Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Guipúzcoa (Spain) – Social conditions – History »

This article offers an approach through administrative and cultural history to the problems associated with gathering and processing data for the Spanish national census of 1920, and by implication for earlier Spanish censuses. It focuses on the Basque province of Guipúzcoa, making use of correspondence between the central statistical office in Madrid, the provincial jefe de estadística and the localities, and of reports on three problematic towns within the province. The issues that emerge regarding ‘undercounting’, the definition of administrative boundaries and the classification of demographic characteristics are set in the wider context of census-taking practices and problems elsewhere in Spain and in other cultures.

During the last two decades of the nineteenth century, Spain experienced growing social instability. The worsening working conditions stimulated social conflict and the rise of the labour movement. In this context, the first voices in favour of state intervention in conflicts between capital and labour arose among the reformist intellectual elite. One of the first social policy measures undertaken by the state was the creation, in 1883, of the Comisión de Reformas Sociales (Commission for Social Reforms, CRS) as a consultative and advisory institution of the government on social issues. Under the influence of positivist methods of empirical sociology, the commission’s first initiative was to conduct a survey with the objective of undertaking a detailed diagnosis of the living conditions of the working population. Changing gender relations in the family and labour market, especially the conflicts over the use of women’s time, was one of the central questions in this survey. Thus, its results allow us to analyse both the discourses – by social reformers and other social groups – and the social practices of women at work in different sectors and in different parts of Spain.

Differences in material conditions are a determinant that explains the little divergence between northwestern and southern Europe. This article approaches the evolution of prices in early modern Toledo (Spain). The price index includes new items such as housing and employs different baskets over time, reflecting changes in consumption patterns. During the city’s golden age, prices grew faster than in London, Paris, or Amsterdam. Wine, urban rent, and food prices experienced a great increase, coinciding with demographic growth and the arrival of the American precious metals. Prices slowed in the first half of the seventeenth century, throughout Castile’s demographic and economic decay.

The study of the institution of marriage in the foreign legal order makes it possible not only to see the identity and historical succession, but also to find out whether the provisions on marriage have common features that characterize it as the highest value, and how permissible foreign borrowing in the formation of its own legal system without prejudice to its uniqueness and individuality. The use of foreign experience reveals a lot of issues and conflicts that need to be resolved in relation to national law. An obligatory component is the study of the heritage of the past, the so-called legislative retrospective, which contributes to the knowledge of legal culture. For the first time in domestic science there is an attempt to periodize the institution of marriage in Spain, depending on the type of social regulator: customs, canonical rules, rules of law (own and borrowed). The periodization of the Spanish marriage law is presented and the main features of its formation are shown: the application of the customs of the peoples inhabiting the territory of Spain; the reception of Roman private law; the influence of Canon law; the appearance of foreign influence. The whole history of marriage law is divided into 5 periods: customary law (the first period), the rule of canon law (second period), systematic legislation on marriage (the third period), harmonization of secular marriage legislation with the provisions of canon law (the fourth period), contemporary law (fifth period). Separately, in the settlement of relations between the sexes, a pre-legal period is allocated. Of course, each period is characterized by a variety of rules of marriage law, which is explained by the evolution of social relations and the development of the legal institution of marriage. The consistent influence of universal values on the formation of legal provisions of marriage is shown. As the marriage law is formed, rules are formed that determine the conditions and order of its conclusion. The enduring value of the family organization of the way of life of people and the family form of management determines the preservation of this social institution throughout the period of human history, although in a constantly changing form.

The restructuring of biodiversity governance in Europe during the last two decades has been, inter alia, based on the argument that effective conservation hinges on consensual decision-making involving all relevant stakeholders. This has given rise to various network-based forms of governance and participatory arrangements in protected areas reinforcing the involvement of business and non-state actors, particularly through the creation of profitable public–private partnerships. Even though this shift has been framed as promoting stakeholder and public participation, in practice it has often hampered democratic decision-making and community empowerment. In this paper, we investigate the restructuring of biodiversity governance through the establishment of participatory arrangements in the governance of the natural park of Sant Llorenç del Munt i l’Obac, a place whose history has been linked with the emergence of one of the first environmental movements in Catalonia (Spain). We pay particular attention to the role of participatory arrangements in transforming power relationships and in promoting a neoliberal mode of biodiversity governance. We find that governance restructuring under the rhetoric of promoting stakeholder participation has in practice led to the exclusion of key social actors from the management of the natural park and favoured the inclusion of actors with mainly economic motivations further embedding a neoliberal agenda in the governance of the park and ultimately disempowering local community.

The thousands of Spanish National Police and Guardia Civil sent to Barcelona in order to prevent the referendum legislated by the Catalan Parliament on 6 and 7 September 2017 raised major questions about the fragility of Spanish democracy. The subsequent display of police violence on 1 October and the imprisonment and criminalisation of political opponents for the archaic offences of ‘rebellion’ and ‘sedition’ looked even less ‘democratic’. Indeed, those events in Catalonia constitute a remarkable moment in recent European history. This article uses the literature on ‘postfascism’ (developed in this journal and elsewhere) to analyse this remarkable moment and develop its social connections to the parallel re-emergence of fascist violence on the streets and the appearance of fascist symbolism in mainstream politics in Spain. The literature on postfascism identifies contemporary fascism as a specifically cultural phenomenon, but generally fails to identify how the conditions that sustain the far right originate inside the state. In order to capture this historical turn more concretely as a process in which state institutions and processes of statecraft are intimately involved, we argue that the Spanish state is postfascist. The article offers a brief critique of the way the concept of postfascism has been deployed, and, through an empirical reading of the historical development of Spanish state institutions, it proposes a modified frame that can be used to understand the situation in Catalonia.

This article presents an ethnographic analysis of the social conditions and ideological processes that help understand how students are distributed unequally between private and public schools on the basis of their ethnicity. To do so, it examines the form these mechanisms adopt in a particular area of Madrid (Spain): Vallecas-Puente de Vallecas. This part of the city has undergone dramatic social changes during the last fifty years and has a very intense social history in Madrid. Currently, it shows a high degree of ethnic segregation between schools depending on their status (public vs. ‘private-concerted’). Also, contrary to what is considered the usual tendency in Spain, even though this area is predominantly lower-middle class, the majority of students of these two districts are enrolled in private-concerted schools. These circumstances are explained through a folk theory present in the community regarding the role of private education in processes of social mobility and an emic categorization of the type of pupils who attend public and private-concerted schools. In the conclusions, two themes are discussed: (a) implications that this case has for practical implementations of policy measures geared at reducing the “dualization” of the Spanish educational system and; (b) some strands of research that could be followed in the study of the role the educational system plays in the construction of social inequality.

With the increasing inflow of new citizens coming to live in Ho Chi Minh City from the countryside or smaller cities, the still low incomes of most of the existing population and the rapid expansion of the urban area, a solid additional supply of social housing at a more reasonable price to underprivileged people - both residents and immigrants - in Ho Chi Minh City is a must. Social housing policies to adopt have to take into account many factors in order to meet the real demand in both quantity and quality. They should contain the public budget expense and procure the involvement of private developers. In the context of a fast growing city with limited infrastructure, a large number of buildings in need of rehabilitation, and subject to short cycles of high and low sales periods, the steps have to be carefully analysed. The authors focus on understanding social housing policies that have been successfully implemented in Spain over the last 16 years and the results of solutions adopted as circumstances have changed quickly in the country. Despite differences between Spain and Vietnam, some similarities in the socio-economic environment have been found after comparing the fluctuating conditions of the Spanish housing development in the first period with those of Ho Chi Minh City today. The conclusions drawn from Spain have been extrapolated and may be useful to the specificities of Ho Chi Minh City, resulting in a number of recommendations of different solutions for social housing and highlighting the advantages (to learn and apply) and disadvantages (to tackle). Article history: Received 13 March 2018, Revised 17 April 2018, Accepted 27 April 2018

The Spanish and Russian history of the 20th century includes the experience of civil war, mass emigration, changes of intellectual elites, tragic pages associated with repression and terror. Spain in the 1970s and the USSR in the 1980s with a difference of ten years embarked on a large-scale social and political transformation, the goal of which was the transition to democracy. The revitalization of the socio-cultural sphere and the complex interaction with the “difficult past” became an integral part of the political transit of the two countries. The use of comparative analysis allows us to identify the similarities and differences in the attitudes concerning the past, to determine the specifics of approaches to the formation of memory politics, as well as to study the features of “conflicts of memory”. For the Spaniards, the civil war of 1936—1939 and the Franco dictatorship were central to the formation of the memory of the past. As for the Soviet “difficult past”, here the researchers call the Great Patriotic War and mass repressions the “main traumas”. The Spanish and Soviet experience of interacting with the “difficult past” in the context of the transition to democracy demonstrates to us fundamentally different models due to the specifics of the historical stages preceding the transition, specific historical, political and social tasks solved during the transition period, the interest of political forces in matters of interaction with past. The main component of the Spanish model is the “pact of oblivion”, the choice in favor of building the future without solving the problems of the past. The basis of the Soviet model was the policy of glasnost. At the same time, a consensus on the future in the USSR was not formed, for its formation there were neither forces nor conditions.

Malek Bennabi (1903-73) was an Algerian scholar who received hiseducation in Algiers and Paris. An engineer by training, his concern aboutthe ummah 's decadence led him to analyze the causes of this decay andto provide solutions. The result of his analysis is this book. Originallywritten in French in 1943 W1der the title Vocation de /'Islam, it was notpublished until I 954, in order to coincide with the Algerian revolution.At the outset, he defines history by saying thathistory is a sociology, that is, the study of the conditions of developmentof a social group, defined not as much by its ethicalor political factors as by the complex of ethical, aesthetical, andteclmical affinities corresponding to the air or space of this civilization.On the other hand this social group is not isolated, and itsevolution is conditioned by certain connections with the humanensemble. From this point of view, history is a metaphysics, sinceits perspective, extending beyond the domain of historical causality,embraces the phenomena in their finality. (p. 6)Using this framework, he develops a cyclical concept of civilizationand attributes its origin to Ibn Khaldiin. He argues that the phenomenonof "civilization" and "decadence" should not be studied in isolation. Thisis especially true in the case of the Muslim world, which is in need ofclear ideas for its renaissance and should not be isolating the two.Using a sociological base, he focuses on the behavior of the individualin Muslim society. He believes that the decadence of the Muslimummah is the result of combination of historical and psychological factors.The first turning point came when the democratic caliphate becamea dynasty. The second, which was psychological, was the fall of the alMuwahhid dynasty in Spain to the forces of Christendom in the thirteenthcentury CE. lltls process gave birth to what Bennabi termed the"post-al Muwabhid man" who is the typical representative of the contemporaryummah's behavior, temperament, characteristics, and psychology.While discussing the efforts to improve this situation, he focuses onthe ummah's various refonnist and modernist movements. In his view,the reformist movements did not try to .give the post-al Muwabhid ...

The aim of EU Regional Policy is to intervene effectively in regions that “lag behind” in economic terms and to finance development programmes through the allocation of Structural Funds which operate in accordance with the principles of subsidiarity, additionality and partnership. This policy should allow regions to converge with EU averages in terms of income and employment. Italy and Spain provide very good examples within the EU as a whole, of significant economic disparities between regions that still appear to be present. We argue and provide substantial evidence of the fact that the persistence of such disparities is mainly due to inefficient administrative and institutional capacity at the regional level. Although some regions have brought themselves towards the average, in Italy and Spain, there is evidence that certain administrative, institutional and implementation problems have tended to appear, hampering the opportunities of regions to converge in the required way. Because of this, regional economic convergence and thereby socio-economic cohesion are still beyond reach. Two decades after the 1988 Reform of the Structural Funds, EU Regional Policy has only partially succeeded in reducing regional economic divergence within Italy and Spain, where regional economic inequalities still exist. Although we demonstrate that some regions have been able to move forward in the requisite way, it is questionable whether all of the support for these regions can actually be eliminated completely in the near future with the challenges that the EU faces, particularly in relation to the latest round of Enlargement.

This thesis explores, from a cultural perspective, the organisational change process resulting from a string of take-overs within Blazehard, a tyre manufacturing company in Spain. It looks at the effects of these changes in the way people reconstruct the organisation and their role as its employees through the stories they share. The first part of the thesis elaborates on the uses of culture as a conceptual tool for observing organisations and, especially, on the need to account for the complementary processes of continuity and change in social experience. The thesis proposes historical recollections, as cultural manifestations, as a vehicle that reproduces and challenges a cultural order through their reproduction and generation within that order. They articulate a space where the new and the uncertain can be made safe through their integration into the traditional and the known, thereby providing possibilities for permanence and security as well as for innovation. The research combines different methods of data gathering - interviews, documents and group discussions - and of analysis - narratives and discourses to facilitate the exploration of both the commonalties and the diverse interests and perspectives existing among Blazehard employees. The exploration of the stories shows how they compose a collectively reproduced narrative that guides -and therefore constrains- employees' historical recollections. This referential narrative is the vehicle through which people reproduce but also challenge their cultural order in the organisation. As such, storytelling is presented as the constant process of reformulation that opens possibilities for individual development within the cultural constraints that the organisation imposes on its members. The results suggest when people try to make sense of a change situation both turn to their own experiential resources and use the symbols that their cultural environment provides. It is in the tension between the two, that the conditions of fluidity and ambiguity required for a cultural transition can be created.

La época de la dictadura del general Primo de Rivera no ha sido aún suficientemente estudiada especialmente en el terreno cinematográfico. Sólo en estos últimos años se ha detectado un mayor interés por analizar más a fondo su naturaleza y características. Uno de los objetivos del trabajo es comprobar si el cine del momento es o no un reflejo de la sociedad española y por otra parte, si ese mismo cine tiene la capacidad de modelar esa sociedad. Por otro lado, también se intentará comprobar si se usaba como herramienta para transmitir contenidos ideológicos. Para conseguir esos objetivos, se acomete el análisis de veintitrés películas. El sistema empleado supone diversas fases. Primero una ficha técnico artística completa de la película. A continuación una síntesis argumental. En tercer lugar una breve reseña biográfica del autor del filme. Más adelante se procede a analizar la película en el contexto del momento en que fue realizada. Por último una valoración crítica de la película sobre todo en relación a los aspectos que se han tratado en el presente trabajo. Las películas suponen una buena muestra de la filmografía de la época. Para saber si el cine es capaz de modelar la sociedad conviene tener claro si se realiza mucho o poco cine español, dónde se hace, si va mucha gente a ver esas películas y si tratan de temas susceptibles de influir en los espectadores. Si hay poco cine, va poca gente, y los temas son superficiales, es lógico pensar que su influjo será nulo. En España se hicieron en esos años alrededor de 240 películas. Sin embargo hay dos datos cruzados que pueden influir en las respuestas. Por una parte, que de las películas hechas en España se solían hacer pocas copias, y por otro lado, que siendo el cine de esa época un espectáculo de masas, el interés de los espectadores iba especialmente al cine de Hollywood. De ahí que la capacidad del cine español de modelar la sociedad es escasa, por más que en sus películas se lo proponga. En cuanto a si reflejan la sociedad del momento, algo más de la mitad de los filmes estudiados reflejan aspectos de esa sociedad, por lo que se pueden convertir en herramienta en manos del historiador. Todo lo anterior se refiere a si eran o no un reflejo de la sociedad. Cuando nos preguntamos si pueden llegar a modelarla, la respuesta será diferente. Para poder modelar la sociedad hacen falta dos factores a la vez: que la película lo pretenda y que ese film tenga éxito y por tanto mucha gente lo vea y además quede impactada por lo que ha visto. Encontramos cinco películas que aúnan las dos condiciones. Las otras películas estudiadas, o no tuvieron buena recepción por parte del público, o no tenían posibilidad de modelar la sociedad por los temas que trataban o el modo como los trataban. Incluso algunos filmes no cumplían ninguna de las dos condiciones. El otro objetivo que se pretende es ver el poder del cine como herramienta ideológica a favor o en contra del gobierno de la Dictadura. Casi la mitad de las películas estudiadas transmiten algunas ideas que podrían entrar dentro del campo ideológico. Hay un grupo de películas que comparte los ideales de la Dictadura. Otro grupo que en una gran parte también los comparte. Por último encontramos dos películas que se posicionan en contra. Finalmente, se aporta en forma de apéndices un conjunto de fichas técnico-artísticas, puestas por orden cronológico de año de producción, de las películas realizadas durante los años de la dictadura de Primo de Rivera.
The dictatorship of general Primo de Rivera has yet to be studied in detail. Recently, there is an increased interest in a deeper analysis of his nature and character. The aims of this research are to verify whether or not the cinema of that time was a reflection of Spanish society and whether it had the capacity to influence that society. Also, it will attempt to establish whether it was used as a tool to transmit ideological content. To ascertain whether cinema is capable of influencing society, it is useful to have an idea of the number of this films produced, where they were produced, whether screenings were well attended, and whether the content of the films was the type of material likely to influence audiences. In Spain, around 240 films were made. However, there are two things to bear in mind which can influence our findings: that of the films made in Spain, usually few copies were made, and in addition, the cinema of this era being a mass-medium, the interest of the audiences was primarily in the films of Hollywood. Consequently the capacity of Spanish cinema to influence society is limited. As regards whether the society of that time was reflected, this is the case for more than half of the films studied. When we ask whether they can go as far as to influence society, the answer will be different. To achieve this, it is necessary to meet three conditions: that the film attempts to have influence, that the film is a success –and, accordingly, many people see it- and that the film has an impact on audiences. We find only a few films which meet these conditions. The last objective is to examine the power of cinema as an ideological instrument in favour of or against the Dictatorship. Almost half of the films studied transmit some ideas which could be considered ideological. There is a significant body of material which shares some or all of the ideals of the Dictatorship. We only find two films which position themselves against it. Finally, the credits of all the films produced during the Primo de Rivera dictatorship are provided as an appendix.

La Podología es una especialidad sanitaria que a lo largo de su desarrollo ha estado sometida a dualidades empíricas y científica, lo que ha originado que su evolución le haya relegado a un nivel supeditado a otras disciplinas médicas hasta mediados del siglo XIX. Se abordan algunos aspectos de esta evolución , así como también aquellas disposiciones legales que han influido en la profesionalización de la Podología. El hecho de describir la evolución de una profesión, no deja de ser equivalente a la descripción de una evolución cultural de la sociedad, historia y legislación. Especial interés, el análisis de las interacciones que configuran la profesionalización y el papel del podólogo en relación a otras profesiones sanitarias. Esta tesis ha pretendido reflejar la existencia y evolución de una actividad antigua que ha originado una profesión sanitaria.

Ce travail porte sur le phénomène de l'immigration en Espagne et son impact dans la société espagnole contemporaine. L'étude de l'arrivée de nombreux migrants en Espagne permet en effet de rendre compte de l'évolution de la société espagnole: D'une part en analysant comment et pourquoi un pays traditionnellement exportateur de main d'œuvre a pu attirer des immigrants; d'autre part en observant ce que l'Espagne a fait pour intégrer ces flux migratoires. L'analyse de ce phénomène se fait à travers un prisme particulier, celui des femmes roumaines. Les Roumains sont depuis quelques années la première nationalité étrangère en Espagne. Je présente ici les différentes étapes de l'immigration roumaine et ses caractéristiques, et enquête auprès de migrantes roumaines. Je veux en effet, à travers leur expérience, mettre en lumière certains aspects importants de la société espagnole contemporaine (dans la mesure où ils sont révélateurs de l'attitude de cette société face à des problèmes nouveaux). Je m'intéresse également à quelques cas particuliers, afin de présenter l'immigration roumaine dans toute sa diversité: j'analyse l'immigration des Roumaines roms et reviens également sur la situation de femmes roumaines en situation de marginalisation: les Roumaines victimes de réseaux de proxénétisme, et les Roumaines détenues en Espagne. Par ailleurs, il m'a semblé tout aussi essentiel de déterminer la vision que la société espagnole a des immigrés, et en particulier des Roumains à travers l'analyse d'un corpus journalistique qui reflète la période comprise entre la fin des années 90 et 2013, et complète cette analyse de l'immigration roumaine. Dans les années 50, des flux migratoires d'un tout autre ordre se sont dirigés vers l'Espagne franquiste: J'évoque l'exil en Espagne, sujet encore très inédit et très rarement objet de recherches. Ce travail, qui porte essentiellement sur l'immigration en Espagne, présente, en outre une comparaison ponctuelle avec la situation en France Cette brève analyse permet de comparer et de nuancer ce qui, dans l'expérience migratoire des Roumaines en Espagne et en France est semblable ou foncièrement différent.

Defence date: 15 January 1999
Examining board: Prof. Jean-Louis Guereña (Université de Tours) ; Prof. Dominique Julia, director (CNRS, Paris) ; Prof. Raffaele Romanelli (Istituto Universitario Europeo, Firenze) ; Prof. Antonio Viñao Frago, co-director (Universidad de Murcia)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

Defence date: 17 January 2017
Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, Scuola Normale Superiore/ formerly EUI (supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI; Professor Eva Anduiza, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona; Professor Robert M. Fishman, Universidad Carlos III de Madrid
This thesis deals with the Spanish cycle of protest in the shadow of the Great Recession. It has a twofold aspiration. On the one hand, from a process-based approach, it seeks to unravel the timing of the cycle of contention that evolved in light of the recession scenario between 2007 and 2015. I argue that the peak of protest persisted for a long time (from mid-2011 until 2013) because institutionalisation was postponed and radicalisation contained. Specifically, I focus on three aspects, key to understanding the trajectory of collective actions: 1) issue specialisation of protest after the first triggering points, 2) alliance building between unions and new actors, and 3) the transition process towards more routinised repertoires of action that came about as protests declined. On the other hand, the thesis aims at shedding light on the role that grievances play for mobilisation dynamics in a context of material deprivation. Covering multiple levels of analysis, the main argument developed here is that the effects of objective-material aspects and socioeconomic grievances are mediated by political attitudes, especially political dissatisfaction. To empirically test my arguments, I use qualitative data from semi-structured interviews, which are combined with information from a self-collated protest event analysis and different statistical analyses based on time series, panel data and other survey materials.
Chapter 3 of the thesis is based on an article published in Partecipazione e conflitto (2016)

Defence date: 6 October 2006
Examining board: Prof. I.A.A. Thompson, University of Keele ; Prof. Alfredo Floristán, Universidad de Alcalá ; Prof. Bartolomé Yun, IUE/Universidad Pablo de Olavide, Sevilla ; Prof. Diogo R. Curto, IUE/Universidade Nova de Lisboa (Supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

Defence date: 8 July 2015
Examining Board: Prof. Luca Molà, (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Regina Grafe, (EUI, Second Reader); Dr. Roser Salicrú i Lluch (Institució Milà i Fontanals -CSIC, External Supervisor); Prof. Bartolomé Yun-Casalilla (EUI, Universidad Pablo de Olavide, Seville); Prof. James Amelang (Universidad Autónoma de Madrid).
This thesis explores the norms, practices, and experiences that conditioned urban belonging in Late Medieval Barcelona. A combination of institutional, legal, intellectual and cultural analysis, the dissertation investigates how citizenship evolved and functioned on the Barcelonese stage. To this end, the thesis is structured into two parts. Part 1 includes four chapters, within which I establish the legal and institutional background of the Barcelonese citizen. Citizenship as a fiscal and individual privilege is contextualised within the negotiations that shaped the limits and prerogatives of monarchical and municipal power from the thirteenth to the late fourteenth centuries. This analysis brings out the dialogical nature of citizenship. I study how the evolution of citizenship came to include the whole citizenry of Barcelona as a major actor in the constant definition and perception of the rights and duties of the citizen. In an attempt to mirror the considerable literature on Italian jurists, the last chapter of part 1 contrasts the legal intricacies of Barcelonese citizenship with the thought developed by major contemporary Catalan jurists. From the analyses conducted in these first chapters, I argue that reputation was the basis of citizenship in fifteenth-century Barcelona. Thus, the three chapters that constitute part 2 are devoted to a cultural analysis of citizenship and unravel the social mechanisms that determined the creation of citizen reputation. The making of the citizen is therefore placed at the core of Barcelonese daily life in an attempt to elaborate on the social imagination and experience of citizenship in the Catalan city. Throughout the whole dissertation, Barcelona and the Barcelonese remain at the core of the analysis. The richness of the material conserved for this city allows me to employ micro-analytical lenses in the study of the citizenry and its citizens, exploring, in the words of Pietro Costa, the ‘exasperation of differences’ that characterised the experience of medieval citizenship. Nonetheless, Barcelona also emerges in this study as a methodological reference point that can help to reframe medieval citizenship in broader terms, shedding new light on the meaning of civic life in the Late Medieval Mediterranean.

This chapter explores how Jean-Claude Izzo transposes black Atlantic musical culture into the aesthetic, cultural, and geographic settings of the Mediterranean noir. This essay locates Izzo’s aesthetic within a history of opaque relations between the textual, the visual, and the sonic that participate in the constitution of blackness in noir fiction. It focuses on Izzo’s neo-noir trilogy, set in his hometown Marseille, which includes the novels Total Khéops (1995), Chourmo (1996), and Soléa (1998). From beginning to end, Izzo marks his texts under the sound/sign of musical culture: Total Khéops references DJ Khéops and the inaugural mix-tape of Marseille rap group IAM; Chourmo references an album by the Marseille group Massilia Sound System; and Soléa references a Miles Davis / Gil Evans recording, Sketches of Spain. The essay will suggest that, if the noir novel evolves as a genre, as Izzo explains, “in parallel with an investigation into the social conditions of contemporary man, the modern form of fate,” then Izzo’s engagement with musical culture represents a deep, embodied meditation on unimagined yet vital futures—modeled and molded in the hybrid, borrowed, clandestine, and popular forms of cultural relation and collectivity that mark the black Atlantic.