviews how, in late 1994, Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter embarked upon three major peace missions in North Korea, Haiti, and Bosnia. Using personal diplomacy with the leader of North Korea and his wife, they got a commitment to freeze development of nuclear weapons, return to discussions with the United States, and return the remains of US soldiers who had died in Korea during the Korean war. In Haiti, Carter, Colin Powell, and Senator Sam Nunn succeeded in convincing the military junta to allow the democratically elected ruler return to power before President Bill Clinton launched a military invasion to force them to do so. Jimmy and Rosalynn’s greatest challenge came in Bosnia, where, after intense discussions with the White House, they journeyed to negotiate a cease fire in a bloody war that had been raging for several years. Often traveling in dangerous conditions, they persuaded Radovan Karadzic, Slobodan Milosovic, and Alija Izetbegovic to sign a cease fire that ultimately made a peace treaty possible.
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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Haiti. President"

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Espinasa, Ramón, et Malte Humpert. Energy Matrix Country Briefings : Antigua & ; Barbuda, Bahamas, Barbados, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica, St. Kitts & ; Nevis, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname, and Trinidad & ;. Inter-American Development Bank, février 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008096.

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This publication is part of a series of reports produced by the Energy Division of the Infrastructure and Environment Department of the Vice President of the Research Department at the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) with support from Compete Caribbean as a regional public good. It is designed to increase the base of knowledge about the characteristics and functions of the Energy Sector in Latin American and Caribbean countries (LAC). The description of the energy matrix and sector governance of each country in the Caribbean has been carried out in parallel to similar work for the rest of the Latin American and Caribbean region. However, the methodology for this region varies slightly from country to country as there is not a single set of comparable data for all the nations in this group. The sources of information are all publicly available and include the International Energy Agency, the U.S. Energy Information Administration, the Global Environment Fund, the United Nations, the International Renewable Energy Agency, consulting firms, and local governments and utilities.
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Michelitsch, Roland, Anna Risi Vianna Crespo, Felipe Vargas, Verónica M. Gonzalez Diez, Julie Biau, Maya Jansson, Monika Huppi et al. Country Program Evaluation : Haiti 2011-2015. Inter-American Development Bank, juillet 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010688.

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The country strategy with Haiti for the 2011-2015 period is the Inter-American Development Bank's (IDB) first post-earthquake strategy and coincides with the start of the mandate of the Ninth General Increase in the Resources of the IDB (IDB-9). The IDB-9 commitments for Haiti include debt forgiveness and expanding the IDB Grant Facility with a view to providing Haiti with US$200 million per year over a period of 10 years (2011-2020), subject to annual approval by the Governors. The IDB-9 commitments modified the Bank's relationship with Haiti by converting the Bank's entire portfolio to a grant portfolio. Adjustment to the IDB-9 requirements also included to create in the Vice Presidency for Countries (VPC) a Haiti Department (CDH), to ensure the efficient and effective management of the unprecedented amount of resources allocated by IDB-9 (document AB-2764) to the Haiti program. The Haiti Country Program Evaluation (CPE) for the 2011-2015 period covers the first five years of the IDB-9 mandate and the change in the Bank's strategic positioning in Haiti. The CPE is an opportunity to evaluate the Bank's post-earthquake actions with a view to identifying the main challenges that the Bank faces to position itself in the five remaining years of the IDB-9 mandate. The CPE is divided into five chapters. Chapter I analyzes the changes in the economic, political, and social context in which the country strategy was implemented, with particular emphasis on the structural limitations that affect Haiti's development. Chapter II analyzes the Bank's positioning, with an emphasis on the significance of the strategic commitment and the efficiency of implementation of the operational program. Chapter III focuses on an effectiveness analysis and an analysis of the main outcomes at a sector level. Chapter IV sets out the main conclusions and recommendations for the next strategy cycle. The CPE also includes sector annexes that describe the sectoral context in which the program was implemented and a detailed evaluation of IDB operations in each sector, as well as other annexes with additional information.
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New Visions : 2008-2011 : A Selection of the Latest Acquisitions from the IDB Art Collection. Inter-American Development Bank, novembre 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0005967.

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This catalog belongs to the exhibition that celebrates the 19th anniversary of the Inter-American Development Bank Cultural Center, originally inaugurated on May 15th, 1992 by the President of Chile, Patricio Aylwin. On this occasion the IDB Cultural Center is pleased to present an exhibit of the artworks that became part of the Collection through the acquisition fund, gifts and permanent loans. It features 25 art works by 17 artists featuring: Federico Martino, Sebastián Spreng, and Susana Sulic (Argentina); Gastón Orellana (Chile); Ana Isabel Díez Zuluaga and Omar Rayo (Colombia); Silvia Elena Monge Puig (Costa Rica); Niurka Barroso (Cuba-Canada); Carmen Herrera and Emilio Sánchez (Cuba-United States); Julio Valdez (Dominican Republic); Geovanny Verdezoto (Ecuador); Luis González Palma (Guatemala); Mireille Délice (Haiti); Antonio López Sáenz and Alberto Alejandro Millares Méndez (Mexico); and Naúl Ojeda (Uruguay).
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