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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Grünen (Political party) – History »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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1

Brzozowski-Zabost, Grzegorz. « Od ruchu protestu do partii władzy. Rozwój Zielonych w Niemczech ». Studia Ecologiae et Bioethicae 6, no 1 (31 décembre 2008) : 223–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/seb.2008.6.1.16.

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The author presents in this paper the developing process of German Green Party. In the 1970s new social movements like environmentalists, peace organizations and feminist founded political party The Greens (Die Grünen). It was an act of opposition against pollution, use of nuclear power, and some aspects of life in highly developed and industrialized society, the formal inauguration was held 1980 in West Germany. 1990 three civil rights groups in East Germany combined to form Bündnis 90, which merged with Die Grünen after long uniting process in 1993. 18 years after foundation they built together with social democrats from SPD government which lasted for two term of office between 1998 and 2005. So day there are a lot of green parties all over the world, but and the German greens are the most successful, they are an example for other green parties.
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Belov, Vladislav. « Landtag elections in Germany as an indicator of federal party and political trends ». Analytical papers of the Institute of Europe RAS, no 2 (2022) : 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/analytics21720224351.

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In March and May 2022, landtag elections were held in western German states of Saarland, Schleswig-Holstein and North Rhine-Westphalia, with results largely reflecting the developments at federal level: growing popularity of Union 90/Die Grünen, ongoing rivalry between SPD and CDU, FDP's fight for seats in regional parliaments and continuation of crisis processes in „Left“ and „Alternative for Germany“ parties. For the first time in election campaign of the two states, foreign policy played an important role, namely the factor of Ukraine. The author analyzes results of the elections and assesses their impact on federal party and political processes in Germany.
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Frankland, E. Gene. « The Role of the Greens in West German Parliamentary Politics, 1980–87 ». Review of Politics 50, no 1 (1988) : 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500036159.

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This article deals with the evolving role of the Greens (Die Grünen) in the West German political system. It focuses on the “parliamentarization” of the Greens in the Bundestag (federal parliament) and in the Landtage (state parliaments) of Baden-Württemberg, Hesse, and Hamburg. Utilizing personal interviews, parliamentary archives, opinion polls, and party documents, it considers both the impact of the Greens upon the parliamentary system and the impact of the system upon the Greens. The study finds that, despite serious situational and organizational constraints, the Greens in these parliaments have generally been a “creative” oppositional force. However, parliamentary learning experiences have contributed inevitably to the classical dilemma confronting the Greens: How can the “alternative” party become more influential in parliamentary politics without also becoming more like the established parties?
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Sen, Ronojoy. « India's Changing Political Fortunes ». Current History 112, no 751 (1 avril 2014) : 131–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2014.113.762.131.

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Kitson, Simon, et Noel Thompson. « Political Economy and the Labour Party ». Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no 58 (avril 1998) : 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3770668.

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Schlozman, Daniel, et Sam Rosenfeld. « Prophets of Party in American Political History ». Forum 15, no 4 (20 décembre 2017) : 685–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2017-0045.

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Abstract This article pursues a developmental understanding of American parties as autonomous and thick collective actors through a comparison of four key historical actors we term “prophets of party”: partisans of the nineteenth-century Party Period; Progressive reformers; mid-twentieth century liberal Democrats; and activists in and around the body popularly known as the McGovern-Fraser Commission. Leading theories portray political parties as the vehicles either of ambitious politicians or of groups eager to extract benefits from the state. Yet such analyses leave underdetermined the path from such actors’ desires for power to the parties’ wielding of it. That path is mediated by partisan forms and practices that have varied widely across institutional and cultural context. As parties search for electoral majority, they do so in the long shadow of ideas and practices, layered and accreted across time, concerning the role of parties in political life. We analyze four such prophesies, trace their layered contributions to their successors, and reflect on their legacy for contemporary party politics.
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Eckstein*, Arthur. « Not Just Another Political Party ». American Communist History 4, no 2 (décembre 2005) : 237–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14743890500389660.

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Eckstein, A. M. « Not Just Another Political Party ». American Communist History 5, no 1 (juin 2006) : 115–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14743890600763897.

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Clune, David. « Contemporary Australian Political Party Organisations ». Australian Journal of Politics & ; History 62, no 3 (septembre 2016) : 484. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12289.

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Küçükali, Can. « Discursive strategies of instrumentalizing history in mainstream Turkish political discourse ». Journal of Language and Politics 13, no 1 (28 avril 2014) : 98–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.13.1.05kuc.

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This article explores how specific narratives of the past can be functionalized/instrumentalized as discursive strategies in order to gain political power. To investigate this issue, four relevant governmental and non-governmental texts about the main opposition party in Turkey are analysed. The Republican People’s Party (CHP), which played a historic role by becoming a state party between 1923 and 1946, and which later adopted a social democratic position in the political system, has frequently been criticized by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) for its historical identity. The article illuminates how discursive strategies of argumentation, nomination and predication are used to portray the CHP as an enduring bureaucratic-militarist state party and the ways in which these strategies are functionalized by AKP politicians as well as by public intellectuals in favour of the government.
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Nikonova, Zhanna, Valery Bukharov et Inna Yastremskaya. « Political Coloring of Adjectives in German Political Discourse ». Nizhny Novgorod Linguistics University Bulletin, Special issue (31 décembre 2020) : 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.47388/2072-3490/lunn2020-si-73-92.

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The article analyzes the functional potential of basic adjective color-coding in modern German political discourse, illustrating cases of its political connotation. Using a variety of linguistic research methods, the authors examine functional peculiarities of color adjectives such as rot, orange, gelb, grün, blau, and violett in German-language texts related to politics. Specific examples show that all these adjectives are politically colored, demonstrating the realization of both traditional and contemporary meanings that reflect modern realities of German socio-political life. The research also reveals the frequency of conveying specific values through the usage of color adjectives in the German political discourse. It is established, for instance, that the most frequent is the color adjective grün, used in non-fiction political texts to designate the political party Die Grünen and shedding some light on its style of governing and the political position of its electorate. Within the political discourse of modern Germany this color designation is also a verbal marker of ecological and environmental concerns as well as the color of hope. The authors also discuss such additional meanings of grün as “extracted from natural sources, renewable” in the phrase grüne Energie and “misleading in terms of environmental effects or environmental influence something causes” in the phrase grün waschen. The second most frequently used basic color meaning in German political dis-course is the color designation rot, traditionally symbolizing blood, terror, revolution, and war, as well as struggle, protest movements, mass demonstrations, and campaigns. It also denotes a specific form of a country’s political system and remains the main color of left-wing parties, expressing adherence to certain political parties and the style of their government. In addition, this color code serves as a strong warning in situations of grave danger and, in texts on political topics, often symbolizes the Russian Federation and everything related to it. The least frequent is the color designation violett, which can express membership in the political party Die Violetten. It is the color of the German public association Aktionsbündnis Amoklauf Winnenden and retains vital importance as a sign of warning in emergency situations (such as natural disasters, etc.). The results of the study contribute new information on the semantic space of color codes to the field of political linguistics and modern German studies, illustrating political connotations of basic color codes in German.
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Harris, Jonathan. « Political Diversity at the Nineteenth Congress of the CPSU, October 1952 ». Russian History 38, no 1 (2011) : 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633111x549614.

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AbstractThis essay argues that the definition of the USSR's political system as a “party-state,” ignores the crucial difference between the majority of the members of the CPSU who hold positions in the Soviet state and the minority who are full time party officials with no such position and who regard themselves as the natural leaders of the party as a whole. To highlight this distinction, this essay defines the party officials as the “inner party” and the party members who man the state as the “outer party” and focuses on the ongoing dispute among party officials over the most effective way to provide leadership of the Soviet state. This conflict is expressed indirectly in the published discussion of the relative importance of officials' “internal work” (personnel management, verification of fulfillment and ideological education) and their “economic work” the close supervision of state agencies' administration of the five year plans. The essay briefly summarizes Stalin's own formulations on the subject, the conflict between Malenkov and Zhdanov over this issue from 1939 to 1948, and the ongoing debate among officials after the reform of the departments of the Secretariat in 1948. The bulk of the essay analyzes the widely divergent views of officials' priorities presented at the Nineteenth Congress of the CPSU in October 1952. It concludes that Western scholars have generally underestimated the role of the Congress in the creation of the political oligarchy that ruled the USSR after 1953.
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Lowe, R. « The Labour Party and Taxation : Party Identity and Political Purpose in Twentieth-Century Britain ». English Historical Review 117, no 470 (1 février 2002) : 238–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.470.238.

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Stepanova, Svetlana. « Political parties of Russia in the socio-political discourse in the post-perestroika period (to the history of the issue) ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no 10-4 (1 octobre 2020) : 226–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202010statyi94.

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The purpose of this article is to study the problem of the Russian specifics of partogenesis in modern socio-political discourse. Particular attention is paid to the formation and development of the party system in modern Russia. The presence of a meaningful relationship between the stage of the emergence of a multi-party system in the period of the Russian Empire, the post-revolutionary Soviet period when the one-party system was approved, and, finally, the modern multi-party system in the Russian Federation.
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Rohe, K. « Region and Political Party in the Federal Republic ». German History 6, no 3 (1 juillet 1988) : 296–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/6.3.296.

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Solberg, Carl E., et Karen L. Remmer. « Party Competition in Argentina and Chile : Political Recruitment and Public Party, 1890-1930 ». American Historical Review 90, no 3 (juin 1985) : 798. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1861163.

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Laver, Michael, et Michel Schilperoord. « Spatial models of political competition with endogenous political parties ». Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B : Biological Sciences 362, no 1485 (11 avril 2007) : 1711–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2007.2062.

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Two important human action selection processes are the choice by citizens of parties to support in elections and the choice by party leaders of policy ‘packages’ offered to citizens in order to attract this support. Having reviewed approaches analysing these choices and the reasons for doing this using the methodology of agent-based modelling, we extend a recent agent-based model of party competition to treat the number and identity of political parties as an output of, rather than an input to, the process of party competition. Party birth is modelled as an endogenous change of agent type from citizen to party leader, which requires describing citizen dissatisfaction with the history of the system. Endogenous birth and death of parties transforms into a dynamic system even in an environment where all agents have otherwise non-responsive adaptive rules. A key parameter is the survival threshold, with lower thresholds leaving citizens on average less dissatisfied. Paradoxically, the adaptive rule most successful for party leaders in winning votes makes citizens on average less happy than under other policy-selection rules.
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BIONDICH, MARK. « Vladko Maček and the Croat Political Right, 1928–1941 ». Contemporary European History 16, no 2 (mai 2007) : 203–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777307003797.

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AbstractThe Croat Peasant Party was arguably the most important Croatian political party during the existence of the first Yugoslavia (1918–41). Under the leadership of Vladko Maček (1879–1964), it entered the most difficult period of its history: it was forced to contend with the royal dictatorship (1929–34) of King Aleksandar Karadjordjević, the Great Depression, growing nationality tensions and an increasingly volatile political climate in which the extremes of the right and left, represented in Croatia by the Ustaša and Communist parties respectively, contended for power. This article examines the contentious relationship between Maček's Croat Peasant Party and the fascist Ustaša movement between 1929 and 1941, and assesses Maček's legacy and his place in Croatia's 20th-century political history.
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SKJÖNSBERG, MAX. « LORD BOLINGBROKE'S THEORY OF PARTY AND OPPOSITION ». Historical Journal 59, no 4 (18 avril 2016) : 947–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000485.

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ABSTRACTBolingbroke has been overlooked by intellectual historians in the last few decades, at least in comparison with ‘canonical’ thinkers. This article examines one of the most important but disputable aspects of his political thought: his views on political parties and his theory of opposition. It aims to demonstrate that Bolingbroke's views on party have been misunderstood and that it is possible to think of him as an advocate of political parties rather than the ‘anti-party’ writer he is commonly known as. It has been suggested that Bolingbroke prescribed a state without political parties. By contrast, this article seeks to show that Bolingbroke was in fact the promoter of a very specific party, a systematic parliamentary opposition party in resistance to what he perceived as the Court Whig faction in power. It will also be argued that Bolingbroke at no time envisaged a final end to political conflict and that his opposition party should not be interpreted as a party to end all parties.
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Chapman, Bert. « Structure, process, and party : Essays in American political history ». Government Publications Review 20, no 3 (mai 1993) : 372–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-9390(93)90014-g.

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Jenner, W. J. F. « A history of the Chinese Communist Party ». International Affairs 65, no 4 (1989) : 761. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622663.

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Zagoria, Donald S., et Stephen Uhalley. « A History of the Chinese Communist Party ». Foreign Affairs 68, no 3 (1989) : 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044092.

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Bourke, Richard. « What is conservatism ? History, ideology and party ». European Journal of Political Theory 17, no 4 (3 juillet 2018) : 449–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885118782384.

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Is there a political philosophy of conservatism? A history of the phenomenon written along sceptical lines casts doubt on the existence of a transhistorical doctrine, or even an enduring conservative outlook. The main typologies of conservatism uniformly trace its origins to opposition to the French Revolution. Accordingly, Edmund Burke is standardly singled out as the ‘father’ of this style of politics. Yet Burke was de facto an opposition Whig who devoted his career to assorted programmes of reform. In restoring Burke to his original milieu, the argument presented here takes issue with 20th-century accounts of conservative ideology developed by such figures as Karl Mannheim, Klaus Epstein and Samuel Huntington. It argues that the idea of a conservative tradition is best seen as a belated construction, and that the notion of a univocal philosophy of conservatism is basically misconceived.
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Murádin, János Kristóf. « The Transylvanian Party between 1940 and 1944. A Brief History ». Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 10, no 1 (1 décembre 2016) : 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auseur-2016-0021.

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Abstract The paper deals with the theme of the Transylvanian Party [Erdélyi Párt], one of the most important Hungarian political formations in Transylvania in the 20th century. After the reintegration of Northern Transylvania in the Hungarian state following the Second Vienna Arbitration, Hungarians became a majority in the region, established their own political party, the Transylvanian Party, with powerful local characteristics. The paper concentrates on the analysis of the Transylvanian Party, it presents its foundation, its representation in the Hungarian Parliament, and its relations with the Hungarian government. The paper tries to give an overview of the successes and failures of the party as well. Finally, the decline of the Transylvanian Party and its political heritage are presented. The source material of the paper consists of archival data, publications of the Transylvanian Party, special books, studies, articles of the contemporary press, and on-line publications.
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MAMMADOV, Namig. « The Analyses of the Idelogy and History of National Outlook Movement in Turkey ». International Journal of Social, Political and Economic Research 7, no 4 (23 décembre 2020) : 1110–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/ijospervol7iss4pp1110-1120.

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This article examines and analyzes the history of the formation and development of the National Outlook Movement in Turkey, its ideology and social base and the main driving forces, as well as the main political parties and their activities. The article also analyzes the historical circumstances that influenced the formation and development of the movement, including the role of the movement's leader, prominent scientist and researcher, professor Najmeddin Erbakan, as well as the reasons for his entry into the political arena and its consequences. The role of N. Erbakan in the political life of Turkey was investigated and tried to be evaluated. It was noted that, the main ideology of the National Outlook parties is a free market economy without interest, the strengthening of production, the establishment of a just society in which basic human rights are protected, and so on.The first openly political Islamist political party in Turkish history was the National Order Party, formed on January 30, 1970. However, the party did not last long and was closed in 1971 by a decision of the Constitutional Court. Instead, party representatives formed the National Salvation Party in October 1972. This party, like all other political parties in Turkey, was closed after the 1980 coup. However, it became a partner of the government for the first time, and one of the most important decisions of this government was send of Turkish forces to Cyprus.With the permission of the National Security Council, the Welfare Party (WP) was formed in 1983 under the leadership of Ahmet Tekdal, representing the same direction. After the lifting of political bans, N. Erbakan was re-elected party leader. The 1990s marked a new stage in the development of the National Outlook movement. The Welfare Party's reputation began to rise. In the 1995 elections, the party won 21 percent of the vote. In 1996, N. Erbakan formed a coalition government with the True Path Party, led by Tansu Chiller. This government resigned as a result of the February 28 process, and the party was dissolved. The members of the party formed the Virtue Party. Disagreements between innovative and conservative groups within the party led to the formation of two political parties, the Justice and Development Party and the Felicity Party, after the party was dissolved in 2001.
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Hutchison, Gary D. « ‘Party Principles’ in Scottish Political Culture : Roxburghshire, 1832–1847 ». Scottish Historical Review 98, Supplement (octobre 2019) : 390–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2019.0426.

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In this article it is argued that everyday processes and rituals entrenched political identities in post-reform political culture. The intensification of formal party allegiances—that is, deep and enduring loyalties towards factions within the established partisan structure—was not solely a result of ideology. Allegiances were also strengthened by the local activities of parties and by the infrastructure enhanced (and to an extent imported) by the Scottish Reform Act. These two factors reinforced each other, encouraging a vibrant, and at times violent, set of election rituals. From particular analysis of the constituency of Roxburghshire, it is clear that local party organisations were more autonomous, flexible and deeply rooted in broader society than might be assumed. Moreover, the rituals and processes of electioneering were very closely linked to formal parties and party allegiance. Indeed, the phenomenon of electoral violence, thus far assumed to be practically non-existent in Scotland, was closely related to election rituals and parties. This all suggests that formal partisan identities were more developed, and at an earlier stage, in Scotland than elsewhere in the UK. These identities would go on to play a notable role in shaping the development of mid- and late Victorian Scottish society.
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Smith, Laura Ellyn. « Anti-Jacksonian democratization : the first national political party conventions ». American Nineteenth Century History 21, no 2 (3 mai 2020) : 149–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14664658.2020.1807696.

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Garside, W. R. « Party Politics, Political Economy and British Protectionism, 1919-1932 ». History 83, no 269 (janvier 1998) : 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-229x.00062.

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Jenkins, Philip. « Party Conflict and Political Stability in Monmouthshire, 1690–1740 ». Historical Journal 29, no 3 (septembre 1986) : 557–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00018914.

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In the 1960s Professor Plumb discussedThe growth of political stability in England 1675–1725. In the seventeenth century, he noted, party violence and political conflict were frequent events, resulting in open civil war in the 1640s and several perilous crises in later years. Stability (he argued) developed from the 1720s by means of the ubiquitous use of political patronage by the Whig government, and Sir Robert Walpole's judicious ability to avoid too many controversies that stirred political passions. The government simply offered too many tempting jobs and places for any but the staunchest tory to resist. At the same time, elections became more expensive and less frequent, so a parliamentary seat was a long-term investment for a wealthy family. Of course, this account has been challenged. The tory opposition continued to exist, and to develop creative new methods of organization and propaganda. However, Britain clearly had a much more stable and secure political system in the eighteenth century.
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Lewis, Verlan. « Party Control of Government and American Party Ideology Development ». Studies in American Political Development 32, no 2 (18 septembre 2018) : 188–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x1800010x.

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Throughout U.S. history, the two major political parties have switched positions many times on a variety of issues, including how powerful the national government should be and how much it should regulate and guide the American economy. Are these changes simply the product of historical contingency, or are there structural factors at work that can help explain these developments? This article finds that change in party control of government can help explain change in party ideologies with respect to economic policy. Parties in long-term control of unified government tend to develop their ideology in ways that call for a stronger national government and more economic intervention, while parties in opposition tend to change their ideology in ways that call for less national government power and less economic intervention.
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Sheffer, Gabriel. « Political change and party system transformation ». Israel Affairs 6, no 2 (décembre 1999) : 148–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537129908719564.

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Way, Lyndon C. S. « Music video as party political communication ». Politics of Sound 18, no 4 (29 mai 2019) : 579–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.18063.way.

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Abstract Relations between political parties and music are fraught with issues over effectiveness, limitations and opportunities. On the one hand, political parties and movements use the appeal of popular music to attract audiences who otherwise may not be attentive to their views. On the other hand, mixing the two has seen music and politics “reduced to their lowest common denominator” (Street 1988, 50). Here, I examine how political parties employ popular music to articulate party specific discourses. Leaning on Multimodal Critical Discourse Studies and musicology, I analyse the lyrics, visuals and musical sounds of musical advertisements prepared for two Turkish political events: A parliamentary election campaign and a presidential referendum campaign. Through a detailed analysis I reveal the discourses articulated, how these are articulated and the strengths and shortcomings of musical advertisements as a means of communicating party political discourses.
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Schüssler, Reinhard. « Auf dem Weg vom Regelbedarf zum Mindesteinkommen. Methoden und Rechenergebnisse auf der Basis der EVS 2018 ». Sozialer Fortschritt 71, no 2 (1 février 2022) : 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/sfo.71.2.97.

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Der vorliegende Beitrag beschreibt Methoden und stellt deren Ergebnisse vergleichend gegenüber, die in jüngster Zeit auf der Grundlage einer Statistik, der Einkommens- und Verbrauchstichprobe 2018 (EVS 2018), für den Regelbedarf ermittelt wurden. Einbezogen in die Darstellung sind die Modelle des Bundesministeriums für Arbeit und Soziales, der Parität auf der Grundlage von Sonderauswertungen der EVS 2018 durch Die Linke, von Becker/Tobsch (2020) für die Bundestagsfraktion Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, von Becker/Held (2020) für die Diakonie Deutschland sowie das Modell von Schüssler (2018; 2019). Für das Modell von Schüssler werden erstmals Resultate publiziert. Die Ergebnisse weisen mit Ausnahme des BMAS-Modells eine eher geringe Spannweite der resultierenden Euro-Beträge des „Bedarfs“ auf. Sie ist im wesentlichen durch die Wahl des Referenzbereichs (Bereich unterer Einkommen oder gesellschaftliche Mitte) sowie durch den politisch gesetzten Abstand des Regelbedarfs vom gewählten Referenzbereich bestimmt. From Standard Needs to Standard Income. Methods and Calculation Results Based on the EVS 2018 The following paper describes the methods and compares the results of recent studies carried out to determine income support, which were based on the 2018 federal statistic on income and consumer expenditures (EVS 2018). This paper examines the models of the BMAS (the German Federal Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs), of “Parität” (a german non-profit organisation) on the basis of special evaluations by the political party “Die Linke”, by Becker/Tobsch (2020) for the parliamentary group of “Bündnis 90/Die Grünen”, by Becker/Held (2020) for the “Diakonie Deutschland”, as well as the modelling by Schüssler (2018; 2019). For the first time results of Schüssler’s model are published here. The findings reveal – with the exception of the BMAS-Model – a relatively small range in the proposed level of “needs“ in Euros. This range is primarily determined by the choice of the reference range (lower household income or median income group), as well as by the politically determined gap between income support and the chosen reference range.
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Schuster, J. W. Christian. « Party patronage and party government in European democracies ». Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 13, no 1 (mars 2013) : 108–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2013.773186.

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Schneer, Jonathan, et Duncan Tanner. « Political Change and the Labour Party, 1900-1918. » American Historical Review 96, no 5 (décembre 1991) : 1548. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165351.

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Steinweis, Alan E. « Weimar Culture and the Rise of National Socialism : The Kampfbund für deutsche Kultur ». Central European History 24, no 4 (décembre 1991) : 402–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019233.

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Between 1928 and 1932, the National Socialist movement transformed itself from an insurgent fringe party into Germany's most potent political force. The most important factor in this dramatic turnabout in political fortunes was the rapid deterioration of the German economy beginning in 1929. It does not, however, logically follow that the German people simply fell into the lap of the party and its charismatic leader. To the contrary, the party aggressively employed sophisticated propagandistic and organizational strategies for attracting and mobilizing diverse segments of German society. With the onset of the economic crisis, and the consequent social and political turmoil, the party stood ready to receive, organize, and mobilize Germans from all social strata.
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Minaev, Maxim. « UK Conservative Party's Political Strategists in 2019 Election Campaigns ». Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no 4 (2022) : 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021036-7.

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In this article, the author examines the leading political strategists and spin doctors of the Conservative Party in the context of their involvement in the 2019 United Kingdom election campaigns. The purpose of the article is to demonstrate the political strategists’ contribution in Boris Johnson’s Tory leadership election victory and in the United Kingdom general election Conservative triumph. The focus of the article is on two main strategist groups – the Australian pool and the British pool. The main face of Australians was Lynton Crosby, of British - Dominic Cummings. The article considers the role both strategist groups’ main faces in the Conservative Party leadership election campaign and United Kingdom general election campaign, including Lynton Crosby, Dominic Cummings, Mark Fullbrook, Isaac Levido, Michael Brooks, Edward Lister, and Lee Cain. The author demonstrates that in 2019, the Conservative Party had the strongest Political Strategists Corps in its recent history. They ensured that the Tories retained their position as the main political force in the UK. The main sources of this article are publications in the British and Australian media, official Conservative Party documents, including the 2019 general election campaign manifestos, original writings of British politicians and policy-makers, especially those of Boris Johnson, and interviews with both British and Australian political analysts.
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Bell, D. S. « The Spanish Socialist Party : a history of factionalism ». International Affairs 65, no 4 (1989) : 720–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622614.

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McMahon, Edward R. « Catching the "Third Wave" of Democratization ? : Debating Political Party Effectiveness in Africa Since 1980 ». African and Asian Studies 3, no 3-4 (2004) : 295–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569209332643674.

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Abstract Many observers believe that multi-party democracy increasingly represents the inevitable future of governance around the world, including Africa. Some countries such as South Africa, Ghana, Kenya, and Senegal have in fact made remarkable progress in instituting and moving toward consolidation of democratic systems. There has also been a history on the continent, however, of political systems that place de facto or de jure legal constraints on the ability of political parties to function. In fact, in recent years many African leaders have only grudgingly permitted multi-party politics under donor pressure. There remains a current of underlying skepticism toward political parties, and arguments exist against multi-party politics. This paper identifies and explains five key arguments. It then critiques them and determines that while individual elements of these arguments may have some validity, the conclusion that is drawn, i.e.that party activity should be constrained, if not prohibited, is not consonant with democratic governance. The final section presents suggestions of how weaknesses in political party functioning could be addressed without placing limits on the ability of parties to play their legitimate role in a democratic political process.
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Sohrabi, Nagmeh. « Party Time ». Index on Censorship 32, no 1 (janvier 2003) : 49–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064220308537172.

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Zhiqiang, Pu, et Roddy Flagg. « Party Rules ». Index on Censorship 37, no 2 (mai 2008) : 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064220802084187.

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Bussiere, Elizabeth. « Trial by Jury as “Mockery of Justice” : Party Contention, Courtroom Corruption, and the Ironic Judicial Legacy of Antimasonry ». Law and History Review 34, no 1 (26 janvier 2016) : 155–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248015000644.

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Sweeping across the social and political landscape of the northeastern United States during the late 1820s and early 1830s, the Antimasonic Party has earned a modest immortality as the first “third” party in American history. In pamphlets, speeches, sermons, protests, and other venues, Antimasons lambasted the fraternal order of Freemasonry as undemocratic, inegalitarian, and un-Christian, reviling it as a threat to the moral order and civic health of the Early Republic. Because they believed that the fraternal organization largely controlled all levels of government, antebellum Antimasons first created a social movement and then an independent political party. Even before the full emergence of modern mass democratic politics, Antimasons demonstrated the benefits of party organization, open national nominating conventions, and party platforms. Scholars with otherwise different perspectives on the “party period” tend to agree that Antimasonry had an important impact on what became the first true mass party organizations—the Jacksonian Democrats and the Whigs—and helped push the political culture in a more egalitarian and populist direction.
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Chase, William. « Scapegoating One's Comrades in the USSR, 1934-1937 ». Russian History 38, no 1 (2011) : 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633111x549588.

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AbstractThis article examines two cases of scapegoating—that of Ludwig Magyar in December 1934, and that of Gevork Alikhanov in June 1937—and applies theories of group identity and behavior to explore what motivated people to scapegoat their comrades, why the groups selected particular people for scapegoating, and what these incidences reveal about the groups that engaged in this ritual. Within political groups, such behaviors are obviously inseparable from the politics of the moment. The cases examined here illustrate some key political shifts in Stalinist party policy between late 1934 and mid-1937, as manifest in a single party organization. The changes affected its members' behavior, which offers insights into intra-party fractures. The essay confines its focus to two meetings of the party organization of the Executive Committee of the Communist International (ECCI). Whereas in December 1934 the members of the party organization unanimously voted to expel Magyar from their ranks, in June 1937 rank-and-file members of the organization re-directed efforts by the party organization's leaders to scapegoat Alikhanov and attacked the party organization's leaders. Examining how this group of Stalinists behaved allows one to view scapegoating as both a Stalinist and universal social behavior. Appreciating the prominence of universal social behavior within a Stalinist political context is essential to moving beyond many scholars' unwarranted obsession with Soviet and Stalinist exceptionalism.
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Pearson, Margaret, Meg Rithmire et Kellee S. Tsai. « Party-State Capitalism in China ». Current History 120, no 827 (1 septembre 2021) : 207–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2021.120.827.207.

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China’s economic model, commonly described as “state capitalist,” is now better characterized as party-state capitalism, in which the political survival of the Communist Party trumps developmental goals. Its tools for managing the economy include not only state ownership and market interventions, but increasing use of party-state power to discipline private capital. China’s entrepreneurs are now expected to adhere to the party line, as are foreign corporations operating in the country. The shift is fueling a backlash from foreign governments that view the fusion of state and private interests in China as a threat to their own national security.
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Si, Yao. « On the Influence of Party History Education on Ideological and Political Education for Medical Students ». Journal of Higher Education Research 3, no 2 (19 avril 2022) : 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.32629/jher.v3i2.741.

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The study and education on Party history among college students is an essential part of the study and education of Party history, which enjoys the quadruple value implications in construction of rational cognition, consolidation of ideals and convictions, cultivation of noble quality and cultivate their motivation to forge ahead. Starting from the new journey, the function of the Party in cultivation of people is given full play and the teenager are encouraged in Party history learning to connect their own love for the country into the learning of the Party learning so as to foster correct values and develop forces for going ahead with courage. Besides, the consciousness of teenagers should be encouraged in fulfilling their goals of striving to be a person with talents with innovation and practical learning, so as to achieve the Chinese dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Medical students will be engaged in the medical industry in the future. They are bestowed with the sacred mission of healing the wounded and rescue the dying. Their ideological and political quality will pose direct impact on the development direction of doctor-patient relationship, which is also an important embodiment of the moral level and spiritual civilization level of the whole society in our country. It has positive research significance for medical students to study the Party history and give full play to the role of the Party history education on the ideological and political quality.
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Barmé, Geremie. « China : the Party has its way with history ». Index on Censorship 20, no 7 (juillet 1991) : 12–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229108535140.

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Brennan, Timothy. « Joining the party ». Postcolonial Studies 16, no 1 (mars 2013) : 68–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13688790.2013.781919.

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Yeşilada, Birol A. « The Virtue Party ». Turkish Studies 3, no 1 (mars 2002) : 62–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714005697.

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Oks, David. « The Election of 1916, “Negrowumpism,” and the Black Defection from the Republican Party ». Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 20, no 4 (octobre 2021) : 523–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781421000360.

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AbstractThis essay examines the debate within the community of Black intellectuals and politicians about whether or not to abandon the Republican Party in 1916, and discusses both major parties’ attempts to cultivate Black voters. The objective of this article is to analyze 1916 through the lens of the rise of Black political independence and to elucidate the strains of thought that pushed an increasing number of Black thinkers—and, later, everyday Black voters—to operate outside of the political framework of the Republican Party. Though the momentous shift in the Black vote had not yet fully materialized, 1916 saw a pivotal and significant crystallization of discontent with the GOP that pushed Black voters to search for alternatives, including the radical option of a “Negro Party.” Ultimately, this new sense of political opportunity helped create the atmosphere that allowed Black voters to shift to the Democratic Party from 1928 to 1936.
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Lee, Cheol-Ho. « A Study of the Three-Party Merger of Roh Tae-woo Government in Terms of Constitutional History ». Korean Society of Private Security 21, no 2 (30 juin 2022) : 119–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.56603/jksps.2022.21.2.119.

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As a result of the “April 26 National Assembly Election” in 1988, out of a total of 299 seats, the Democratic Justice Party of Korea won 125 seats while 70 seats for the Party for Peace and Democracy, 59 seats for the Democratic Party got, 35 seats for the Republican Party, and one seat for the Hankyoreh Democratic Party. Nine seats were assigned to nonpartisan representatives. For the first time since party politics settled in Korea, the ruling party has failed to secure a majority of seats. The political situation of the so-called “Minority Government(the ruling party is small and the opposition party is large)” was formed. Under the Minority Government, neither the ruling nor opposition parties could solve anything independently, including passing the bill, and the bill could only be passed if the ruling and opposition parties agreed through discussions and compromise. That period was the most efficient operation of the National Assembly in Korean constitutional history. It was the heyday of so-called “political cooperation”. At that time, cooperation was operated correctly in the ruling and opposition parties' political affairs, allowing them to make breakthroughs in political, diplomatic, and national defense fields such as the “Inter-Korean Basic Agreement”, “Two Koreas’ Simultaneous Joining of the U.N.”, and “Clearance of the Fifth Republic Corruptions”. The ruling and opposition parties' political situation, which was formed from the 13th National Assembly election, was an opportunity for the Korean constitutional process to change into a process of communication and compromise with the opposition parties, not a unilateral dominance of the ruling party. The merger of the three parties is attributed to the desires of the President and the ruling party to secure leadership in national affairs and the opposition leaders who led the merger. The merger of the three parties during Roh Tae-woo's regime has resulted in distrust of party politics and destabilization of the Korean party system, including the merger of political parties according to their interest and the production of migratory politicians in each election. This paper aims to analyze the achievements of political cooperation made under the Minority Government since the inauguration of the Roh Tae-woo government in 1988, and the achievements of the “Three-party Merger” made thereafter in terms of constitutional history.
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