Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Grünen (Political party) – History »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Grünen (Political party) – History"
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Brzozowski-Zabost, Grzegorz. « Od ruchu protestu do partii władzy. Rozwój Zielonych w Niemczech ». Studia Ecologiae et Bioethicae 6, no 1 (31 décembre 2008) : 223–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/seb.2008.6.1.16.
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The author presents in this paper the developing process of German Green Party. In the 1970s new social movements like environmentalists, peace organizations and feminist founded political party The Greens (Die Grünen). It was an act of opposition against pollution, use of nuclear power, and some aspects of life in highly developed and industrialized society, the formal inauguration was held 1980 in West Germany. 1990 three civil rights groups in East Germany combined to form Bündnis 90, which merged with Die Grünen after long uniting process in 1993. 18 years after foundation they built together with social democrats from SPD government which lasted for two term of office between 1998 and 2005. So day there are a lot of green parties all over the world, but and the German greens are the most successful, they are an example for other green parties.
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Belov, Vladislav. « Landtag elections in Germany as an indicator of federal party and political trends ». Analytical papers of the Institute of Europe RAS, no 2 (2022) : 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/analytics21720224351.
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In March and May 2022, landtag elections were held in western German states of Saarland, Schleswig-Holstein and North Rhine-Westphalia, with results largely reflecting the developments at federal level: growing popularity of Union 90/Die Grünen, ongoing rivalry between SPD and CDU, FDP's fight for seats in regional parliaments and continuation of crisis processes in „Left“ and „Alternative for Germany“ parties. For the first time in election campaign of the two states, foreign policy played an important role, namely the factor of Ukraine. The author analyzes results of the elections and assesses their impact on federal party and political processes in Germany.
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Frankland, E. Gene. « The Role of the Greens in West German Parliamentary Politics, 1980–87 ». Review of Politics 50, no 1 (1988) : 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500036159.
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This article deals with the evolving role of the Greens (Die Grünen) in the West German political system. It focuses on the “parliamentarization” of the Greens in the Bundestag (federal parliament) and in the Landtage (state parliaments) of Baden-Württemberg, Hesse, and Hamburg. Utilizing personal interviews, parliamentary archives, opinion polls, and party documents, it considers both the impact of the Greens upon the parliamentary system and the impact of the system upon the Greens. The study finds that, despite serious situational and organizational constraints, the Greens in these parliaments have generally been a “creative” oppositional force. However, parliamentary learning experiences have contributed inevitably to the classical dilemma confronting the Greens: How can the “alternative” party become more influential in parliamentary politics without also becoming more like the established parties?
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Sen, Ronojoy. « India's Changing Political Fortunes ». Current History 112, no 751 (1 avril 2014) : 131–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2014.113.762.131.
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Kitson, Simon, et Noel Thompson. « Political Economy and the Labour Party ». Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no 58 (avril 1998) : 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3770668.
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Schlozman, Daniel, et Sam Rosenfeld. « Prophets of Party in American Political History ». Forum 15, no 4 (20 décembre 2017) : 685–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2017-0045.
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Abstract This article pursues a developmental understanding of American parties as autonomous and thick collective actors through a comparison of four key historical actors we term “prophets of party”: partisans of the nineteenth-century Party Period; Progressive reformers; mid-twentieth century liberal Democrats; and activists in and around the body popularly known as the McGovern-Fraser Commission. Leading theories portray political parties as the vehicles either of ambitious politicians or of groups eager to extract benefits from the state. Yet such analyses leave underdetermined the path from such actors’ desires for power to the parties’ wielding of it. That path is mediated by partisan forms and practices that have varied widely across institutional and cultural context. As parties search for electoral majority, they do so in the long shadow of ideas and practices, layered and accreted across time, concerning the role of parties in political life. We analyze four such prophesies, trace their layered contributions to their successors, and reflect on their legacy for contemporary party politics.
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Eckstein*, Arthur. « Not Just Another Political Party ». American Communist History 4, no 2 (décembre 2005) : 237–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14743890500389660.
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Eckstein, A. M. « Not Just Another Political Party ». American Communist History 5, no 1 (juin 2006) : 115–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14743890600763897.
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Clune, David. « Contemporary Australian Political Party Organisations ». Australian Journal of Politics & ; History 62, no 3 (septembre 2016) : 484. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12289.
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Küçükali, Can. « Discursive strategies of instrumentalizing history in mainstream Turkish political discourse ». Journal of Language and Politics 13, no 1 (28 avril 2014) : 98–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.13.1.05kuc.
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This article explores how specific narratives of the past can be functionalized/instrumentalized as discursive strategies in order to gain political power. To investigate this issue, four relevant governmental and non-governmental texts about the main opposition party in Turkey are analysed. The Republican People’s Party (CHP), which played a historic role by becoming a state party between 1923 and 1946, and which later adopted a social democratic position in the political system, has frequently been criticized by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) for its historical identity. The article illuminates how discursive strategies of argumentation, nomination and predication are used to portray the CHP as an enduring bureaucratic-militarist state party and the ways in which these strategies are functionalized by AKP politicians as well as by public intellectuals in favour of the government.
Thèses sur le sujet "Grünen (Political party) – History"
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Martin, Margaret Carol. « Virginia Party Politics and Texas Annexation ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1997. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626133.
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Gold, Irving. « Jewish political behavior : Liberalism or rational political tradition ? The 1989 Quebec election and the Equality Party ». Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/10364.
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Jewish political behavior is generally characterized as liberal. This study advances an alternative conception based on rationality and pragmatism rather than reflexive liberalism. The author argues that pragmatism can dictate either liberal or non-liberal behavior for Jews, and that behavior which departs from liberalism need not be treated as a departure from an historical trend but can be regarded as a continuation of a long tradition of pragmatism. The 1989 Quebec election, which saw the election of four Equality Party of Quebec candidates, serves as the case study. The support given to the Equality candidates by the Montreal Anglophone Jewish community is examined by way of a content analysis of several pre-election editions of The Suburban, a Montreal English weekly newspaper. The Suburban is demonstrated to have been extremely supportive of the Equality Party and overwhelmingly Jewish in content and orientation. It is argued that The Suburban served as a tool for direct and indirect Jewish support for the Equality Party.
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Steel, Adrian Mark. « Explaining changes in political party fortunes in Greater London 1918-1931 ». Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2005. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1860.
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This thesis is a case study of the party politics of Greater London 1918-193 1. First, and to place its conclusions in context, the thesis properly defines the area of Greater London with which it deals. The region, chosen so as to provide an area small enough to deal with in detail but large enough to find many types of locality within it, was becoming more of a distinct entity during the 1920s, and growing rapidly. The changes in Greater London and their political implications are examined. As a result of the Great War, the 1916-18 political realignment and related upheaval, and the franchise extension in 1918, the parties faced a new political landscape. Dealing with the three main parties in turn, the thesis looks at the tactics and machinery each employed to deal with it. It touches on both local and parliamentary electoral contests, and evaluates the success of the approaches each party took. The local and regional strategies of the parties, and what happened to them, are placed in the context of current historical debates. Case studies of particular localities within Greater London, and of the role of both the local and national press in London politics, are used to develop further specific points about political party fortunes in the 1920s. The thesis finds that different parties used similar tactics when it suited them, and varied tactics between areas to achieve the best results. Parties were each affected by internal problems and by tendencies to introspection. The thesis also finds evidence that the Labour breakthrough in Greater London in July 1945 was simmering beneath the surface in the 1920s, despite failing, for the most part, to manifest itself electorally.
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Rosenfeld, Sam Hoffmann. « A Choice, Not an Echo : Polarization and the Transformation of the American Party System ». Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11666.
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This dissertation offers an intellectual and institutional history of party polarization and ideological realignment in the postwar United States. It treats the construction of an ideologically sorted party system as a political project carried out by conscious actors within and around the Democratic and Republican parties. The work of these activists, interest groups, and political elites helped to produce, by the last decades of the twentieth century, an unpredicted and still-continuing era of strong, polarized partisanship in American politics. In tracking their work, the dissertation also account for changing ideas about the party system over time, starting with an influential postwar scholarly doctrine that cast bipartisanship as a problem for which polarization would provide the solution.History
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Carandang, Joven. « WHITE MAN'S BURDEN?" THE PARTY POLITICS OF AMERICAN IMPERIALISM : 1900-1920 ». Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2007. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/2292.
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This dissertation is an interpretive analysis of the political background of the American annexation and administration of the Philippine Islands between 1900 and 1920. It seeks to analyze the political value of supporting and opposing imperialism to American political parties and elites. Seeking to capitalize on the American victory over Spain in 1898, the Republican Party embraced the annexation of the Philippines as a way to promote an idea of rising American international power. Subsequently, their tenure in the Philippines can be analyzed as bringing industrialization to the Philippines for political gain, casting themselves in a politically popular role of nation builders and bringers of democracy. In opposing the Republicans, Democrats became anti-imperialists by default. After overcoming the initial unpopularity of that ideology, they were able to redefine it in such as way as to co-opt the original Republican successes in the Philippines. As such, the Democratic tenure in the Philippines emphasizes political gamesmanship and patronage that allowed them to effectively "steal" the credit for the democratization of the Philippines for partisan gains against the Republicans.M.A.
Department of History
Arts and Humanities
History MA
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Mutizwa-Mangiza, Shingai Price. « Political party institutionalization : a case study of Kenya ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013258.
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This thesis explores the nature and extent of political party institutionalization in Kenya. More specifically, it focuses on the four dimensions of party institutionalization, namely organizational systemness, value-infusion, decisional autonomy and reification. The study itself is largely located within the historical-institutionalist school of thought, with particular emphasis on the path dependency strand of this theoretical framework. However, the study also employs a political economy approach. It recognizes that the development trajectory of party politics in Kenya did not evolve in a vacuum but within a particular historical-institutional and political-economic context. The thesis advances the notion that those current low levels of party institutionalization that are evident in almost all parties, and the relatively peripheral role that they have in Kenya's governance can be traced to Kenya's colonial and post-colonial political history, the resource poor environment and the onset of globalization.
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Win, Kyaw Zaw. « A history of the Burma Socialist Party (1930-1964) ». School of History and Politics - Faculty of Arts, 2008. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/106.
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This dissertation seeks to demonstrate the legacy and historical significance of the Burma Socialist Party (BSP), and so, to solve major puzzles for scholars of Burmese history, particularly with regard to how the links between civilian and military groups in politics in Burma came about. Thus, this thesis addresses a major gap in the current historical literature, which has tended to underplay or ignore the role of the BSP. In so doing this work draws a wide range of interviews, archives and hitherto unused research sources, as well as the historical analyses in English and Burmese contribute. The thesis begins by examining the historical and cultural antecedents of the BSP. The party was formed as a major element of Burma’s independence movement, which developed from a core group of nationalist leaders. Among these leaders were founders and key members of the future BSP. The Peoples’ Revolutionary Party (PRP), the prewar version of the BSP, emerged in the struggle for independence and played a key role in that struggle as a core group around which the future state was founded. After the War, the BSP came out as separate party to compete with the Communist Party of Burma (CPB). The Tatmadaw played a key role in this process, and thus the process itself was a crucial turning point in Burma’s history. The BSP was the main political party after Burma’s independence in 1948. This situation can be seen through looking at the way the Anti-Fascist Peoples’ Freedom League (AFPFL) operated as the umbrella of the BSP. The BSP shaped domestic and foreign policies in the period 1948-58, and provided the basis of various forms of government, even at times of internal division. It was in these circumstances that the military aspect of Burmese politics became important. Careful examination of the sources dealing with the major political influences of the post-independence period shows that the Burmese military took their ideas from the BSP and launched their bid for power by taking over from the BSP.
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Craven, Michael John. « A Conservative Enigma : Barry Goldwater and the Republican Party, 1953-1974 ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625923.
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Campbell, Colin S. « Dead Center : Polarization and the Democratic Party, 1932-2000 ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3117.
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Polarization forced massive changes in the institutions of Washington throughout the 20th century, and the Democratic Party played a key role throughout. Under President Franklin D. Roosevelt, the Democratic Party formed the powerful New Deal coalition. The coalition faltered in the turbulent 1960s under the pressures of the Vietnam War and racial unrest. The chaotic 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago dealt the coalition a mortal wound. Young voters and activists gained an outsized voice in the party. Several crushing defeats in presidential elections followed as the party chose unelectable candidates who appealed to the passions of left-wing activists and interests. In 1992, Bill Clinton won the nomination and forced the party back to the center. Clinton’s success, however, drove the Republican Party further right as its efforts to destroy Clinton grew increasingly obsessive. The cumulative effect has been an increase in polarization and the weakening of institutions in Washington.
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Ratcliffe, Donald John. « The origins of the Second American Party System : the Ohio evidence ». Thesis, Durham University, 1985. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/7045/.
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The cleavage in voter loyalties that was to sustain the Second Party System in Ohio was created in the thirty years before 1830. Its origins are to be found in the national disputes of the 17908, which by 1802 had become involved with the issue of Ohio statehood. These early divisions were more deep-rooted than commonly assumed, dictating political behaviour for over a decade and providing political experiences that became controlling influences on later developments. However, the more immediate origin of the divisions established by the 1830s was the many-sided crisis of 1819-22, which made men look to politics for the solution of their problems, break with older loyalties and create new ones. In Ohio the demands for a non-slave-holding President and positive federal economic legislation melded into what became the National Republican and Whig parties, though a minority of Ohioans - for reasons peculiar to particular localities and particular ethnocultural groups - insisted on supporting Andrew Jackson in 1824 and subsequent years. The contest between these two groupings drew unprecedented numbers of new voters to the polls in 1828, most of whom committed themselves to Jackson, thus establishing the balanced distribution of party strength that was to persist for decades. Jackson's advantage in 1828 came from neither superior party organization nor the "rise of democracy," but from the opportunity to harness social resentments of long standing which had previously disrupted rather than reinforced party ties. Jackson's partisans could also call upon old-party loyalties that dated back to the War of 1812, and so created a party that bore some resemblance to the Jeffersonian Democrats, even if the crisis of the early 1820s had forged a nationalist opposition party far more powerful electorally in Ohio than the Federalists had ever been.
Livres sur le sujet "Grünen (Political party) – History"
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Makoto, Nishida. Strömungen in den Grünen (1980-2003) : Eine Analyse über informell-organisierte Gruppen innerhalb der Grünen. Münster : Lit, 2005.
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Makoto, Nishida. Strömungen in den Grünen (1980-2003) : Eine Analyse über informell-organisierte Gruppen innerhalb der Grünen. Münster : Lit, 2005.
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Kritik der grünen Hypermoral : Zur Politik und Ideologie von Bündnis 90/Die Grünen. Nordhausen : Verlag Traugott Bautz, 2012.
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Dalton, Russell J. The graying of the Greens ? : The changing bases of the Green Party support. Berkely, CA : Center for German and European Studies, University of California, 1993.
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Kleinert, Hubert. Aufstieg und Fall der Grünen : Analyse einer alternativen Partei. Bonn : J.H.W. Dietz, 1992.
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Mende, Silke. "Nicht rechts, nicht links, sondern vorn" : Eine Geschichte der Gründungsgrünen. München : Oldenbourg, 2011.
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Hüllen, Rudolf van. Ideologie und Machtkampf bei den Grünen : Untersuchung zur programmatischen und innerorganisatorischen Entwicklung einer deutschen "Bewegungspartei". Bonn : Bouvier, 1990.
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Kleinert, Hubert. Vom Protest zur Regierungspartei : Die Geschichte der Grünen. Frankfurt am Main : Eichborn, 1992.
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Miziniak, Wacław. Zieloni w Republice Federalnej Niemiec. Poznań : Instytut Zachodni, 1990.
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Schnieder, Frank. Von der sozialen Bewegung zur Institution ? : Die Entstehung der Partei Die Grünen in den Jahren 1978 bis 1980 : Argumente, Entwicklungen und Strategien am Beispiel Bonn/Hannover/Osnabrück. Münster : Lit, 1998.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Grünen (Political party) – History"
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Zagorin, Perez. « The Leveller Party Programme ». Dans A History of Political Thought in the English Revolution, 35–42. London : Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003383413-3.
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Pincus, Steve. « Gulliver’s Travels, Party Politics, and Empire ». Dans New Perspectives on the History of Political Economy, 131–69. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-58247-4_5.
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Carmi, Udi, et Anat Kidron. « Maccabi—From Sports Association to a Political Party ». Dans Sportgeschichte in Deutschland - Sport History in Germany, 101–24. Wiesbaden : Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-27822-9_5.
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Nasong’o, Wanjala S. « Political Consolidation and the Rise of Single-Party Authoritarianism ». Dans The Palgrave Handbook of Kenyan History, 245–56. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-09487-3_21.
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Spinner, Thomas J. « Cheddi Jagan, Forbes Burnham, and the People's Progressive Party ». Dans A Political and Social History of Guyana, 1945–1983, 17–32. New York : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429049750-2.
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Sims, Richard. « Party Cabinets, Radical Movements and the Collapse of Taisho Democracy, 1918–32 ». Dans Japanese Political History since the Meiji Renovation 1868–2000, 123–78. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-63240-4_5.
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Osman, Mohamed Nawab Mohamed. « The selected élites of a global Islamic party, a history of Hizb ut-Tahrir ». Dans Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia and Political Islam, 14–46. New York : Routledge, 2018. | Series : Asian security studies : Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351240222-2.
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Sims, Richard. « Political Party Consolidation, Oligarchic Reaction and the Emergence of New Forces, 1905–18 ». Dans Japanese Political History since the Meiji Renovation 1868–2000, 93–122. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-63240-4_4.
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Engels, Jens Ivo. « Party Financing Scandals in the History of the Federal Republic of Germany : The “Flick” Affair and CDU Donations Affair ». Dans Political Corruption and Organizational Crime, 343–55. Wiesbaden : Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-34374-3_12.
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Lähdesmäki, Tuuli. « European culture, history, and heritage as political tools in the rhetoric of the Finns Party ». Dans European Memory in Populism, 191–209. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Series : Critical heritages of Europe : Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429454813-10.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Grünen (Political party) – History"
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Warjio, Warjio, Heri Kusmanto et Yusniar Lubis. « The Problems of Political Development of Islamic Party Politics in Indonesia and Malaysia : History Review on Democration Process ». Dans Proceedings of the International Conference of Democratisation in Southeast Asia (ICDeSA 2019). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icdesa-19.2019.26.
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Foo, Farren Kaylyn, et Derric Shen Chien Ong. « Advance Injection Strategy Optimization : Maximize Benefit-Cost Ratio by Integration of Economic Spreadsheet in Excel to Assisted History Matching Using Python Scripting ». Dans Abu Dhabi International Petroleum Exhibition & Conference. SPE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/207955-ms.
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Abstract Oil prices see large fluctuations peculiarly over the last eight years due to natural disasters, political instability, and Covid-19 pandemic shock. These prompt to anxiety towards expenditure in planning and forecasting of a field development plan (FDP). Economic optimization of a reservoir under water drive can be extremely tedious and time consuming especially for complex field. Traditionally, upon completion of forecast optimization on fluid production, reservoir engineer willhand over the reservoir models to petroleum economist for economical evaluation. If the chosen development strategy is not economically viable, the model strategies will have to be updated, and continue the repetition of financial evaluation all over again. Hence, this paper established an automated workflow that diminished the dilemma on iterations obligation between simulation runs and financial reviews in searching for most efficient waterflooding strategy. The automated workflow is accomplished by bridging three tools together seamlessly utilizing python scripting. These include the cash flow economic spreadsheet model, the dynamic simulator, and an assisted uncertainty analysis tool. The process first started with defining the economic parameters such as OPEX, CAPEX, oil price, taxes, discounted rates, and other financial parameters on an annual basis in spreadsheet. The uncertainty parameters: water injection rate, maximum water cut, and injection duration will be evaluated during forecast optimization to produce project efficiency indexes: Net Present Value (NPV) and Benefit-Cost Ratio (BCR). This integration was achieved by python script that automatically creates a coding path which exchanges simulation production and economic spreadsheet data at every simulation time step and each development strategy, that require no manual intervention. The integrated economic-dynamic model workflow has successfully applied on West Malaysian field and Olympus model, a development strategy that maximize oil recovery without neglecting cost of water disposal, storage for total water produced from the reservoir. This paper successfully identified the most efficient waterflooding strategy and production constraints for each well using BCR as objective function for optimization. The optimum development scenario does have a BCR which is more than 2 which show that investment on that particular development strategy is profitable. The results also demonstrated a crucial impression that the highest oil cumulative production may not results in high BCR due to cost involvement in resolving water production and field maintenance services. This paper outlined the methodology, python scripting codes, and how integration automation works that successfully optimized an injection strategy in a development project using economic model from third-party application. The results of this automated workflow demonstrate a successful utilization of new technologies and simple customize programming knowledge that promote cross-discipline integration for enhanced work-time efficiencies in problem solving that is suitable for all reservoir model type to determine its success rate and economic viability during FDP.
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أبو الحسن اسماعيل, علاء. « Assessing the Political Ideology in the Excerpts Cited from the Speeches and Resolutions of the Former Regime After the Acts of Genocide ». Dans Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/2.
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If killing a single person is considered as a major crime that forbidden by Sharia and law at the international level and at the level of all religions and divine legislation, so what about the concept of genocide!! Here, not just an individual with a weak influence on society is killed, but thousands of individuals, that means an entire nation, a future, energy and human and intellectual capabilities that can tip the scales, and on the other hand, broken and half-dead hearts are left behind from the horrific scenes of killing they witnessed before their eyes, moreover, the massacres of genocide continues to excrete its remnants and consequences for long years and for successive generations, and it may generate grudges of revenge among generations that did not receive the adequate awareness and psychological support which are necessary to rehabilitate these generations to benefit from the tragedies and bitter experiences of life to turn them into lessons and incentives to achieve progress and advancement. Genocide is a deadly poison whose toxic effect extends from generations to others unless it is wisely controlled. Here the role of the international community and its legal, legislative and humanitarian stance from these crimes is so important and supportive. Genocide can be occurred on two levels: external and internal. As for genocide on the external level: this is what happened at the hands of foreign powers against a certain people for colonial and expansionist goals in favor of the occupier or usurper. There are many examples throughout history, such as the Ottoman and British occupations...etc Whereas genocide at the internal level, can be defined as the repressive actions that governments practice against their own people for goals that could be extremist, racist or dictatorial, such as t ""Al-Anfal"" massacre in 1988 carried out by the previous regime against the Kurds in the Kurdistan region. The number of victims amounted at one hundred thousand martyrs, most of them were innocent and unarmed people from children, women and the elderly, and also the genocide which was practiced against of the organizers of Al-Shaibania Revolution in 1991 was another example of genocide in the internal level. It is possible to deduce a third level between the external and internal levels, which is the genocide that is done at the hands of internal elements from the people of the country, but in implementation of external agendas, for example, the scenes of organized and systematic sectarian killing that we witnessed daily during (2007) and (2008), followed by dozens of bloody explosions in various regions throughout the capital, which unfortunately was practiced by the people of the country who were misguided elements in order to destabilize the security of the country and we did not know until this moment in favor of which external party!! In the three aforementioned cases, nothing can justify the act of killing or genocide, but in my personal opinion, I see that genocide at the hands of foreign forces is less drastic effects than the genocides that done at the hands of internal forces that kill their own people to impose their control and to defense their survival, from the perspective of ""the survival for the strongest, the most criminal and the most dictatorial. The matter which actually dragged the country into the abyss and the ages of darkness and ignorance. As for the foreign occupier, he remains an occupier, and it is so natural for him to be resentful and spiteful and to keep moving with the bragging theory of that (the end justifies the means) and usurping lands illegally, but perhaps recently the occupier has begun to exploit loopholes in international laws and try to gain the support of the international community and international organizations to prove the legitimacy of what has no legitimacy, in the end to achieve goals which pour into the interest of the occupiers' country and from the principle of building the happiness and well-being of the occupiers' people at the expense of the misery and injustice of other peoples!! This remains absolutely dehumanizing societal crime, but at least it has a positive side, which is maximizing economic resources and thus achieving the welfare of a people at the expense of seizing the wealth of the occupied country. This remains the goal of the occupier since the beginning of creation to this day, but today the occupation associated with the horrific and systematic killing has begun to take a new template by framing the ugliness of the crime with humanitarian goals and the worst, to exploit religion to cover their criminal acts. A good example of this is the genocide that took place at the hands of the terrorist organization ISIS, that contradictory organization who adopted the religion which forbids killing and considers it as one of the greatest sins as a means to practice the most heinous types of killing that contemporary history has witnessed!! The ""Spiker"" and ""Sinjar"" massacres in 2014 are the best evidence of this duality in the ideology of this terrorist organization. We may note that the more we advance in time, the more justification for the crimes of murder and genocide increases. For example, we all know the first crimes of genocide represented by the fall of Baghdad at the hands of the Mongol leader ""Hulagu"" in 1258. At that time, the crimes of genocide did not need justification, as they were practiced openly and insolently for subversive, barbaric and criminal goals!! The question here imposes itself: why were the crimes of genocide in the past practiced openly and publicly without need to justify the ugliness of the act? And over time, the crimes of genocide began to be framed by pretexts to legitimize what is prohibited, and to permit what is forbidden!! Or to clothe brutality and barbarism in the patchwork quilt of humanity?? And with this question, crossed my mind the following ""Aya"" from the Glorious Quran (and do not kill the soul that God has forbidden except in the right) , this an explicit ""Aya"" that prohibits killing and permits it only in the right, through the use of the exception tool (except) that permits what coming after it . But the"" right"" that God describes in the glorious Quran has been translated by the human tongues into many forms and faces of falsehood!! Anyway, expect the answer of this controversial question within the results of this study. This study will discuss the axis of (ideologies of various types and genocide), as we will analyze excerpts from the speeches of the former regime that were announced on the local media after each act of genocide or purification, as the former regime described at that time, but the difference in this study is that the analysis will be according to a scientific and thoughtful approach which is far from the personal ideology of the researcher. The analysis will be based on a model proposed by the contemporary Dutch scientist ""Teun A. Van Dijk"". Born in 1943, ""Van Dijk"" is a distinguished scholar and teaching in major international universities. He has authored many approved books as curricula for teaching in the field of linguistics and political discourse analysis. In this study, Van Dijk's Model will be adopted to analyze political discourse ideologies according to forty-one criteria. The analysis process will be conducted in full transparency and credibility in accordance with these criteria without imposing the researcher's personal views. This study aims to shed light on the way of thinking that the dictatorial regimes adopt to impose their existence by force against the will of the people, which can be used to develop peoples' awareness to understand and analyze political statements in a scientific way away from the inherited ideologies imposed by customs, clan traditions, religion, doctrine and nationalism. With accurate scientific diagnosis, we put our hand on the wounds. So we can cure them and also remove the scars of these wounds. This is what we seek in this study, diagnosis and therefore suggesting the suitable treatment "
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Grünen (Political party) – History"
1
Tymoshyk, Mykola. LONDON MAGAZINE «LIBERATION WAY» AND ITS PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF UKRAINIAN JOURNALISM ABROAD. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, février 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11057.
Texte intégralRésumé :
One of the leading Western Ukrainian diaspora journals – London «Liberation Way», founded in January 1949, has become the subject of the study for the first time in journalism. Archival documents and materials of the Ukrainian Publishing Union in London and the British National Library (British Library) were also observed. The peculiarities of the magazine’s formation and the specifics of the editorial policy, founders and publishers are clarified. A group of OUN members who survived Hitler’s concentration camps and ended up in Great Britain after the end of World War II initiated the foundation of the magazine. Until April 1951, including issue 42, the Board of Foreign Parts of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists were the publishers of the magazine. From 1951 to the beginning of 2000 it was a socio-political monthly of the Ukrainian Publishing Union. From the mid-60’s of the twentieth century – a socio-political and scientific-literary monthly. In analyzing the programmatic principles of the magazine, the most acute issues of the Ukrainian national liberation movement, which have long separated the forces of Ukrainian emigration and from which the founders and publishers of the magazine from the beginning had clearly defined positions, namely: ideology of Ukrainian nationalism, the idea of unity of Ukraine and Ukrainians, internal inter-party struggle among Ukrainian emigrants have been singled out. The review and systematization of the thematic palette of the magazine’s publications makes it possible to distinguish the following main semantic accents: the formation of the nationalist movement in exile; historical Ukrainian themes; the situation in sub-Soviet Ukraine; the problem of the unity of Ukrainians in the Western diaspora; mission and tasks of Ukrainian emigration in the context of its responsibilities to the Motherland. It also particularizes the peculiarities of the formation of the author’s assets of the magazine and its place in the history of Ukrainian national journalism.
2
Ihsan, Yilmaz, et Raja Ali M. Saleem. The nexus of religious populism and digital authoritarianism in Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), décembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0016.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Pakistan has a turbulent political history. In the seven decades since its creation, the country has faced four military-led dictatorships and another two decades under indirect military rule. Given this political trend, authoritarianism is not a novel phenomenon in the country. Digital authoritarianism, however, is a relatively new domain of oppression. This paper looks at how a political party in power and the “establishment” (military elite and its civilian collaborators) have been increasing the control of digital mediums as well as weaponizing space. This dual control and usage allow for growing digital authoritarianism. Using the case study of Imran Khan’s government (2018-2022) and its collaboration with the military establishment in enforcing digital authoritarianism, this article uses four levels of an assessment of internet governance in Pakistan (whole network level, sub-network level, proxy level, and user level). In addition, the role of Khan’s political party’s Islamist populist outlook in contributing to authoritarianism is also discussed. A lot of censorship happens around ideas of protecting Islam and Pakistan’s Muslim identity. The review also finds that the establishment uses not only religion but also ultra-nationalism and fears of foreign attacks, primarily by “Hindu” India, as means to closely surveil and curb the rights of citizens which it deems not worthy of trust. Our results find that Pakistan’s digital space is highly oppressive where ideas of religion, ontological insecurity, and nationalism are weaponized to legitimize the state’s growing authoritarianism.
3
Allan, Duncan, et Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.
4
Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail et Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia : India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
5
Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail et Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia : India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.