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1
Martin, Margaret Carol. « Virginia Party Politics and Texas Annexation ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1997. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626133.
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2
Gold, Irving. « Jewish political behavior : Liberalism or rational political tradition ? The 1989 Quebec election and the Equality Party ». Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/10364.
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Jewish political behavior is generally characterized as liberal. This study advances an alternative conception based on rationality and pragmatism rather than reflexive liberalism. The author argues that pragmatism can dictate either liberal or non-liberal behavior for Jews, and that behavior which departs from liberalism need not be treated as a departure from an historical trend but can be regarded as a continuation of a long tradition of pragmatism. The 1989 Quebec election, which saw the election of four Equality Party of Quebec candidates, serves as the case study. The support given to the Equality candidates by the Montreal Anglophone Jewish community is examined by way of a content analysis of several pre-election editions of The Suburban, a Montreal English weekly newspaper. The Suburban is demonstrated to have been extremely supportive of the Equality Party and overwhelmingly Jewish in content and orientation. It is argued that The Suburban served as a tool for direct and indirect Jewish support for the Equality Party.
3
Steel, Adrian Mark. « Explaining changes in political party fortunes in Greater London 1918-1931 ». Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2005. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1860.
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This thesis is a case study of the party politics of Greater London 1918-193 1. First, and to place its conclusions in context, the thesis properly defines the area of Greater London with which it deals. The region, chosen so as to provide an area small enough to deal with in detail but large enough to find many types of locality within it, was becoming more of a distinct entity during the 1920s, and growing rapidly. The changes in Greater London and their political implications are examined. As a result of the Great War, the 1916-18 political realignment and related upheaval, and the franchise extension in 1918, the parties faced a new political landscape. Dealing with the three main parties in turn, the thesis looks at the tactics and machinery each employed to deal with it. It touches on both local and parliamentary electoral contests, and evaluates the success of the approaches each party took. The local and regional strategies of the parties, and what happened to them, are placed in the context of current historical debates. Case studies of particular localities within Greater London, and of the role of both the local and national press in London politics, are used to develop further specific points about political party fortunes in the 1920s. The thesis finds that different parties used similar tactics when it suited them, and varied tactics between areas to achieve the best results. Parties were each affected by internal problems and by tendencies to introspection. The thesis also finds evidence that the Labour breakthrough in Greater London in July 1945 was simmering beneath the surface in the 1920s, despite failing, for the most part, to manifest itself electorally.
4
Rosenfeld, Sam Hoffmann. « A Choice, Not an Echo : Polarization and the Transformation of the American Party System ». Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11666.
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This dissertation offers an intellectual and institutional history of party polarization and ideological realignment in the postwar United States. It treats the construction of an ideologically sorted party system as a political project carried out by conscious actors within and around the Democratic and Republican parties. The work of these activists, interest groups, and political elites helped to produce, by the last decades of the twentieth century, an unpredicted and still-continuing era of strong, polarized partisanship in American politics. In tracking their work, the dissertation also account for changing ideas about the party system over time, starting with an influential postwar scholarly doctrine that cast bipartisanship as a problem for which polarization would provide the solution.History
5
Carandang, Joven. « WHITE MAN'S BURDEN?" THE PARTY POLITICS OF AMERICAN IMPERIALISM : 1900-1920 ». Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2007. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/2292.
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This dissertation is an interpretive analysis of the political background of the American annexation and administration of the Philippine Islands between 1900 and 1920. It seeks to analyze the political value of supporting and opposing imperialism to American political parties and elites. Seeking to capitalize on the American victory over Spain in 1898, the Republican Party embraced the annexation of the Philippines as a way to promote an idea of rising American international power. Subsequently, their tenure in the Philippines can be analyzed as bringing industrialization to the Philippines for political gain, casting themselves in a politically popular role of nation builders and bringers of democracy. In opposing the Republicans, Democrats became anti-imperialists by default. After overcoming the initial unpopularity of that ideology, they were able to redefine it in such as way as to co-opt the original Republican successes in the Philippines. As such, the Democratic tenure in the Philippines emphasizes political gamesmanship and patronage that allowed them to effectively "steal" the credit for the democratization of the Philippines for partisan gains against the Republicans.M.A.
Department of History
Arts and Humanities
History MA
6
Mutizwa-Mangiza, Shingai Price. « Political party institutionalization : a case study of Kenya ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013258.
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This thesis explores the nature and extent of political party institutionalization in Kenya. More specifically, it focuses on the four dimensions of party institutionalization, namely organizational systemness, value-infusion, decisional autonomy and reification. The study itself is largely located within the historical-institutionalist school of thought, with particular emphasis on the path dependency strand of this theoretical framework. However, the study also employs a political economy approach. It recognizes that the development trajectory of party politics in Kenya did not evolve in a vacuum but within a particular historical-institutional and political-economic context. The thesis advances the notion that those current low levels of party institutionalization that are evident in almost all parties, and the relatively peripheral role that they have in Kenya's governance can be traced to Kenya's colonial and post-colonial political history, the resource poor environment and the onset of globalization.
7
Win, Kyaw Zaw. « A history of the Burma Socialist Party (1930-1964) ». School of History and Politics - Faculty of Arts, 2008. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/106.
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This dissertation seeks to demonstrate the legacy and historical significance of the Burma Socialist Party (BSP), and so, to solve major puzzles for scholars of Burmese history, particularly with regard to how the links between civilian and military groups in politics in Burma came about. Thus, this thesis addresses a major gap in the current historical literature, which has tended to underplay or ignore the role of the BSP. In so doing this work draws a wide range of interviews, archives and hitherto unused research sources, as well as the historical analyses in English and Burmese contribute. The thesis begins by examining the historical and cultural antecedents of the BSP. The party was formed as a major element of Burma’s independence movement, which developed from a core group of nationalist leaders. Among these leaders were founders and key members of the future BSP. The Peoples’ Revolutionary Party (PRP), the prewar version of the BSP, emerged in the struggle for independence and played a key role in that struggle as a core group around which the future state was founded. After the War, the BSP came out as separate party to compete with the Communist Party of Burma (CPB). The Tatmadaw played a key role in this process, and thus the process itself was a crucial turning point in Burma’s history. The BSP was the main political party after Burma’s independence in 1948. This situation can be seen through looking at the way the Anti-Fascist Peoples’ Freedom League (AFPFL) operated as the umbrella of the BSP. The BSP shaped domestic and foreign policies in the period 1948-58, and provided the basis of various forms of government, even at times of internal division. It was in these circumstances that the military aspect of Burmese politics became important. Careful examination of the sources dealing with the major political influences of the post-independence period shows that the Burmese military took their ideas from the BSP and launched their bid for power by taking over from the BSP.
8
Craven, Michael John. « A Conservative Enigma : Barry Goldwater and the Republican Party, 1953-1974 ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625923.
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9
Campbell, Colin S. « Dead Center : Polarization and the Democratic Party, 1932-2000 ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3117.
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Polarization forced massive changes in the institutions of Washington throughout the 20th century, and the Democratic Party played a key role throughout. Under President Franklin D. Roosevelt, the Democratic Party formed the powerful New Deal coalition. The coalition faltered in the turbulent 1960s under the pressures of the Vietnam War and racial unrest. The chaotic 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago dealt the coalition a mortal wound. Young voters and activists gained an outsized voice in the party. Several crushing defeats in presidential elections followed as the party chose unelectable candidates who appealed to the passions of left-wing activists and interests. In 1992, Bill Clinton won the nomination and forced the party back to the center. Clinton’s success, however, drove the Republican Party further right as its efforts to destroy Clinton grew increasingly obsessive. The cumulative effect has been an increase in polarization and the weakening of institutions in Washington.
10
Ratcliffe, Donald John. « The origins of the Second American Party System : the Ohio evidence ». Thesis, Durham University, 1985. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/7045/.
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The cleavage in voter loyalties that was to sustain the Second Party System in Ohio was created in the thirty years before 1830. Its origins are to be found in the national disputes of the 17908, which by 1802 had become involved with the issue of Ohio statehood. These early divisions were more deep-rooted than commonly assumed, dictating political behaviour for over a decade and providing political experiences that became controlling influences on later developments. However, the more immediate origin of the divisions established by the 1830s was the many-sided crisis of 1819-22, which made men look to politics for the solution of their problems, break with older loyalties and create new ones. In Ohio the demands for a non-slave-holding President and positive federal economic legislation melded into what became the National Republican and Whig parties, though a minority of Ohioans - for reasons peculiar to particular localities and particular ethnocultural groups - insisted on supporting Andrew Jackson in 1824 and subsequent years. The contest between these two groupings drew unprecedented numbers of new voters to the polls in 1828, most of whom committed themselves to Jackson, thus establishing the balanced distribution of party strength that was to persist for decades. Jackson's advantage in 1828 came from neither superior party organization nor the "rise of democracy," but from the opportunity to harness social resentments of long standing which had previously disrupted rather than reinforced party ties. Jackson's partisans could also call upon old-party loyalties that dated back to the War of 1812, and so created a party that bore some resemblance to the Jeffersonian Democrats, even if the crisis of the early 1820s had forged a nationalist opposition party far more powerful electorally in Ohio than the Federalists had ever been.
11
Gross, Alexandra Marie. « The Reynolds Affair, Party Politics and Sexuality in the Early Republic ». W&M ScholarWorks, 2014. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626768.
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12
Manning, Seth. « Factionalism in the Democratic Party 1936-1964 ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2019. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/477.
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The period of 1936-1964 in the Democratic Party was one of intense factional conflict between the rising Northern liberals, buoyed by FDR’s presidency, and the Southern conservatives who had dominated the party for a half-century. Intertwined prominently with the struggle for civil rights, this period illustrates the complex battles that held the fate of other issues such as labor, foreign policy, and economic ideology in the balance. This thesis aims to explain how and why the Northern liberal faction came to defeat the Southern conservatives in the Democratic Party through a multi-faceted approach examining organizations, strategy, arenas of competition, and political opportunities of each faction. I conclude that an alliance between the labor movement and African-Americans formed the basis on which the liberal faction was able to organize and build its strength, eventually surpassing the Southern Democratic faction by passing the Civil Rights Act of 1964. This passage forced the realignment of Southern states as Southern Democrats sided with Republicans at the national level. However, the party position changes that precipitated liberal Democratic support for the bill began much earlier, starting in the 1930s, another key conclusion of this thesis.
13
Gates, James A. « Nostalgia and the Tea Party movement ». Thesis, Canterbury Christ Church University, 2018. http://create.canterbury.ac.uk/17322/.
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This thesis examines the role of History and Nostalgia in shaping the modern Tea Party movement, which emerged across the United States of America in early 2009. Inspired by the seminal work of Professor Jill Lepore, The Whites of Their Eyes, this thesis attempts to further investigate the Tea Party movement and their unique relationship with the past: from the social movement’s links with other conservative historical organisations such as the John Birch Society, to the Tea Party movement’s adoption and exploitation of the history of the American Revolution as a means of gaining political legitimacy. This thesis contextualises as well as details the historical origins, organisations, and ideologies behind the social movement. In the process of this task, the thesis has employed an experimental methodology which attempts to fuse together the philosophy of History with the discipline of History – an idea that was inspired during the experience of carrying out the thesis research at the time. This thesis highlights: the influence of the Internet over Tea Party movement, the Tea Party movement’s historiography of the American Revolution, as well as the similarities and differences of historical experiences shared by the Tea Party movement and the generation responsible for the American Revolution.
14
Faykosh, Joseph D. « A Party in Peril : Franklin Roosevelt, the Democratic Party, and the Circular Letter of 1924 ». Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1478211951641714.
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15
Shindler, Colin. « A political and ideological history of the Likud Party of Israel 1931-1992 ». Thesis, Middlesex University, 1997. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/13485/.
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16
Wipperling, Adriana. « Protestparteien in Regierungsverantwortung : Die Grünen, die Alternative Liste, die STATT Partei und die Schill-Partei in ihrer ersten Legislaturperiode als kleine Koalitionspartner ». Phd thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2006. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2008/2703/.
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Übernimmt eine Protestpartei Regierungsverantwortung, sieht sie ihre Prinzipien und Forderungen der realpolitischen Nagelprobe ausgesetzt. Es ist ein Dilemma von Anspruch und Wirklichkeit, ein Spagat zwischen Protestimage und Regierungspolitikder diese Parteien oftmals zu zerreißen droht. Anhand der Fallstudien von vier mitregierenden Protestparteien in Deutschland sollen folgende Fragen beantwortet werden: Was macht eine Partei zur Protestpartei? Was waren die Ursachen für die Wahlerfolge der Grünen, der AL, der STATT-Partei und der Schill-Partei? Wie verliefen die Koalitionsverhandlungen? Welche Forderungen konnten die Protestparteien gegenüber ihren großen Koalitionspartnern durchsetzen? Wo mussten sie Abstriche machen? Welche Reformvorhaben wurden angedacht und welche wurden tatsächlich umgesetzt? Welche innerparteilichen Konflikte ergaben sich aus der neuen Rolle der Protestparteien? Letztendlich zeigt sich: Protestparteien scheitern nicht an ihrem schmalspurigen Programm, geringer Stammwählerschaft oder unerfahrenem Personal, sondern weil sie naturgemäß in die „Erwartungsfalle“ tappen.
“If a protest party assumes the responsibility of government its principles and demands will be put to the tough test of practical politics. The ensuing dilemma between standards and reality, its protest image and government policy often threatens to tear these parties apart. Taking four protest parties involved in government in Germany as an example, the following questions will be examined: What turns a party into a protest party? What were the reasons for the electoral successes of the Greens, the AL, the STATT party and the Schill party? What took place during the coalition negotiations? What demands were the protest parties successfully able to push through against their large coalition partners? On which points did they have to give in? What plans for reform were developed and which of them were actually implemented? What internal conflicts emerged within these parties after their role as protest parties changed? The final analysis comes to the following conclusion: Protest parties do not fail because of a narrow-minded programme, lack of electoral support or inexperienced staff, but because their very nature causes them to fall into the “expectation trap”.
17
Garcia, Ignacio Molina 1950. « Armed with a ballot : The rise of La Raza Unida Party in Texas ». Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291552.
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In 1970 a group of Mexican Americans in Crystal City, Texas came together to form El Partido de La Raza Unida (The Raza Unida Party) and challenged the Anglos that had governed there for years. From that beginning came a state-wide party that ran a candidate for governor in 1972 and in a short period took political control of two counties and numerous other elected positions throughout the state. This thesis looks at two aspects in the development of the Raza Unida Party. It reviews the years leading up to the founding of the Mexican American Youth organization, which was the precursor of the party, and it focuses on the strategies used by this group to organize Mexican Americans into a voting bloc. It is the premise of this thesis that La Raza Unida Party, more than any other Mexican American organization before it, was responsible for Mexican Americans becoming participants in the electoral process in larger numbers than ever before.
18
Waddington, Robert. « Which Way Now ? : A n Examination of the Ideological Movement of the British Labour Party between 1974 and 1992 ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1993. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625834.
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19
Klarman, M. J. « The Osborne Judgement : a legal/historical analysis ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.232983.
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20
Lawrence, Jonathan. « Party politics and the people : continuity and change in the political history of Wolverhampton, 1815-1914 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235919.
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This dissertation adopts the case-study approach to undertake a detailed analysis of English popular politics in the century between the end of the Napoleonic wars and 1914. The first two chapters analyse popular Radicalism in Wolverhampton between 1815 and 1880 and argue that historians have greatly underestimated the continuity between supposedly 'class conscious' Chartism and 'reformist' mid-Victorian Radicalism. Contrary to much speculation, popular Liberalism developed in spite of, rather than because of the, activities of local Liberal elites. Indeed plebeian/patrician conflict was a constant feature of Radical-Liberal politics throughout the nineteenth century and played an important part in the labour movement's break with Liberalism after 1890. Chapter three looks in details at the popular Tory revival of the 1880s and '90s, arguing that it should be seen in the context of widespread disillusionment with the Liberal penchant for Caucus politics and moral evangelism. In short, popular Toryism is treated as a serious political movement which established strong roots in many working class communities, rather than as a form of political deviance to be dismissed as an aberration. Chapters four and five present a new interpretation of early Labour politics by rejecting the orthodox assumption that the shift from Liberalism to 'Labourism' can be seen as the product of more fundamental structural changes affecting the working class as a whole. Labour politics cannot be seen in any unproblematic way as class politics, or even as distinctively 'working class'. On the one hand, a large proportion of Labour activists sprang from the middle classes (especially the petty bourgeoisie), while on the other, Labour consciously appealed to all workers, 'by hand and by brain', in its campaign against the 'idle classes' who dominated political and social life. Here, as elsewhere, Labour politics stood in a direct line of descent from Paine, the Chartists and the mid-Victorian Radicals. The final section focusses on the problematic relationship between pre-war Labour politicians and the people they sought to represent. Labour's systematic marginalisation of women, and its misrepresentation of the urban poor is shown to have seriously undermined its attempt to construct a broad political coalition in pre-war Wolverhampton. This section also discusses the organisational shortcomings of Edwardian Labour politics and concludes that reliance on a narrow trade union base, though necessary, undermined Labour's claim to be a popular, all-encompassing mass movement.
21
Macintyre, C. J. « Responses to the rise of Labour : Conservative Party policy and organisation 1922-1931 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.382243.
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22
Ete, Hatem. « The Legal, Political And Sociological Roots Of Tutelary Regime In Single-party Period ». Phd thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614557/index.pdf.
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This dissertation examines the political regime during the single party rule in Turkey between the years of 1923-1950 in relation to the concept of tutelage. The main argument supported in this work is that tutelary tendencies, contrary to the assumptions of Kemalist historicization, do not serve as segue to democracy, but rather make consolidation of democracy difficult, even impossible. In support, this dissertation provides a close examination of the Kemalist nation building process beginning from the Ottoman modernization process extending to the demographic engineering projects of the Republic.
The examination reveals that tutelary tendencies are a reflection of the savior mission undertaken by the elite during the Ottoman-Republican modernization process. The political elite, in their mission to save and build the nation, not only ignored the political and social fabric of the time, but they insisted on radical interventions to the demographic fabric of the society in order to transform it to the nation they envisioned. During the execution of the nation-building project increasingly more authoritarian measures were legitimized by declared target of democracy. The social resistance to the radical interventions was suppressed by more authoritarian measures that were perceived as the cost of achieving democracy.
The elite perceived themselves uniquely fit for deciding what is in the best interest of the people. Whether the aim of democratization was reached or not was also decided by the tutelary elite. Not wanting to let go of the power, they continuously invented new prerequisites to democracy. This cycle resulted in the persistence of the authoritarian regime. In the final analysis, this dissertation reveals that the tutelary tendencies of the avant-garde elite are the biggest obstacle on the path to democracy.
23
Lehr, Heather Allison. « The Rise of the Socialist Party in France : A Study of the National Relevance of Local Elections as Illustrated by Lyon, Nantes and Rennes ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1989. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625536.
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24
Edwards, Andrew. « Political change in North-West Wales 1960-1974 : the decline of the Labour Party and the rise of Plaid Cymru ». Thesis, Bangor University, 2002. https://research.bangor.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/political-change-in-northwest-wales-19601974--the-decline-of-the-labour-party-and-the-rise-of-plaid-cymru(2a7a4776-48fb-46ff-a658-29cfa35725e9).html.
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This thesis examines the decline of the Labour party in two constituencies in northwest Wales (Caernarfonshire and Merioneth) from the mid 1960s onwards, a decline which culminated in the party's defeat at the hands of the Welsh Nationalist Party - Plaid Cymru - in the general election of February 1974. Whilst the study is essentially local, it places political change in the region within much broader experiences and circumstances. National as well as local forces for political change are examined. Social, economic and cultural factors underpinning those changes are also considered. The structure of the thesis is broadly chronological and is divided into six chapters. The first chapter examines Labour's attempt to embed itself within these unfamiliar, rural, traditionally Welsh speaking communities before and after the Second World War. It shows that after 1945, Labour's (overwhelming) electoral successes were based on a combination of local and national, cultural and linguistic as well as economic appeals. The second chapter examines social and economic change from 1960-74, and shows the socio-economic challenges faced by Labour in the 1960s and early 1970s. These changes were the result of numerous factors, both long term and short term. It shows how national trends such as `affluence' combined with local concerns such as depopulation and the decline of the Welsh language to present powerful political challenges. The third chapter examines Labour's response to these challenges. It shows that whilst Labour was still successful, its commitment and plans to deliver social and economic reforms were undermined by the economic problems of the mid to late 1960s. Chapter Four shows how a viable political challenger to Labour - Plaid Cymru - emerged in the 1960s. Chapter Five focuses on Plaid's efforts to undermine Labour's credibility in the 1960s and on Labour's response to the emerging nationalist challenge. Chapter Six focuses on the general elections of February and October 1974, on the problems facing Labour in developing `new' solutions to the regions problems and on the popularity of Plaid Cymru's appeal.
25
Griffin, Cameron N. « Lincoln, the Republican Party and The Drastic Shift From Voting Republican by Black Voters, to Calhoun Conservatism and Voting for the Democratic Party Among Black Voters : The Republican Party’s Loss of the Black Vote (1865 – 2016) ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1426.
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The thesis of this paper is that the evolution of the black vote from Republicanism to the Democratic Party was determined by several causes, and these are the subjects of my paper.
Following Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation and the end of the Civil War, African Americans in the United States joined the Republican Party and by and large voted for Republican candidates, both in the North and South. Following the end of Reconstruction in 1876, the pressures or renewal of social conservatism, Southern localism, and the re-emergence of so-called “Calhoun” politics, along with main spread interference with African-American voting, all combined to establish the beginnings of a transition from Republican Party affiliation to increasing membership in the Democratic Party.
26
Rae, Nicol C. « The decline of the liberal wing of the Republican Party, 1960-1984 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670397.
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Elliott, Sean. « Contending for liberty : principle and party in Montesquieu, Hume, and Burke ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/978.
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This thesis explores the political reformation of “faction” in the political thought of Montesquieu, David Hume, and Edmund Burke, three thinkers whose works span what Pierre Manent calls “an exquisite moment of liberalism.” It examines the transformation of faction from one based largely on class to one based largely on political function and argues that as the political emphasis of “party” overtook that of class, a disconnect in constitutional theory appeared between the principles formerly associated with class, such as honor, and the principles now associated with parties. This disconnect is examined by focusing on the interrelated concepts of political principle, or that which motivates and regulates men, and faction, itself divided into two types, principled and singular. This thesis further considers the role of political principle to faction in each thinker’s thought in order to demonstrate how limited domestic political conflict could sustain itself via a party system. Each thinker recognized that limited political conflict did not weaken the state but rather strengthened it, if engendered by “principled faction” cognizant of a nominal sovereign. Accordingly, it is argued that a similar understanding of “principled faction,” though focused largely on aristocratic ideas of prejudice, self-interest, and inequality, better promoted political liberty within the state and contributed to a greater acceptance of party in political thought.
28
Hone, Joseph. « The end of the line : literature and party politics at the accession of Queen Anne ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d847a561-130a-42f0-b78f-2463e9e65535.
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This thesis provides the first full-length account of the political and cultural significance of the accession of Queen Anne. It offers a critical reassessment of the politics of the royal image across a spectrum of texts, events, and artefacts - from panegyrics, newspapers, sermons, royal progresses, and processions to medals, coins, and playing cards. Recent scholarship has emphasized the importance of party politics to the literature and culture of the early eighteenth century. This thesis nuances that assumption by arguing: (1) that the principal focus of partisan texts was competing representations of monarchy; and (2) that the explosion of partisanship at the start of the eighteenth century was triggered by unrest about the royal succession. Anne was the last protestant Stuart. She had no surviving children. This thesis explores how authors such as Daniel Defoe, Joseph Addison, Alexander Pope, and a great many lesser known and anonymous writers and propagandists conceptualized the end of the Stuart dynasty. Anne's accession forced writers to conjecture on the future succession. There were two rival claimants to the throne after Anne's death: the protestant Electress Sophia of Hanover and Anne's Catholic half-brother, James Francis Edward. Sophia's claim was statutory, James's hereditary. Factions emerged in support of both claimants. Almost all topical writing took a stance on the issue. Many sided with the government, supporting Hanover. Yet some writers favoured the illegal but hereditary claim of James Francis Edward; they had to express support in covert ways. This succession crisis triggered not only printed polemic, but also swathes of clandestine manuscript literature circulating in the Jacobite underground. The government took a hard line on Jacobite writers and printers; this thesis documents both their persecution and the techniques they used to evade the law. The thesis concludes by suggesting that this oppositional literary culture only disintegrated after the defeat of the Jacobite rebellion, and the consequent settlement of the Hanoverian succession, in late 1716. After this point, royal succession ceased to be a major source of political discontent.
29
Cordes, Niels G. (Niels Guether). « A Spatial Analysis of Right-wing Radical Parties : The Case of the Republikaner Party Programs Since 1983 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277992/.
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Right-wing parties in European states have improved electorally in recent years. The small German Republikaner party is representative of these successes. This study examines outcomes for the Republikaner that may be attributable to movements on a number of policy issues.
30
Lauri, L. (Liisa). « Fighting for the political periphery:the image of the Scottish National Party in The Times and The Scotsman during British general elections in 1970, 1997 and 2010 ». Master's thesis, University of Oulu, 2015. http://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi:oulu-201505211588.
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The research will examine how The Times and The Scotsman newspapers have presented the Scottish National Party, its candidates and ideology, during British General Elections in 1970, 1997 and 2010. The analysis will focus on articles published one week before and one week after the British General Elections in 1970, 1997 and 2010. The lack of historical study of the image of the Scottish National Party in the media makes this particular research subject all the more relevant. The research will provide historical qualitative analysis on the image of the SNP with the help of linguistic tools and methods. The articles will be analysed through discourse analysis, and historical image research will offer a more comprehensive tool for the final synthesis of the analysis. The image of the Scottish National Party remained relatively unchanged in The Times. Throughout the time period, The Times maintained a considerable distance to the party and did not offer a lot of space for the party’s own formulation of their policies and ideology in the newspaper. This was explained by the relatively stable editorial line of the newspaper which relied on strong support for the existing establishment and the Union of Great Britain. The Scotsman’s stance towards the SNP changed clearly from 1970 to 1997 and 2010. In 1970 it was a modest supporter of the party, although it did not endorse its core policy of independence. By 1997 the paper was more critical of the party and saw it still as a minority party with policies that were too left-wing. In 2010, The Scotsman was very vocal against the SNP’s economic campaign, and the party was not presented as a serious player in the general election. This created a rather negative but shallow image of the party without no real substance in the debate. The change in The Scotsman’s image of the SNP was a clear indication of the change in its editorial stance towards pro-establishment credentials that were in stark contrast with its critical stance from 1970Tämän tutkimuksen kohteena on The Times ja The Scotsman -lehtien muodostama kuva Skotlannin kansallispuolueesta (the Scottish National Party) Britannian yleisvaalien aikana vuonna 1970, 1997 ja 2010. Aineisto koostuu artikkeleista, jotka on julkaistu viikko ennen ja viikko jälkeen kyseisten vaalien. Tutkimusaihe on ajankohtainen ja tärkeä, koska Skotlannin kansallispuolueen mediakuvaa ei ole aiemmin tutkittu kattavasti. Tämä historiallis-kvalitatiivinen tutkimus hyödyntää myös kielitieteiden metodeja puolueen kuvan tutkimuksessa. Artikkelit on tulkittu diskurssianalyysiin nojaten ja historiallinen kuvatutkimus tarjoaa työkalun loppusynteesin luomiseen. Skotlannin kansallispuolueen kuva säilyi lähes muuttumattomana The Times -lehdessä. Lehti säilytti etäisen suhtautumisen puolueeseen koko tarkasteluajanjaksolla, eikä tarjonnut merkittävästi tilaa puolueen oman ideologian ja ohjelman muotoilemiseen. Tähän oli syynä lehden päätoimituslinjan vakaus, ja sen vahva tuki Iso-Britannian unionin ja olemassa olevan järjestelmän säilymiselle. The Scotsman -lehti sen sijaan muutti asennoitumistaan puoluetta kohtaan merkittävästi vuodesta 1970 vuoteen 2010. Vuonna 1970 lehti suhtautui myönteisesti puolueen muihin tavoitteisiin, vaikka ei kannattanutkaan Skotlannin itsenäistymistä. Vuonna 1997 suhtautuminen oli muuttunut selkeästi kriittisemmäksi ja puolue esitettiin vähemmistöpuolueena, jonka ohjelma oli liian vasemmistolainen lehden mielestä. Lehti väheksyi puolueen talouspolitiikkaa ja vaalikampanjaa vuoden 2010 vaalien aikana. Tästä muodostuva kuva puolueesta oli negatiivinen ja melko pintapuolinen. Kuvan muutos osoitti selkeästi lehden päätoimituslinjan radikaalin muutoksen: aiemmin se oli suhtautunut kriittisesti vallitsevaan hallintojärjestelmään, mutta vuosina 1997 ja 2010 suhtautuminen oli jo selkeästi myönteinen
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Stevenson, Brian F. « Queensland's Cold War Warrior : The Turbulent Days of Vincent Clair Gair, 1901-1980 ». Thesis, Griffith University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367090.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Vincent Gair (1901 – 1980) former Queensland Premier This thesis is a historiography of controversial Queensland politician Vincent Gair, detailing his career from railway clerk to Queensland Premier, Senator of the Democratic Labor Party and his controversial appointment as Ambassador to Ireland in 1974. Specific attention is paid to Gair’s premiership years between 1952 and 1957, in particular focus on the Labor split in Queensland and the breach between the organisational and parliamentary wings of the Labor party in Queensland. The thesis concludes with an assessment of Gair’s role in Queensland and Australian political history.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Department of Politics and Public Policy
Griffith Business School
Full Text
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Sloman, Peter Jack. « Economic thought and policy in the Liberal Party, c. 1929-1964 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c961d45b-8c97-4e4b-b91c-6d0c8c55da5b.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the reception, generation, and use of economic ideas in the British Liberal Party during the period between its decline in the inter-war years and its revival under Jo Grimond. It uses archival sources, party publications, and the political press to reconstruct the Liberal Party’s internal discourse about economic policy from the 1920s to the 1960s, and sets this discourse in the context of wider economic and political developments: the ‘Keynesian revolution’ in economic theory and British public policy, recurrent political interest in economic planning, and growing concern about relative economic decline. The strength of the two-party system which developed after the First World War meant that the Liberal Party spent most of this period in opposition, and even in the coalition governments of 1931-2 and 1940-5 Liberals had limited input into economic policy-making. As historians have frequently noted, however, the party played an important role in introducing Keynesian ideas to British politics through Lloyd George’s 1929 pledge to ‘conquer unemployment’, and seemed to anticipate the post-war managed economy in important respects. At the same time, the party maintained a close relationship with the economics profession, and vocally championed free trade and competitive markets. This thesis highlights the eclecticism of the Liberal Party’s economic heritage, and its continuing ambivalence towards state intervention. Although Liberals were early and sincere supporters of Keynesian demand-management policies, and took a close interest in economic planning proposals in the 1920s, 1940s and 1960s, their interventionism was frequently constrained by their internationalism and their support for free markets. Most Liberals, then, were neither unreconstructed Gladstonians nor unequivocal supporters of Britain’s post-war settlement. Rather, successive party leaders sought to integrate new economic knowledge with traditional Liberal commitments, in order to make both a credible contribution to policy debates and a distinctive appeal to the electorate.
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Bozinovski, Robert. « The Communist Party of Australia and proletarian internationalism,1928-1945 ». Full-text, 2008. http://eprints.vu.edu.au/1961/1/bozinovski.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The theory and practice of ‘proletarian internationalism’ was a vital dimension of the modus operandi of communist parties worldwide. It was a broadly encompassing concept that profoundly influenced the actions of international communism’s globally scattered adherents. Nevertheless, the historiography of the Communist Party of Australia has neglected to address sufficiently the effect exerted by proletarian internationalism on the party’s praxis. Instead, scholars have dwelt on the party’s links to the Soviet Union and have, moreover, overlooked the nuances and complexity of the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow. It is the purpose of this thesis to redress these shortfalls. Using an extensive collection of primary and secondary sources, this thesis will consider the impact of a Marxist-Leninist conception of proletarian internationalism on the policies,tactics and strategies of the Communist Party of Australia from 1928-1945. The thesis will demonstrate that proletarian internationalism was far more than mere adherence to Moscow, obediently receiving and implementing instructions. Instead, through the lens of this concept, we can see that the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow was flexible and nuanced and one that, in reality, often put the party at odds with the official Soviet position. In addition, we will see the extent of the influence exerted by other aspects of proletarian internationalism, such as international solidarity, the so-called national and colonial questions and the communist attitude towards war, on the Communist Party’s praxis.
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Angermeier, Derrick. « A Problem of Perception An Analysis of the Formation, Reception, and Implementation of National Socialist Ideology in Germany, 1919 to 1939 ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1147.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis seeks to dispel the notion that Nazi ideology was merely an afterthought to numerous actions taken by the Nazis. The first chapter discusses how Nazism’s earliest adherents internalized notions from World War I into an ideology that would motivate the early Nazi Movement to launch the Beer Hall Putsch. The second chapter focuses on the Nazi Party’s electoral tactics and how those actions correlated with entrenched Nazi ideological notions of recognition and community. Finally, the third chapter will seek to demonstrate that the numerous repressive measures implemented by the Third Reich were part of a general plan to prepare a future generation of Nazi citizens for, the worldwide struggle for existence. This work exists as a counter to a considerable amount of literature in the historiography that, by maintaining Nazi ideology and Nazi actions were two separate entities, belittles the importance of Nazi ideology thereby fundamentally misunderstanding Nazism.
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McCloud, Brandi Nicole. « Solidarity Forever : The Story of the Flint Sit-Down Strike and the Communist Party from the Perspective of the Rank and File Autoworkers ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1416.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The subject of this thesis is the Sit-Down Strike in Flint, Michigan in 1936-1937. The main purpose is to examine the story of the strike as told by the strikers themselves, to explore the role that Communists played in the strike along with how the workers responded the Communism and other political ideologies of the day. The final chapter then examines the many anti-Communist forces that surrounded the autoworkers before, during, and after the Sit-Down Strike, which may account for the strikers' reluctance to admit their affiliation with the Communists.
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Alcantara, Jose Carlos [UNESP]. « O dualismo partidário no período de 1966 a 1982 e sua representação local ». Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103178.
Texte intégralRésumé :
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O presente trabalho estuda um período da história político-partidária e eleitoral (1966-1982) brasileira, percorrendo os níveis nacional, estadual e local, com ênfase neste último. Com a chegada dos militares ao poder em 1964 e a extinção dos partidos políticos em 1965, inicia-se um novo sistema denominado bipartidarismo, que se estende até 1982. Diante da dependência partidária e eleitoral da legislação federal, os Estados e municípios se adaptaram, porém conservando suas diferenças regionais. As lideranças políticas paranaenses se articularam diante do novo jogo político e fortaleceram o partido do governo, em contraste com uma oposição decepada e fragilizada. Em nível local, embora receba a interferência da política nacional e estadual, o quadro caracteriza-se acentuadamente por contornos próprios, revelando a disputa de pessoas e grupos de interesses pelo poder local. A baixa institucionalização partidária e a volatilidade são fatores que fortalecem o individualismo na política, e o eleitor, sem referências partidárias consolidadas, até por interesses pessoais e por estar próximo dos candidatos, valoriza o personalismo. O trabalho analisa o desempenho e evolução da ARENA/PDS e do MDB/PMDB, através dos resultados eleitorais, colocando em destaque a representação da política no município de Maringá.
An analysis, at the national, state and local levels, with special emphasis to the latter, on the 1966-1982 history of party and election politics in Brazil is provided. A new bi-party system was introduced in Brazil on the arrival to power of the armed forces in 1964 and on the extinction of political parties in 1965, through 1982. Although states and counties adapted themselves to the party and electoral dependence on federal laws, they preserved their regional differences. The political leaderships of the state of Paraná organized themselves in the wake of the new political rules and strengthened the government's party. This cannot be said of the opposition, which remained fragmented and split. Although the local situation was influenced by the national and state politics, its features had special nuances that revealed the struggle of individuals and groups for local political power. Low party institutions and volatility were the chief factors that gave rise to political individualism, while the voter rated personal cult excessively. This was due to the lack of consolidated party references, invested interests and close dealing with candidates. Research investigated the performance and evolution of ARENA/PDS and MDB/PMDB through their election results, whereas the political representation in the municipality of Maringá was enhanced.
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Harris, Tony School of History UNSW. « Basket weavers and true believers : the middle class left and the ALP Leichhardt Municipality c. 1970-1990 ». Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2002. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/19325.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the two decades between 1970 and 1990, hundreds of people passed through the ALP branches of Leichhardt Municipality. These were predominantly members of what this thesis calls a 'middle class Left', employed in professions and para-professions like teaching or the public service and motivated, to one degree or another, by the social movements and politics of the late 1960's and early 1970's. This is a social history incorporating the life histories of a selection of these people. It is set against the backdrop of conflicts with incumbent, conservative, working class-based political machines and the political climate of the times. The thesis is in four parts. Part I, the introduction, establishes the point of view of the writer as it shapes what is also a 'participant history'. In this context, and that of the oral history interviews, the introduction addresses the relationship between memory and history. Parts II and III are the body of the thesis and each is lead by a 'photo-essay', recognising the complimentary importance of a visual narrative. Part II sets out the broad political topography of the 1970's and early 1980's. Chapter one describes the middle-classing of the ALP in Leichhardt Municipality, set against a review of the principal literature. It then moves through chapters two to four to examine the three loci of middle-classing: Annandale, Balmain and Glebe. Part III moves on into the 1980's when the middle class Left 'takes power'. It examines, in chapter five, the emerging, sharp, divisions among the Left on Leichhardt Council and in the contests for federal and state parliamentary seats. Chapter six examines the deepening of these divisions in the mid to late 1980's, concluding with the climactic struggle over the Mort Bay public housing project. Chapter seven looks at the diaspora of the Labor Left in Leichhardt at the end of the 1980's as the branch membership declined and many sought out political alternatives to the ALP. Part IV brings the thesis to its conclusion, focussing on the complexities and ambiguities of the middle class Left and drawing out the main socio-political themes of the two decades.
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Page, Alexander Robert. « Resurrecting the democracy : the Democratic party during the Civil War and Reconstruction, 1860-1884 ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2017. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/70466/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis places the Democratic party at the centre of the Reconstruction narrative and investigates the transformation of the antebellum Democracy into its postbellum form. In doing so, it addresses the relative scarcity of scholarship on the postwar Democrats, and provides an original contribution to knowledge by (a) explaining how the party survived the Civil War and (b) providing a comprehensive analysis of an extended process of internal conflict over the Democracy's future. This research concludes that while the Civil War caused a crisis in partisanship that lasted until the mid-1870s, it was Democrats' underlying devotion to their party, and flexibility over party principle that allowed the Democracy to survive and reestablish itself as a strong national party. Rather than extensively investigating state-level or grassroots politics, this thesis focuses on the party's national leadership. It finds that public memories of the party's wartime course constituted the most significant barrier to rebuilding the Democratic national coalition. Following an overview of the fractures exposed by civil war, the extent of these splits is assessed through an investigation of sectional reconciliation during Presidential and Radical Reconstruction. The analysis then shifts to explore competing visions of the party's future during the late 1860s and early 1870s when public confidence in the Democracy hit its lowest point. While the early years of Reconstruction opened the party to the possibility of disintegration, by the mid-1870s Democrats had begun to adopt a stronger national party organisation. Through a coherent national strategy that turned national politics away from issues of race and loyalty and towards those of economic development and political reform, while simultaneously appealing to the party's history, national Democratic leaders restored public confidence in the Democracy, silenced advocates of the creation of a new national party, and propelled the party back to power in 1884.
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Fry, Zachery A. « Lincoln's Divided Legion : Loyalty and the Political Culture of the Army of the Potomac, 1861-1865 ». The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1492292669458662.
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Hughes, Hannah Cole. « Contemporary Perspectives on the French Communist Party : A Dying Ideology ? » Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1368205610.
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Jones, Benjamin Nicholas Farror. « British politics and the post-war development of human rights ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e680adc1-a3e9-4c7a-be6d-0f3b374fb209.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this thesis I explore the attitudes, arguments, and actions of British political elites in connection with the development of human rights law in Europe and the UK. I do this by examining British input into five key episodes for the development of European supranational rights and their incorporation into domestic legal orders (namely the drafting of the European Convention on Human Rights 1950, the drafting of the European Social Charter 1961, the acceptance of individual petition in 1966, the failed 1970s Bill of Rights debate, the passing of the Human Rights Act 1998, and recent developments such as the UK ‘opt-out’ to the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, and the emergence of a new ‘British Bill of Rights’ debate). Casting light on British involvement in less examined periods in European rights development, I challenge existing, isolated, explanations for the more focal episodes (such as Simpson’s rational-choice post-colonial thesis for individual petition acceptance, and ideological accounts for New Labour’s post-1997 constitutional reform). Responding to the most recent literature in the area, central to my analysis is the question of how rights progress relates to inter-party conflict. By considering continuities and discontinuities in elite political discussion of rights I argue that while conflict is a significant underlying feature of every major episode of rights progress during the last sixty years, and is less evident in less progressive periods, other factors have had a greater influence over the form, timing, and extent of rights progress. Most significant amongst these is the constitutional ideological development of the Labour party and the critical connection between Labour’s elevation of the Convention within the UK constitutional space and revisionist shifts in party thinking.
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Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. « Understanding the Essex Junto : Fear, Dissent, and Propaganda in the Early Republic ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/723.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Historians have never formed a consensus over the Essex Junto. In fact, though often associated with New England Federalists, propagandists evoked the Junto long after the Federalist Party’s demise in 1824. This article chronicles uses of the term Essex Junto and its significance as it evolved from the early republic through the 1840s.
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Kim, Ilnyun. « The Party of Hope : American Liberalism from the Fair Deal to the Great Society ». The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1566169939602897.
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Jones, Emily. « Constructing a conservative : the reception of Edmund Burke in British politics and culture, c. 1830-1914 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:06d5fb72-9272-4255-a2ae-51c31d89063b.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Between 1830 and 1914 in Britain a dramatic modification of the reputation of Edmund Burke (1730-97) occurred. Burke, an Irishman and Whig politician, is now most commonly known as the 'founder of modern conservatism' – an intellectual tradition which is also deeply connected to the identity of the British Conservative party. Indeed, the idea of 'Burkean conservatism’ – a political philosophy which upholds ‘the authority of tradition', the organic, historic conception of society, and the necessity of order, religion, and property – has been incredibly influential both in international academic analysis and in the wider political world. This is an intellectual construct of high significance, but its origins have not hitherto been understood: insofar as it has been considered at all, it has been typically seen as the work of Cold War American conservatives. In contrast, this thesis demonstrates that the transformation of Burke into the 'founder of conservatism' was in fact part of wider developments in British political, intellectual, and cultural history in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Drawing from a wide range of sources, including political texts, parliamentary speeches, histories, biographies, and educational curricula, this thesis provides a properly contextual history of political thought. It shows how and why Burke's reputation was transformed over a formative period of British history. In doing so, it bridges the significant gap between the history of political thought as conventionally understood and the history of the making of political traditions. The result is to show that, by 1914, Burke had been firmly established as a 'conservative' political philosopher and was admired and utilised by political Conservatives in Britain who identified themselves as his intellectual heirs. This was one essential component of a conscious re-working of 'C/conservatism', especially from the mid-1880s, which is still at work today.
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Cederqvist, Johan. « Miljöpartiet och medierna : Idécirkulationen i Miljöpartiets möten med massmedier 1980–1982 ». Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för historia och samtidsstudier, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-28681.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of this master’s thesis in history of ideas is to investigate the idea circulation in the Swedish Green Party’s meetings with mass media 1980–1982. The study is based upon a series of theoretical premises. It is presumed that cultural expressions, such as speech, media use and visual representation, can be understood through studying how people think about society’s history, contemporary development and conceivable futures. Since ideas about society’s ongoing development also are presumed to be intertwined with social and cultural positions and practices, and may be expressed differently given different social and cultural circumstances, it is relevant to investigate on the one hand the Green Party’s political vision, and on the other hand how the formulation and reception of ideas took place between them and journalists. The Green Party’s communication to the Swedish public is studied through on the one hand their own media channels, and on the other hand a selection of events where they were covered in mass media, communicating to the public via journalists. The study shows that the Green Party expected society’s ongoing development to lead to an environmental and human disaster, if not their vision of a democratic society, built on small-scale production, came true. These two conceivable futures were used to motivate political action in their present time. History, on the other hand, was used to criticize the present society built on economical growth and hierarchies. In the Green Party’s visionary society, mankind would embrace a natural lifestyle and thereby reunite with her, in growth society, lost democratic, accountable and creative nature. These ideas were related to societal processes, events and circulating ideas at the time. To get their messages across to the broad Swedish public, the Green Party arranged a press conference. Partly adapting to journalistic working methods for covering politics, the Green Party staged their alternative, small-scale ideology materially, musically and visually. The Green Party’s mass media appearance, along with their growth in membership numbers, made mass media coverage about them increase. In a parliamentary uncertain and politically hostile time, the party’s presented parliamentary strategies and political proposals awoke journalistic speculation. However, journalists’ news telling about the Green Party’s politics circulated, in different ways, around their parliamentary goal, prospects and future obligations. Thereby conceivable futures, as formulated by journalists, gave meaning to the Green Party’s formation, development and politics. These ideas were expressed in journalistic media use and interview praxis. Since around two decades, journalists were reporting more independently and confrontational on politics than previously. Covering the Green Party, photographers, camera men and writers created meanings by using mediums, which sometimes were transferred between media forms, to support news narratives. Consequently, a political party trying to change a political lifestyle and exercise reached the Swedish public through mass media as a party mainly competing for parliamentary representation. These results contribute to ongoing research on how, and on what premises, political voices have reached the public through mass media throughout modern history.
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Ikebe, Shannon. « In Place of Liberation : Failure of Labour Politics in Britain, 1964-79 ». Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1308072968.
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Fahnestock, Aidan S. « Taking Back America : The Republican Freshmen of the 104th & ; 112th Congresses ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/884.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The 2010 freshman class bears an uncanny resemble to their idealistic counterparts from 1994. Their campaign rhetoric, motivations and beliefs are almost interchangeable. The triumphs and especially frustrations and failures of their first terms also bear stark similarities. Most critically, the freshmen's conservative agenda suffered a disappointing electoral rebuke in their first elections as incumbents. Both the 1996 and 2012 presidential year congressional elections halted the respective momentum of the Republican Revolution and the Tea Party. The lessons of the 104th Congress offer many lessons to the freshmen of the 112th, namely that ideological "revolutions" in America (in this case, those of a conservative nature) struggle to deal with the challenges of governing. This thesis will examine and compare the rhetoric and motivations of the freshmen during their initial campaigns, and the triumphs and tribulations of their first terms in a city that is resistant to sudden and sweeping changes. The title of this work, "Taking Back America," reflects the sense of urgency and gravitas that spiritually united both classes of freshmen. The personal observations recorded in Linda Killian‘s The Freshman (1998) and Robert Draper‘s When the Tea Party Came to Town (2012) form the foundation of this examination, which focuses entirely on the U.S. House of Representatives.
48
Ilbiz, Ethem. « The impact of the European Union on Turkish counter-terrorism policy towards the Kurdistan Workers Party ». Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2014. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/14280/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study seeks to examine the impact of the EU on Turkish counter-terrorism policies towards the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). It analyses what impact it has had within three distinct periods: the pre-Helsinki European Council (1984-1999) period, the post-Helsinki European Council (1999-2004) period, and the post-Brussels European Council (2004-2013) period. It conceptualizes and empirically investigates the EU’s norm diffusion role by relying on the concept of “Rule Adoption”, and by utilising two norm diffusion mechanisms: the “Conditionality” and the “Socialization” mechanism, and their domestic and EU-level determinants. The thesis argues that when the EU has promoted democratisation in Turkey, it has also implicitly impacted on Turkey’s counter-terrorism policies. It argues for this thesis by generalizing from the following empirical findings: When the EU has provided a credible membership prospect to Turkey, and when the PKK attacks have been at a low-level, then the EU conditionality mechanism has been influential on Turkey’s adoption of EU promoted norms. However, when there has been no membership prospect and high levels of PKK violence, it has been the openness of Turkish political actors that has resulted in rule adoption, in which the social learning of the Turkish political actors has led to the adoption of EU promoted norms as an appropriate way to solve existing terrorism problems.
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Dhalla, Alisha Malika. « Blood Ba'ath : The Rise and Fall of the Ba'ath Party in Syria and Iraq ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1654.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Arab Socialist Ba’ath Party was established in Syria during the mid-twentieth century, originally championing Arab unity and freedom from foreign influence. The party eventually managed to rise to power in Syria and Iraq, thereby concluding the widespread political instability that had previously plagued both countries. In each of these contexts, autocratic leaders emerged at the forefront of the ruling regimes and manipulated the party to bolster their rule for over three decades. This paper examines the Ba’ath party’s history and ideology to understand the party’s source of strength. It also discusses the party’s role in achieving power as well as the different functions it undertook in Syria and Iraq once autocratic rule was established. Finally, it studies the fall of both regimes and the status of the Ba’ath party today.
50
Bozinovski, Robert. « The Communist Party of Australia and proletarian internationalism,1928-1945 ». Thesis, Full-text, 2008. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/1961/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The theory and practice of ‘proletarian internationalism’ was a vital dimension of the modus operandi of communist parties worldwide. It was a broadly encompassing concept
that profoundly influenced the actions of international communism’s globally scattered adherents. Nevertheless, the historiography of the Communist Party of Australia has
neglected to address sufficiently the effect exerted by proletarian internationalism on the party’s praxis. Instead, scholars have dwelt on the party’s links to the Soviet Union and have, moreover, overlooked the nuances and complexity of the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow. It is the purpose of this thesis to redress these shortfalls. Using an extensive collection of primary and secondary sources, this thesis will consider the impact of a Marxist-Leninist conception of proletarian internationalism on the policies,tactics and strategies of the Communist Party of Australia from 1928-1945. The thesis
will demonstrate that proletarian internationalism was far more than mere adherence to Moscow, obediently receiving and implementing instructions. Instead, through the lens of
this concept, we can see that the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow was flexible and nuanced and one that, in reality, often put the party at odds with the official Soviet position. In addition, we will see the extent of the influence exerted by other aspects of proletarian internationalism, such as international solidarity, the so-called national and colonial questions and the communist attitude towards war, on the
Communist Party’s praxis.