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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Habermas, Jürgen, Political and social views"
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Sharbaugh, Patrick E., et Dang Nguyen. « Make Lulz, Not War : How Online Remix and Meme Culture are Empowering Civic Engagement in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam ». Asiascape : Digital Asia 1, no 3 (30 juillet 2014) : 133–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142312-12340010.
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Although social media platforms have garnered much attention in recent years for their putative role in dramatic social and political movements around the world, scholars such as Clay Shirky and Ethan Zuckerman have suggested that the real potential of such tools for change exists in the way they empower citizens to publicly articulate and debate an array of conflicting views throughout society. In this view, social media matters most not in the streets and squares but in the social commons that Jürgen Habermas termed the public sphere. New image-based social media platforms and creative practices in Vietnam appear to be emerging as powerful tools in this regard, offering a voice to a citizenry who, since 1975, have lived under an authoritarian, and not clearly delineated, legal order restricting the opinions and views eligible for public expression.In 2013, Vietnamese netizens turned to the digital techniques of remix and memetic culture to indirectly express and debate sentiment on issues of often sensitive social and political relevance. Using two recent case studies, we argue that this widespread practice constitutes a culturally-specific form of civic and political engagement that appears to be exerting a subtle but real influence upon the state in this rapidly developing Southeast Asian nation.
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Morris, Martin. « Deliberation and Deconstruction : Two Views on the Space of a Post-National Democracy ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 34, no 4 (décembre 2001) : 763–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423901778080.
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Theorists of deliberation and deconstruction each claim commitments to a more open and legitimate democracy than existing liberal democracy. Eschewing traditional foundations such as natural law, historical inheritance, or the constitutive formation of the nation, they seek to develop a theory of democracy that is more inclusive in conditions of social diversity and complexity. This article investigates the meaning of the open political space that fosters the democratic experience under such conditions. First, a sociologically informed political theory, such as Jürgen Habermas' powerful if flawed attempt, is required to conceive participation in the democratic political sphere. Drawing on Jacques Derrida and others, the author then argues that deconstructive insights that introduce an openness to the non-identical contribute to a more complete democratic theory, offering a crucial mode of democratic inclusion of the other and an acknowledgment of difference that might assist in reforming current institutions. Thus a blend of Habermasian orientation toward deliberation and deconstruction's ethical sensibilities presents a promising development of democratic possibilities.
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Alikberov, A. K. « Modern theories of religion viewed through the prism of the system-communication approach ». Minbar. Islamic Studies 12, no 1 (4 juin 2019) : 15–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2019-12-1-15-33.
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The article offers an analysis of the most influential modern theories of religion. The theory of secularization is associated with the classical theory of modernization. The theory of individualization of religion is associated with theories of social action, albeit indirectly. Likewise, it is connected with the theory of communicative action by Jürgen Habermas, and there is also a direct association with theories of individualization and privatization. The theory of the market model of religion is directly associated with the theory of the market for demand and supply, and the theory of post-industrial society is associated with the theory of secularization indirectly. In addition, various theories are gaining recognition. Among them is the postsecularism associated with the theory of postindustrial society, as well as postnonclassical (postmodernist and postpositivist) approach. Modern theories of religion are analysed from the point of view of the emerging system-communication approach, which is based upon the communicative approach theory by Jürgen Habermas, and the theory of self-reference social systems by Niklas Luhmann. The author suggests, while being within the framework of the neoclassical model of scientific rationality, to move away from the theories by Habermas and Luhmann. He suggests a new understanding of religious communication, in terms of its logical interconnection and interdependence with other forms of communication, primarily social, political, ethnic and cultural.
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OLIVEIRA, Frederico Antonio Lima, et Jeferson Antonio Fernandes BACELAR. « LIMITES CONSTITUCIONAIS DO PRINCÍPIO POLÍTICO DO BEM COMUM À REALIZAÇÃO DA IGUALDADE EM SOCIEDADES COMPLEXAS COMO A BRASILEIRA ». Revista Juridica 3, no 56 (5 juillet 2019) : 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.21902/revistajur.2316-753x.v3i56.3574.
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RESUMOA ideia central deste estudo é traçar alguns possíveis parâmetros para a limitação do princípio político do bem comum numa sociedade complexa como a brasileira. Objetiva-se relacionar a busca da igualdade no estado brasileiro com os limites necessários à realização do bem comum, estabelecendo a prevalência de interesses em coalisão na esfera pública em análise, ante as nossas flagrantes iniciativas desestatizantes. Vale-se como referencial teórico de Jürgen Habermas quanto à esfera pública, revendo-se a literatura com a doutrina de John Finns. Tem-se uma pesquisa básica, exploratória, bibliográfica, com abordagem qualitativa e descritiva, a fim de se obter as conclusões necessárias.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Bem Comum; Igualdade; Estado Social; Sociedade Complexa; Esfera Pública.ABSTRACTThe central idea of this study is to outline some possible parameters for limiting the political principle of the common good in a complex society such as Brazil. The objective is to relate the search for equality in the Brazilian state with the necessary limits to the realization of the common good, establishing the prevalence of interests in coalition in the public sphere under analysis, in view of our flagrant destatizing initiatives. It is worth as theoretical reference of Jürgen Habermas as far as the public sphere, being reviewed the literature with the doctrine of John Finns. We have a basic, exploratory, bibliographic research, with a qualitative and descriptive approach, in order to obtain the necessary conclusions.KEYWORDS: Common Good; Equality; Social State; Complex Society; Public Sphere.
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PEFFER, RODNEY G. « SYMPOSIUM ON GLOBALIZATION AND JUSTICE : INTRODUCTION ». Economics and Philosophy 22, no 1 (mars 2006) : 113–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267105000726.
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For over half a century in more than a dozen books and 600 philosophical articles Kai Nielsen has developed and defended a radically egalitarian theory of social justice as well as a political vision demanding a democratic, humane form of socialism and, on an international level, a federative world socialist government embodying these values. In Globalization and Justice Nielsen applies his acute analytical abilities and his substantive theories and views to the present ongoing reality of corporate, capitalist globalization, arguing that this sort of globalization is unjust in that it further disadvantages the developing world. He then argues for an alternative sort of globalization, a process that he believes could and should have, as its end goal, a democratic and humane socialist government and society on a world-wide scale. Along the way he compares his theory and vision to those of such other major contemporary thinkers as John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas, G.A. Cohen, and Richard Rorty representing, respectively, liberal egalitarianism, critical theory, analytical Marxism (at least formerly), and post-modern eclecticism.
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Ebijuwa, Temisanren. « The Public Sphere, Deweyan Democracy and Rational Discourse in Africa ». Dialogue and Universalism 31, no 9999 (2021) : 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du202131supplement37.
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The quest for a decent political order in many societies is imperative today because of the heterogeneous nature of our social existence and the complexity of our ever increasing socio-economic and political experiences. Since the public sphere is a domain of freedom exemplified by dialogical engagements, the outcome of such encounter must involve the intelligible thoughts of all discussants with the sole aim of dealing with the concerns and commanding the commitment of all to the decisions reached. In this study, it is argued that Deweyan democracy as an alternative theory of rational inquiry is relevant for engaging the present sordid condition of many Africans democratic practice and policy outcomes. As a rational procedure, it is averred that John Dewey’s emphasis on epistemic properties of democratic discourse makes the proceduralist account of democracy superfluous and exposes the weakness of the content of democratic discourse in political actions and decisions. The study also contend that given the consensual state of Dewey’s epistemic thought, Jürgen Habermas theory rather than expanding the space of epistemic democracy stifled it because of his insistence on the force of a better argument in the resolution of conflicting concerns of dialoguers. The study therefore, argues for Dewey’s democracy as an alternative mode of political order since it does not undermine the views of the citizens but gives room for the activation a certain set of attitude that can challenge prevailing opinions and accepts the views that do not embrace conventional wisdom—a procedure that is necessary for the growth and development of our democratic space.
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Heath, Joseph. « Rebooting discourse ethics ». Philosophy & ; Social Criticism 40, no 9 (12 août 2014) : 829–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453714545340.
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In this article I argue that the conception of discourse ethics that Jürgen Habermas advances in his seminar paper, ‘Discourse Ethics: Notes on a Program of Philosophical Justification’, is subject to significant revision in later work. The central difference has to do with the status of the universalization principle and its relationship to the ‘rightness’ validity claim. The earlier view is structured by a desire to provide a weak-transcendental defense of the universalization principle. The later revision, however, essentially undercuts the basis of this argument, because it severs the conception of practical discourse from the analysis of speech acts. As a way of responding to the difficulties this creates, I propose a ‘reboot’ of the discourse ethics program. This involves reverting to the earlier, more Durkheimian and less Kantian, formulation of the theory. The result is a program that is no longer encumbered by sterile debates about the correct formulation of the universalization principle, but can plausibly claim to provide insight into the role that language-dependence plays in the development and entrenchment of increasingly pro-social behavior patterns within our institutions.
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Medina-Vicent, María. « Responsabilidad Social de Género y obligatoriedad moral = Gender Social Responsibility and moral obligatoriness ». FEMERIS : Revista Multidisciplinar de Estudios de Género 2, no 1 (17 janvier 2017) : 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/femeris.2017.3546.
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Resumen: La igualdad entre mujeres y hombres debe ser integrada en la gestión de las empresas. Y es que se trata de una exigencia social válida y vigente que afecta a todas las esferas sociales, desde la política a la economía. Desde nuestro punto de vista, una gestión basada en la ética dialógica habermasiana puede ser el modo más acertado para que las empresas se comprometan con esta tarea. Dicho modelo nos aporta las claves para una gestión empresarial que convierta la igualdad en un valor irrenunciable de la cultura corporativa. En esta línea, la demanda por la ética empresarial y la igualdad de género ha sido incorporada en la agenda política y económica de la Unión Europea, entendida centralmente como un recurso para aumentar la competitividad de los países miembros. Así pues, analizaremos el riesgo que conlleva este discurso de la rentabilidad, a la vez que abordamos la potencialidad de la ética empresarial dialógica y de la Responsabilidad Social de Género para impulsar la igualdad de género en la empresa. Palabras clave: igualdad de género, ética empresarial, responsabilidad social de género. Abstract: The equality between women and men need to be integrated into the business management. It is a valid and current social demand which involves all social fields, from politics to economy. From our point of view, business management based on the Discourse Ethics of Jürgen Habermas can be the most successful way for companies to achieve this aim. This model gives us the key to promote a business management where equality becomes an inalienable value of corporate culture. In this line, the demand for business ethics and gender equality has been incorporated into the political and economic agenda of the European Union, understood as a resource to enhance the competitiveness of member countries. Thus, we will analyze the risk associated with this profitability discourse, while we address the potential of the dialogic ethics for business and the Gender Social Responsibility concept to promote gender equality in companies. Keywords: gender equality, business ethics, gender social responsibility. doi: https://doi.org/10.20318/femeris.2017.3546
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Кочанович, Лешек. « DIALOGUE FOR SPACE, SPACE FOR DIALOGUE ». ΠΡΑΞΗMΑ. Journal of Visual Semiotics, no 4(26) (22 novembre 2020) : 90–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.23951/2312-7899-2020-4-90-97.
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В статье рассматриваются основные проблемы современной демократии, особенно городской демократии. Массовые протесты и демонстрации свидетельствуют о том, что существующие механизмы либеральной демократии перестали выполнять свою роль. В статье анализируются причины такого положения вещей. Также приводятся причины, по которым демократия в городе имеет особое значение для понимания функционирования демократического общества. Далее описываются три концепции демократии, которые имеют особое значение. Это: прагматическая концепция, концепция коммуникативной деятельности и концепция неконсенсусного диалога и неконсенсусной демократии. Эта третья концепция была разработана автором статьи. Он понимает демократический диалог как средство понимания, а не согласия. Таким образом, демократия заключается в том, чтобы лучше понять конкурента, а не в достижении с ним соглашения. Однако для того, чтобы эта форма демократии работала, необходимо соответствующее образование на всех уровнях. In the past years it has become clear that liberal democracy is in crisis and that this crisis is first of all visible in the public sphere and in the public space. The new social movements in many countries have re-defined the public space introducing to it elements which have not been so far present in the public sphere, for instance, demonstrations which turned into long-lasting meetings, performances, artistic activities, and so on. Moreover, it has turned out that the crisis touched not only the liberal system of institutions but also the civil society and the party system that had been a backbone of liberal democracy. The aim of the article is thus to look at human space/city space as a machine for communication, or, strictly speaking, a machine for understanding. The article has been inspired by the views of American pragmatists, mainly John Dewey’s and George Herbert Mead’s as well as Mikhail Bakhtin’s concepts of dialogue and carnival. I think that taking such a standpoint would lead to better understanding the new social movements in city space. The four models of communication in the city space are discussed in the article. The first model is taken from the philosophy of American pragmatism. Its main features are: the close relationship between politics and everyday life, and the concept of democracy as a form of life of a community. The pragmatists also put stress on dialogue/communication as an activity which forms social life as well as our mind and self. The second model is Jürgen Habermas’s concept of communicative action. Habermas states that the possibility of an agreement is inscribed in the very structure of language if certain conditions are fulfilled. He calls these conditions “the ideal communicative situation.” The continuators of Habermas’s theory have developed it into the idea of “deliberative democracy”, i.e., democracy which is a permanent discussion of the most important social and political issues. The third model is associated with Bakhtin’s notion of dialogue as a phenomenon which permeates all human interactions. Finally, I propose my model of communication which is based on my concept of dialogue as a vehicle of understanding rather than vehicle of agreement. Starting from the last model I discuss the question of the role of the university in the democratic society. My idea is that the humanities should give up any ambition to universality and instead they should facilitate mutual understanding. Therefore, their function has changed radically. Traditionally, they serve to maintain national or religious identity and/or promote individual perfection. Now, they should prepare people to enter a dialogical relationship with the Other.
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Finlayson, James Gordon. « Happy Birthday Jürgen Habermas ». Studies in Social and Political Thought 29 (2 septembre 2019) : 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.20919/sspt.29.2019.115.
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[No abstract] First paragraph: Habermas turned ninety on June 18th 2019. Over the last six decades he’s been Germany’s foremost social theorist, philosopher, public intellectual, and journalist. His political writings currently stretch to twelve volumes. Cue a host of different public events across Germany celebrating his life and work. Cue also the usual paeans and panegyrics, and, as anyone who has followed the on-line discussion will know, some remarkably harsh criticism.
Thèses sur le sujet "Habermas, Jürgen, Political and social views"
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Isaksson, Pär. « Den aggregativa demokratin : Hur Jürgen Habermas, John Dryzek och Stephen Elstub använder termen liberal demokrati ». Thesis, Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-14162.
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“Liberal Democracy” is a common term in political theory, and it is used as if it had a commonly accepted referent, with both normative and descriptive content. This is certainly the case in democratic theory, where it on the one hand seems to refer to a normative democratic model; on the other hand it is used descriptively, to refer to real-life democracies. The deliberative democratic sub-field is not an exception; on the contrary, the term is frequently used albeit rarely defined; yet the concept it refers to is supposedly developed enough to allow detailed propositions about its citizens’s political behaviour. This essay is an attempt to analyze how Liberal Democracy is used by three deliberative democrats (Jürgen Habermas, John Dryzek and Stephen Elstub), in order to understand the democratic model (or models), whether normative or descriptive, they refer to. It is an analysis of how the term is used in some of the authors’ texts, what it denotes and connotes. This is done against the backdrop of their respective deliberative theories; Habermas, Dryzek and Elstub were chosen qua Deliberative Democratic theorists, not just democratic theorists. Habermas’s usage of Liberal Democracy is inconsistent. On the one hand it is a rather “open” democracy (i.e., more Dahl than Madison) dependent on active citizens in the public sphere; on the other hand it is a rights-based society where the market forum serves as an imperative, where isolated individuals make political choices as if they where choices at the market forum and even the social interactions are market-structured. My conclusion is that the latter model takes precedence. The following chapter analyzes John Dryzek’s usage of the term. The democratic model Dryzek calls Liberal Democracy shares some similarities with Habermas’s model – the market forum serves as a model for the citizens’ political behaviour. Following Horkheimer and Adorno, Dryzek connects Liberal Democracy to an instrumental rationality considered to be repressive. The instrumental rationality (and the behaviour it creates) leads to a political strait jacket – the citizens’ preferences get reduced to their interests, and politics is nothing but a battle of the interests. Dryzek’s usage of the term is more consistent than Habermas’s. For Stephen Elstub, upholding autonomy is the telos of democracy, irrespective of model. In his discussions of liberal democracy he equates liberal theory (J.S. Mill and John Locke) with liberal democratic theory, and sees the real-life democracies as realizations of the theory. Elstub's discussions of liberal democracy focus primarily on the demos, citizens with endogenous preferences. Contra Habermas and Dryzek, Elstub’s model lacks the behavioural model based on the market forum. An important inconsistency in Elstub’s model is the State’s capacity for institutional changes; the “representative structures” are incapable of the changes necessary to deal with social pluralism, but at the same time the Liberal Democratic system is flexible enough to accommodate his dualist model of democracy. The last chapter sums up the results and places the liberal democratic model in a taxonomy of democratic theories. I argue that in spite of the differences of the authors’ models, they are basically one and the same, normatively and descriptively. It is not primarily a model of democratic institutions – more than anything it is a conception of demos. The demos consist of citizens focused on their self-interest as a basis for their political actions. The democratic taxonomy used in the essay is fairly inclusive, but I conclude that Liberal Democracy does not fit in; it is not so much a theory of institutionalised democracy as a psychological theory.
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Campato, Roger Fernandes. « A Gênese teórica da concepção habermasiana de esfera pública ». Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2002. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/4891.
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This dissertation aims to discuss the theoretical sources taken by Jürgen Habermas to legitimate his concept of public sphere (Öffentlichkeit). The study also presents alternative interpretive perspectives to the one assumed by Habermas in The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit).
Esta dissertação objetiva discutir as fontes teóricas tomadas por Jürgen Habermas para legitimar seu conceito de esfera pública (Öffentlichkeit). O estudo também apresenta perspectivas interpretativas alternativas àquela assumida por Habermas em Mudança Estrutural da Esfera Pública (Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit).
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Ballarini, Loïc. « L'espace public au-delà de l'agir communicationnel : quatre renversements de perspective pour sortir des impasses du modèle habermassien ». Phd thesis, Université Paris VIII Vincennes-Saint Denis, 2010. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00573282.
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Ce travail vise à définir les conditions d'un renouvellement de la portée théorique et empirique du concept d'espace public. À partir d'une lecture critique du livre fondateur de Jürgen Habermas et des principales contributions dans le champ des Sciences de l'information et de la communication, en m'inscrivant dans une démarche interdisciplinaire faisant appel à la philosophie, aux études littéraires et linguistiques, à la géographie, à la sociologie et à l'ethnologie, et en m'appuyant sur des entretiens avec des lecteurs de presse régionale, je propose d'opérer quatre renversements de perspective permettant de dépasser les limites de la conception habermassienne de l'espace public. Il s'agit tout d'abord de renoncer à toute idée d'un âge d'or pour considérer l'espace public comme un ensemble de processus dynamiques. La deuxième étape consiste à le concevoir comme le lieu symbolique de formation des opinions personnelles, et non, comme le fait Habermas, comme le creuset d'une opinion publique plus fantasmée que scientifiquement établie. La conception universelle, unique et médiatique de l'espace public habermassien constituant elle aussi une impasse, un troisième renversement conduit à envisager un espace public fragmenté, local et conversationnel. Ces trois premiers renversements de perspective sont rien moins que nécessaires pour pouvoir continuer à étudier l'espace public dans le monde contemporain. Ils permettent d'en faire un concept central dans l'étude de la circulation des idées et des nouvelles. Mais, comme le montrent les entretiens, ils trouvent aussi leurs limites en ce qu'ils n'autorisent qu'un abord superficiel de la question de la formation des opinions personnelles. Donner sa pleine mesure au potentiel heuristique de l'espace public passe donc par un quatrième renversement de perspective, qui consiste à faire sortir le concept de la théorie de l'agir communicationnel pour l'intégrer à une théorie de la société capable d'expliciter les rapports sociaux. Là où Habermas réifiait son concept en le soumettant à l'illusion d'une société guidée par la recherche de l'entente, une critique marxiste ouverte aux différentes recherches sur les processus de socialisation permet à l'espace public de prendre en compte les conditions objectives et les rapports de force dont est faite la société.
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SINTOMER, Yves. « Jürgen Habermas et les dilemmes d'une théorie contemporaine de la démocratie ». Doctoral thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5386.
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Defence date: 12 January 1996Examining Board: Michel Dobry (Université de Paris X-Nanterre) ; Steven Lukes (Institut Universitaire Européen, Florence, supervisor) ; Alessandro Pizzorno (Institut Universitaire Européen, Florence) ; Marc Sadoun (Institut d'Etudes Politique, Paris) ; Jean-Marie Vincent (Université de Paris VIII-Saint-Denis)
First made available online: 27 September 2016
Livres sur le sujet "Habermas, Jürgen, Political and social views"
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Eriksen, Erik Oddvar. Kommunikativ handling og deliberativt demokrati : Jürgen Habermas ́teori om politikk og samfunn. Bergen : Fagbokforlaget, 1999.
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Gebhardt, Mareike. Politisches Handeln in der postmodernen Konstellation : Kritische Demokratietheorie nach Hannah Arendt und Jürgen Habermas. Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2014.
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Peter, Niesen, et Herborth Benjamin, dir. Anarchie der kommunikativen Freiheit : Jürgen Habermas und die Theorie der internationalen Politik. Frankfurt am Main, Germany : Suhrkamp, 2007.
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Tomboué, Firmin Marius. Jürgen Habermas et le tournant délibératif de la philosophie : La crise de la métaphysique de la subjectivité dans la philosophie politique et morale habermassienne. Paris, France : Harmattan, 2011.
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Tomboué, Firmin Marius. Jürgen Habermas et le défi intersubjectif de la philosophie : La crise de la métaphysique de la subjectivité dans la philosophie politique et morale habermassienne. Paris, France : Harmattan, 2011.
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Shang tan dao de yu shang yi min zhu : Habeimasi zheng zhi lun li si xiang yan jiu = Discoursive moral and deliberative democracy : on Jürgen Habermas's thought of ethics and politics. Beijing Shi : She hui ke xue wen xian chu ban she, 2009.
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L'espace public au Moyen Âge : Débats autour de Jürgen Habermas. Paris, France : Presses universitaires de France, 2011.
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Schöne neue Öffentlichkeit : Beiträge zu Jürgen Habermas' "Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit". Hamburg, Germany : VSA-Verlag, 2003.
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Mimesis and reason : Habermas' political philosophy. Albany : State University of New York Press, 2011.
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Bueno, Tomás Valladolid. Democracia y pensamiento judío : De Habermas a Benjamin : caminos de intencionalidad práctica. Huelva : Universidad de Huelva, 2003.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Habermas, Jürgen, Political and social views"
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Moebius, Stephan. « Reconstruction and Consolidation of Sociology in West Germany from 1945 to 1967 ». Dans Sociology in Germany, 49–84. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71866-4_3.
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AbstractThis chapter will focus on the two decades after 1945, the period of the “post-war society” (1945–1967), which in the historical sciences is also characterized as a period of boom (keywords: “Wirtschaftswunder” (“economic miracle”), expansion of the welfare state, expansion of the educational sector, certainty about the future) and which comes to an end in the 1970s. Germany was undergoing a profound process of change: socio-structural changes in an advanced industrial society, structural changes in the family and a retreat into the private sphere, new opportunities in the areas of consumption and leisure due to the “Wirtschaftswunder,” urbanization and changes in communities, “Western Integration” (“Westbindung”), the ban on the KPD (Communist Party of Germany) in 1956, remilitarization, the development of the mass media and mass motorization, and the repression of the Nazi past were central social and sociological issues. At the same time, fascist tendencies were still virulent during the 1950s and 1960s. After 1945, sociology had to be rebuilt. Journals were refounded or newly founded, the German Sociological Association was restored and sociology was re-established as a teaching subject. Different “schools” and regional centers of sociology emerged. The so-called Cologne School centered around René König, the Frankfurt School around Adorno and Horkheimer, and the circle around Helmut Schelsky should be mentioned in particular; but also, Wolfgang Abendroth, Werner Hofmann, and Heinz Maus (Marburg School), Otto Stammer (Berlin), Arnold Bergstraesser (Freiburg i.Br.), and Helmuth Plessner (Göttingen). Despite their theoretical and political differences, up until the 1950s, they all had in common the decisive will for political and social enlightenment regarding the post-war situation. Furthermore, the particular importance that empirical social research and non-university research institutions had for the further development of sociology after 1945 is worth mentioning.At the end of the 1950s, field-specific dynamics gained momentum. The different “schools” and groups tried to secure and expand their position in the sociological field and their divergent research profiles became increasingly visible. The so-called civil war in sociology drove the actors further apart. Additionally, disciplinary struggles and camp-building processes during the first 20 years of West German sociology revolved around the debate on role theory and the dispute over positivism. By the end of the 1950s, an institutional and generational change can be observed. The so-called post-war generation, which included Ralf Dahrendorf, Jürgen Habermas, Niklas Luhmann, Erwin K. Scheuch, Heinrich Popitz, Hans Paul Bahrdt, M. Rainer Lepsius, and Renate Mayntz, assumed central positions in organizations, editorial boards of journals, and universities. While the early “schools” and circles (König, Schelsky, Adorno, and Horkheimer) initially focused on the sociology of the family and empirical research, the following generation concentrated foremost on industrial sociology, but also on topics of social structure and social stratification as well as on social mobility.
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Roach, Steven C. « 8. Critical Theory ». Dans International Relations Theories. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198707561.003.0009.
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This chapter examines the various assumptions of critical theory espoused by the Frankfurt school, with particular emphasis on how the Frankfurt school's critiques of authoritarianism and repression influenced the critical interventions by International Relations (IR) theorists. The chapter focuses on two major strands of critical International Relations theory: normative theory and the Marxist-based critique of the political economy. After providing an overview of the Frankfurt school and critical IR theory, the chapter explores critical theorists' views on universal morality and political economy. It then discusses Jürgen Habermas's ideas in international relations and presents a case study of the Arab Spring. It concludes by analysing the concept of critical reflexivity and how it can show knowledge and social reality are co-produced through social interaction, and how this interaction can, in turn, produce practical or empirical knowledge of the changing moral and legal dynamics of prominent global institutions.
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Roach, Steven C. « 8. Critical Theory ». Dans International Relations Theories, 147–62. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198814443.003.0008.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter examines the various assumptions of critical theory espoused by the Frankfurt school, with particular emphasis on how the Frankfurt school’s critiques of authoritarianism and repression influenced the critical interventions by International Relations (IR) theorists. The chapter focuses on two major strands of critical International Relations theory: normative theory and the Marxist-based critique of the political economy. After providing an overview of the Frankfurt school and critical IR theory, the chapter explores critical theorists’ views on universal morality and political economy. It then discusses Jürgen Habermas’s ideas in international relations and presents a case study of the Arab Spring. It concludes by analysing the concept of critical reflexivity and how it can show knowledge and social reality are co-produced through social interaction, and how this interaction can, in turn, produce practical or empirical knowledge of the changing moral and legal dynamics of prominent global institutions.
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Ibsen, Malte Frøslee. « Jürgen Habermas and the Communicative Paradigm of Critical Theory ». Dans A Critical Theory of Global Justice, 149–99. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192864123.003.0006.
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Abstract Chapter 5 reconstructs Jürgen Habermas’s communicative paradigm of critical theory, which responds to the limitations of Adorno’s negativist paradigm and seeks to grasp the emancipatory potential of the new-founded constitutional-democratic order of postwar Europe. In doing so, Habermas undertakes a turn to an intersubjective paradigm of reason and develops a philosophical foundation for a critical theory of society in a pragmatic reconstruction of the universal rational infrastructure that he finds in ordinary language communication. This reconstruction of communicative reason enables Habermas to develop a sophisticated theory of social evolution and an ambitious social theory that sees modern capitalist society as both a cultural lifeworld and a system of functional subsystems. This two-concept theory of communicative action in turn allows Habermas to reconceptualize the concept of reification as a pervasive social pathology of modern democratic capitalism: namely, as the colonization of the lifeworld by systems imperatives, which undercuts the social and psychological conditions of individual autonomy. Habermas’s reconstruction of communicative reason also grounds the normative dimension of his critical theory, which comprises an account of the moral point of view in terms of a theory of discourse ethics and a reconstruction of the ‘self-understanding’ of modern constitutional democracy. He construes the latter in terms of a system of rights and a two-track theory of deliberative politics that charts how processes of democratic will-formation in the public sphere are channelled through an elected parliament, which submits the functional subsystems of the capitalist market and the public administration to democratically enacted law.
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« Rationality, social theory and political philosophy ». Dans The Recent Work of Jürgen Habermas, 7–24. Cambridge University Press, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511598265.002.
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Wacks, Raymond. « 13. Critical legal theory ». Dans Understanding Jurisprudence. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198806011.003.0013.
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All critical legal theorists share a deep cynicism about many of the important questions of legal theory. Fundamentally they reject many of the assumptions of both the legal and political order: for example, the free market, ‘meta-narratives’, and male or racial domination. This chapter first discusses the development of critical legal studies and then turns to postmodern legal theory, considering the views of Jacques Lacan, Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault, and Jürgen Habermas. It then goes on to outlines the principal claims of critical race theory (CRT). It also considers the relationships between CRT and feminist theory and CRT and postmodernism.
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Caldwell, Peter C. « Modernization and Its Discontents ». Dans Democracy, Capitalism, and the Welfare State, 137–62. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198833819.003.0005.
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The period from the mid-1960s to the early 1970s has been characterized by historians as one of “planning euphoria.” This enthusiasm was especially evident in the Social Democrats’ ambitious plans for steering the economy and reshaping society through social policy. At the same time, however, social theorists on both right and left criticized these efforts for their tendency toward alienation and bureaucratization. On the right, Hans Freyer and Arnold Gehlen predicted that secondary institutions would end human creativity, ushering in a period of post-history; Ernst Forsthoff feared state paralysis and the loss of real political leadership. And on the left, both Herbert Marcuse and Jürgen Habermas also feared the “refeudalization” and paralysis of society, and Habermas feared that the logic of these systems would undermine the life-worlds that gave meaning to humans, creating a sense of alienation.
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Auer, Stefan. « A Post-Sovereign Europe ? Germany, Eurozone, Refugee Crisis ». Dans European Disunion, 35–66. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197659601.003.0002.
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Abstract This chapter sketches Europe's transformation under Germany's reluctant leadership and points towards its limitations. Germany was a dominant player in the eurozone crisis, instrumental in shaping both the EU-Russia and EU-Ukraine relationship after the Euromaidan revolution in late 2013 and it was at the centre of the migration crisis in 2015. Germany's role is examined via conflicting understandings of sovereignty and democracy, and the way in which they were challenged by the politics of emergency. The chapter contrasts the vision of a post-sovereign Europe, advocated by the likes of Jürgen Habermas, with the views of the German Constitutional Court, which has constrained the process of EU constitutionalisation by arguing that democracy requires a demos. Finally, the chapter offers a critical analysis of the German Chancellor Angela Merkel, who like no other political leader in Europe came to embody two conflicting impulses that shaped European politics: the politics of emergency and the technocratic reliance on depoliticised rules. A post-sovereign Europe is becoming ever more post-democratic.
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Stern, Robert, et Nicholas Walker. « Hegelianism ». Dans Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780415249126-dc037-2.
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As an intellectual tradition, the history of Hegelianism is the history of the reception and influence of the thought of G.W.F. Hegel. This tradition is notoriously complex and many-sided, because while some Hegelians have seen themselves as merely defending and developing his ideas along what they took to be orthodox lines, others have sought to ‘reform’ his system, or to appropriate individual aspects and overturn others, or to offer consciously revisionary readings of his work. This makes it very hard to identify any body of doctrine common to members of this tradition, and a wide range of divergent philosophical views can be found among those who (despite this) can none the less claim to be Hegelians. There are both ‘internal’ and ‘external’ reasons for this: on one hand, Hegel’s position itself brings together many different tendencies (idealism and objectivism, historicism and absolutism, rationalism and empiricism, Christianity and humanism, classicism and modernism, a liberal view of civil society with an organicist view of the state); any balance between them is hermeneutically very unstable, enabling existing readings to be challenged and old orthodoxies to be overturned. On the other hand, the critical response to Hegel’s thought and the many attempts to undermine it have meant that Hegelians have continually needed to reconstruct his ideas and even to turn Hegel against himself, while each new intellectual development, such as Marxism, pragmatism, phenomenology or existential philosophy, has brought about some reassessment of his position. This feature of the Hegelian tradition has been heightened by the fact that Hegel’s work has had an impact at different times over a long period and in a wide range of countries, so that divergent intellectual, social and historical pressures have influenced its distinct appropriations. At the hermeneutic level, these appropriations have contributed greatly to keeping the philosophical understanding of Hegel alive and open-ended, so that our present-day conception of his thought cannot properly be separated from them. Moreover, because questions of Hegel interpretation have so often revolved around the main philosophical, political and religious issues of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Hegelianism has also had a significant impact on the development of modern Western thought in its own right. As a result of its complex evolution, Hegelianism is best understood historically, by showing how the changing representation of Hegel’s ideas have come about, shaped by the different critical concerns, sociopolitical conditions and intellectual movements that dominated his reception in different countries at different times. Initially, Hegel’s influence was naturally most strongly felt in Germany as a comprehensive, integrative philosophy that seemed to do justice to all realms of experience and promised to preserve the Christian heritage in a modern and progressive form within a speculative framework. However, this position was quickly challenged, both from other philosophical standpoints (such as F.W.J. Schelling’s ‘positive philosophy’ and F.A. Trendelenburg’s neo-Aristotelian empiricism), and by the celebrated generation of younger thinkers (the so-called ‘Young’ or ‘Left’ Hegelians, such as Ludwig Feuerbach, David Strauss, Bruno Bauer, Arnold Ruge and the early Karl Marx), who insisted that to discover what made Hegel a truly significant thinker (his dialectical method, his view of alienation, his ‘sublation’ of Christianity), this orthodoxy must be overturned. None the less, both among these radicals and in academic circles, Hegel’s influence was considerably weakened in Germany by the 1860s and 1870s, while by this time developments in Hegelian thought had begun to take place elsewhere. Hegel’s work was known outside Germany from the 1820s onwards, and Hegelian schools developed in northern Europe, Italy, France, Eastern Europe, America and (somewhat later) Britain, each with their own distinctive line of interpretation, but all fairly uncritical in their attempts to assimilate his ideas. However, in each of these countries challenges to the Hegelian position were quick to arise, partly because the influence of Hegel’s German critics soon spread abroad, and partly because of the growing impact of other philosophical positions (such as Neo-Kantianism, materialism and pragmatism). Nevertheless, Hegelianism outside Germany proved more durable in the face of these attacks, as new readings and approaches emerged to counter them, and ways were found to reinterpret Hegel’s work to show that it could accommodate these other positions, once the earlier accounts of Hegel’s metaphysics, political philosophy and philosophy of religion (in particular) were rejected as too crude. This pattern has continued into the twentieth century, as many of the movements that began by defining themselves against Hegel (such as Neo-Kantianism, Marxism, existentialism, pragmatism, post-structuralism and even ‘analytic’ philosophy) have then come to find unexpected common ground, giving a new impetus and depth to Hegelianism as it began to be assimilated within and influenced by these diverse approaches. Such efforts at rapprochement began in the early part of the century with Wilhelm Dilthey’s attempt to link Hegel with his own historicism, and although they were more ambivalent, this connection was reinforced in Italy by Benedetto Croce and Giovanni Gentile. The realignment continued in France in the 1930s, as Jean Wahl brought out the more existentialist themes in Hegel’s thought, followed in the 1940s by Alexander Kojève’s influential Marxist readings. Hegelianism has also had an impact on Western Marxism through the writings of the Hungarian Georg Lukács, and this influence has continued in the critical reinterpretations offered by members of the Frankfurt School, particularly Theodor W. Adorno, Max Horkheimer, Herbert Marcuse, Jürgen Habermas and others. More recently, most of the major schools of philosophical thought (from French post-structuralism to Anglo-American ‘analytic’ philosophy) have emphasized the need to take account of Hegel, and as a result Hegelian thought (both exegetical and constructive) is continually finding new directions.
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May, Adrian. « Immoral, Impure, Atheist Artists ? » Dans From Bataille to Badiou, 94–128. Liverpool University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781786940438.003.0004.
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This chapter identifies the literary neo-Nietzschean critical ethos that defined the review from its opening issues, whilst also tracing how this ethos shifted in response to changes in the French social and political climate. The review’s progressive emphasis on anti-essentialist and post-foundational thought is contrasted to the return to Enlightenment thought, French values and communicational rationality proposed by Jürgen Habermas and Alain Finkielkraut. In contrast to the more abstract, conceptual emphasis of Derridean deconstruction, the review’s materialist approach to literary writing is demonstrated with particular reference to the works of Jean-Noël Vuarnet and Michel Surya. The review’s early, staunch secularism is then seen to become more tempered after scandals surrounding Islamic headscarves, laïcité, and the terrorist threats made towards Salman Rushdie, Taslima Nasreen, Robert Redeker and Charlie Hebdo, as the review refuses to be drawn into outright condemnation of France’s stigmatised Muslim minority. Lastly, the review’s Nietzschean stress on amoral philosophy is seen to be more responsible than nihilistic when placed in the context of shifting social mores, especially regarding changing philosophical perspectives on paedophilia.