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1
Jokubaitis, Alvydas. « The Other Europe : Identity Problems of Central Europe ». Politeja 15, no 6(57) (13 août 2019) : 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.57.05.
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Philosophers in Central Europe are highly dependent on the Western European tradition of philosophy, while politicians in the region tend to use arguments that are often foreign to the ones used in Western Europe. The philosophical tradition of Central Europe is dependent on Western European tradition – it would be impossible to speak about any kind of distinct regional philosophical paradigm. The situation with political self‑understanding in the region is very different. The politicians in the region are aware of the various differences between the two cultural and political traditions. Today these differences have become especially clear in various disagreements between politicians from the Visegrád Group and their colleagues in Western Europe. Politicians from Central Europe propose their own understanding of the meaning of Western civilization. This phenomenon can be described as a new political Messianism. The old Messianims of the 19th century today are being replaced by new consciousness of the specific mission of the region. Conservative politicians propose an understanding of the region which is based on cultural differences from Western Europe. Various conceptions about the singular identity of the region that were developed in the ninth decade of the 20th century by Czesław Miłosz, Milan Kundera and György Konràd today are gaining a new political significance.
2
Imhoff, Roland, Ron Dotsch, Mauro Bianchi, Rainer Banse et Daniël H. J. Wigboldus. « Facing Europe ». Psychological Science 22, no 12 (14 novembre 2011) : 1583–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956797611419675.
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Individuals perceive their own group to be more typical of a shared superordinate identity than other groups are. This in-group projection process has been demonstrated with both self-report and indirect measures. The two studies reported here extend this research to the visual level, specifically, within the domain of faces. Using an innovative reverse-correlation approach, we found that German and Portuguese participants’ visual representations of European faces resembled the appearance typical for their own national identity. This effect was found even among participants who explicitly denied that one nation was more typical of Europe than the other (Study 1). Moreover, Study 2 provides experimental evidence that in-group projection is restricted to inclusive superordinate groups, as the effect was not observed for visual representations of a category (“Australian”) that did not include participants’ in-group. Implications for the in-group projection model, as well as for the applicability of reverse-correlation paradigms, are discussed.
3
Buchholz, Peter. « Religious Foundations of Group Identity in Prehistoric Europe : The Germanic Peoples ». Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 15 (1 janvier 1993) : 321–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67218.
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The purpose of this paper is to examine the role of myth as a foundation for group identity in Germanic societies. Religious foundations of group identity can, in the Germanic field in any case, only be proven with the help of written sources, and at best further confirmed or illustrated by archaeological and pictorial material.
4
Aydın-Düzgit, Senem. « European parliament ‘doing’ Europe ». Discourse analysis, policy analysis, and the borders of EU identity 14, no 1 (26 mai 2015) : 154–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.14.1.08ayd.
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This article focuses on the discourses of the main centre-right political party group (EPP-ED, EPP) in the European Parliament on Turkey’s accession to the European Union. It utilises the analytical framework of the Discourse-Historical Approach in Critical Discourse Analysis to mainly concentrate on the articulations of ‘culture’ and ‘cultural identity’ in the discussions over Turkish accession in official parliamentary debates and in-depth personal interviews with the members of this group. It is argued that a relational theorising of identity allows for analysis of the ways in which a cultural ‘Europe’ is articulated through current discussions on Turkey in the mainstream right-wing European Parliament discourse and thus reveals the cultural borders that are enacted with reference to Turkish membership within this group.
5
Mahamatov, T. M., et A. Nakova. « Objective Ground of National and Ethnic Identity as self-consciousness of an Ethnic Group ». Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 10, no 1 (3 novembre 2020) : 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2020-10-1-57-62.
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The Globalisation process and its achievements have exacerbated migration problems, creating a demographic crisis in the European Union and the Russian Federation. The authors of the article from the position of social philosophy and sociology examine the impact of the increasing migration flow from the problem regions of Asia and Africa to the more prosperous countries of Europe on the concepts of national and ethnic identity and tolerance, as well as on social capital and public trust in political leadership. The article draws attention to the borderline nature of the movement of identarism formed in the countries of Scandinavia, Western and Eastern Europe, with right-wing and extreme nationalist movements.
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Huber, Konrad J. « The Roma : Group Identity, Political Activism, and Policy Response in Post-1989 Europe ». Helsinki Monitor 4, no 3 (1993) : 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181493x00272.
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Espaliú Berdud, Carlos. « European identity : roots and scope ». Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto, no 02 (27 février 2019) : 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/ced-02-2019pp27-34.
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The current landscape of Europe requires an urgent reflection on whether a European identity exists or not, and on the consequences the answers to this question may hold. For two years, we members of the Research Group on critical issues of contemporary international society of the Faculty of Law of the International University of Catalonia, together with a number of professors from other Spanish and international universities, have attempted to provide answers to these questions. This special issue of Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto is the result of this research project. We have approached the topic from a multidisciplinary perspective, and more specifically Philosophy, History and Law. In particular, we have focused on the roots and scope of the European identity, which, once determined, can shed light on the relations between people and groups of different races, religions, cultures, etc. in Europe. Several of the authors have addressed the issue of human rights, a key element of that European identity.Published online: 27 February 2019
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Wodak, Ruth. « Language, power and identity ». Language Teaching 45, no 2 (25 mars 2011) : 215–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261444811000048.
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How are identities constructed in discourse? How are national and European identities tied to language and communication? And what role does power have – power in discourse, over discourse and of discourse? This paper seeks to identify and analyse processes of identity construction within Europe and at its boundaries, particularly the diversity of sources and forms of expression in several genres and contexts. It draws on media debates on Austrian versus Standard High German, on focus group discussions with migrants in eight European countries and on public and political debates on citizenship in the European Union which screen newly installed language tests. The analysis of different genres and publics all illustrate the complexity of national and transnational identity constructions in a globalised world. What is experienced as European or as outside of Europe is the result of multiple activities, some of them consciously planned in the sense of political, economic or cultural intervention, others more hidden, indirect, in the background. Such developments are contradictory rather than harmonious, proceeding in ‘loops’ and partial regressions (rather than in a linear, uni-directional or teleological way). Thus, an interdisciplinary approach suggests itself which accounts for diverse context-dependent discursive and social practices.
9
Guseletov, Boris. « On the Future Prospects of «Identity and Democracy» ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, no 18 (1 décembre 2020) : 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran620206673.
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This article analyzes the phenomenon of the emergence of a new pan-European political «Identity and Democracy» in the political arena of Europe. Its predecessor was the European party the «Movement for a Europe of Nations and Freedoms», MENF was formed in 2015 by a number of nationalist and far-right parties from EU member states, and the group «Europe of Nations and Freedoms» in the European Parliament, which emerged in 2015, as a result of the merger of MEPs from the «Freedom» parties from Austria and the Netherlands, «Flemish interest», Belgium, «Northern League», Italy, «Congress of the New Right», Poland and «National Front», France. In 2019, the pan-European party «Identity and Democracy» was created, which is characterized by a commitment to nationalist values and a radically Eurosceptic view of the EU’s development prospects. The author tried to identify the causes of this political force and its future prospects.
10
Shope, Bradley. « Anglo-Indian Identity, Knowledge, and Power : Western Ballroom Music in Lucknow ». TDR/The Drama Review 48, no 4 (décembre 2004) : 167–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1054204042442053.
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From the 1920s to the 1940s, Anglo-Indians relished Western popular music. For this marginalized group, this music was a way of promoting respectability. And though the music mimicked styles from America and Europe, its celebration was distinctly local
11
Plokhy, Serhii. « The “New Eastern Europe” ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 25, no 4 (novembre 2011) : 763–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411398914.
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More than twenty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the disintegration of the Soviet empire in Eastern Europe, the region is still grappling with the problem of its new identity and the choice of an appropriate name to reflect it. There has been considerable talk about a “return to Europe,” as well as the emergence of a “new Europe” and, as a consequence of the latter, the birth of a “new Eastern Europe.” Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova are often viewed as the core of the “New Eastern Europe.” These countries have recently found themselves in a unique geopolitical position, sandwiched between the extended European Union in the west and Russia in the east. They had never been thought to constitute a distinct region and thus had no established group identity. This article explores the question of whether looking at the history of Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova as that of one region can help us better understand its past and explain its current situation.
12
Canal, Cláudio W., Matheus N. Weber, Samuel P. Cibulski, Mariana S. Silva, Daniela E. Puhl, Hanspeter Stalder et Ernst Peterhans. « A Novel Genetic Group of Bovine Hepacivirus in Archival Serum Samples from Brazilian Cattle ». BioMed Research International 2017 (2017) : 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2017/4732520.
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Hepatitis C virus (HCV) (genus Hepacivirus; family Flaviviridae) is a major human pathogen causing persistent infection and hepatic injury. Recently, emerging HCV-like viruses were described infecting wild animals, such as bats and rodents, and domestic animals, including dogs, horses, and cattle. Using degenerate primers for detecting bovine pestiviruses in a 1996 survey three bovine serum samples showed a low identity with the genus Pestivirus of the Flaviviridae family. A virus could not be isolated in cell culture. The description of bovine hepaciviruses (BovHepV) in 2015 allowed us to retrospectively identify the sequences as BovHepV, with a 88.9% nucleotide identity. In a reconstructed phylogenetic tree, the Brazilian BovHepV samples grouped within the bovine HCV-like cluster in a separated terminal node that was more closely related to the putative bovine Hepacivirus common ancestor than to bovine hepaciviruses detected in Europe and Africa.
13
Volkan, Vamık D. « Refugees as the Other : Large-group identity, terrorism and border psychology ». Group Analysis 51, no 3 (27 juin 2018) : 343–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0533316418784714.
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On 27 August, 2015 two vessels with 550 migrants on board sank off the Libyan coast, and more than 400 persons were estimated to have drowned. Some credit this event as having coined the phrase ‘European refugee crisis’ that is still used to describe the present refugee situation in Europe. On 13 November 2015 a series of coordinated terrorist attacks took place in Paris and a northern suburb of the city. When a Syrian passport that belonged to an asylum seeker was found near the body of one of the gunmen, fear of Islamic State militants disguised as asylum seekers or refugees spread. This event, linked to similar tragedies that have occurred in many other countries before and since, evolved as a major symbol linking newcomers, and refugees in general, to terrorism and extreme forms of Islam. When observing newcomers and local people in different host countries, in addition to accompanying societal reactions to multiple traumas, medical problems, legal, political, financial and other practical issues and security concerns, there is always an increased investment in large-group identity by both refugees and persons in the host countries. This article does not explore the psychology of asylum seekers, immigrants or refugees. It describes what large-group identity is, how it develops and why a population’s preoccupation with physical borders increases. Its aim is to examine shared psychological processes in European countries and the United States that manifest when perception of newcomers as the dangerous Other takes place.
14
Di Mauro, Danilo, et Irena Fiket. « Debating Europe, transforming identities : assessing the impact of deliberative poll treatment on identity ». Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 47, no 3 (16 janvier 2017) : 267–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2016.26.
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Although there is a considerable amount of talk about transformative power of deliberation on identity, the debate in literature remains highly theoretical in underlying the benefits of deliberative model for EU Integration. So far, little empirical evidence is available on the actual impact of deliberation.Can deliberation enhance European identity?We specifically address this question by using deliberative polling quasi-experiment that involved random sample of 348 European citizens in 2 days deliberationon issuesof Europeanconcern.The comparison of citizens’ sense of belonging to both EU and nation states before and after deliberation, allowed us to explore the effects of deliberation on identity and further test it against the control group. The analyses show that when European citizens are enabled to deliberate on European issues beyond national borders their exclusive national identity decreases and they become more community minded. The observed transformation of identities is further analyzed in order to explore the relationship between European and national identity. The analyses indicate that even after deliberative treatment in which European identity has been activated the relationship between multiple identities remains compatible.
15
Palaver, Wolfgang. « Collective Identity and Christianity : Europe between Nationalism and an Open Patriotism ». Religions 12, no 5 (12 mai 2021) : 339. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12050339.
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Times of crisis push human beings, a clannish creature, to retreat into closed societies. Anthropologically, this can be explained with concepts such as pseudospeciation, group narcissism, or parochial altruism. Politically, the preference for closed societies results in our modern world in nationalism or imperialism. Henri Bergson’s distinction between static and dynamic religion shows which type of religion promotes such tendencies of closure and which type can facilitate the path toward open society. Bergson rejected nationalism and imperialism and opted for an open patriotism with its special relation to dynamic religion. Dynamic religion relativizes political institutions such as the state and results today in an option for civil society as the proper space where religions can and must contribute to its ethical development. It aligns more easily with a counter-state nationhood than with a state-framed nationalism. Whereas Bergson saw in Christianity the culmination of dynamic religion, a closer look shows that it can be found in all post-Axial religions. Martin Buber, Mohandas Gandhi, Leo Tolstoy, Abul Kalam Azad, and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan exemplify this claim. After World War II, Catholic thinkers such as Jacques Maritain or Robert Schuman by partly following Bergson chose patriotism over nationalism and helped to create the European Union. Today, however, a growing nationalism in Europe forces religious communities to strengthen dynamic religion in their own traditions to contribute to a social culture that helps to overcome nationalist closures. The final part provides a positive example by referring to the fraternal Catholic modernity as it culminates today in Pope Francis’ call for fraternity and his polyhedric model of globalization that connects local identity with universal concerns.
16
Chung, Eunbin, et Anna O. Pechenkina. « Group-affirmation and trust in international relations : Evidence from Ukraine ». PLOS ONE 15, no 12 (31 décembre 2020) : e0239944. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0239944.
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How can states with a history of recent armed conflict trust one another? Distrust between Ukraine and Russia aggravates security fears and limits hopes for a meaningful resolution of the bloodiest armed conflict in Europe since 1994. Hostility levels have risen dramatically between the populations of Ukraine and Russia after the events of 2013–2015. Political psychology offers two competing approaches to increase trust between the publics of different countries: appealing to an overarching, common identity above the national level vs. affirming a sense of national identity. This project asks which of these approaches increases trust towards Russia among the Ukrainian public. The study employs a survey experiment (between-subjects design) to evaluate these competing claims. The survey is to be fielded by a reputable public opinion research firm, the Kiev International Institute of Sociology, based in Ukraine.
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Gadzhimuradova, Gyulnara. « Muslims In Europe Between “European” And “Islamic” Values ». Balkan Journal of Philosophy 12, no 2 (2020) : 133–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/bjp202012216.
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A world in constant motion, in a state of migration turbulence, presents humanity with new challenges and risks. Globalization is a blessing or a tragedy for humanity, occasioning the problem of how to preserve one’s identity, remaining “one’s own among strangers” while, at the same time, not becoming “a stranger among one’s own.” Integration processes in the world today are met with resistance by multidirectional processes that encourage a critical engagement with all spheres of life in modern society in order to counteract forces of depersonalization and the disappearance of one's identity – one's self – as expressed in the preservation of one's ethnic group, culture, religion, and so on. This is especially evident in attempts at preserving identity within Muslim communities in European countries.Given the growing Muslim population in Europe, it has become obvious that “European” and “Islamic” values are opposed in the context of preserving one's own identity, which is increasingly manifested in a religious context. Europe today has become a hostage of its values, which are despised by many of the immigrants who have poured into its borders. These are tolerance, political correctness, multiculturalism, democracy, and freedom of speech, among others, which are perceived as weakness and indecision. Eastern mentality, habits, and traditions are sometimes very different from European ones. The author examines the transformation of Muslim identity and the compatibility of “European” and “Islamic” values. The article also presents the opinions of various researchers on this issue, and provides possible scenarios for the trajectory of events, given continued intercultural contact through immigration and given the stakes and state of this collision of values.
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Buzalic, Alexandru. « Religion and Identity – Anthropological Guiding Lines ». Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Theologia Reformata Transylvanica 65, no 2 (20 décembre 2020) : 196–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbtref.65.2.11.
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"The human being is homo religiosus through his ability to experience the sacred, laying special emphasis on the meaning of existence of all things, expressed afterwards in a metaphysical interpretation concealed behind symbolic-religious language. One of the most important processes of integration into reality is self-identification as a person and gaining a group identity –processes that take different shapes over the history of human existence. The formation of state entities has always been preceded by a process of creating a social identity that manifests itself through the spiritual life materialized in culture and religion. These processes have led to the birth of mediaeval states and then to the shaping of modern Europe, necessary to the deconstructions and reconstructions in the inter-war time. These processes are also visible today during cultural globalization. What we need is a critical approach on unity in diversity that characterizes humanity in history and that will shape the future evolution of humanity. Keywords: church, faith, state entities, globalization, identity, nation, religion."
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Peshkin, Vitalii Mikhailovich. « Prerequisites for the creation of Visegrád Group in the context of international political and economic situation in Europe ». Исторический журнал : научные исследования, no 4 (avril 2021) : 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.4.36045.
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The subject of this research is the historical conditions for the creation of Visegrád Group – subregional organization of the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland. The collapse of the system of pro-communist regimes in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe allowed the local dissident circles to create the “ideological” framework for subregional organization, which is based on the idea of the Central European identity. In the late 1980s, the idea of subregional cooperation in the socialist camp won support of a number of Western European countries. However, the initiative on the development regional cooperation in Central and Eastern Europe was taken over by the United States. The United States prompted the decision of the G7 member-states on the transfer of the European Commission a coordinating role in assisting Poland and Hungary as the flagships for conducting political and economic liberalization in Central and Eastern Europe. The novelty of this research consists in the analysis of attempts of subregional cooperation outside the framework of the European Economic Community in the late 1980s. Attention is also given to the previously unstudied criticism of the process of accession of the countries of Visegrád Group to the European Economic Community. Critical assessments substantiated by ineffectiveness of the programs of assisting the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, as well as by posing threats to the stability of the European Economic Community member-states due to inclusion of the former socialist countries into the united Europe. The main conclusion lies in the statement that the collapse of the socialist camp at the turn of the 1980s – 1990s actualized the pursuit of identity in the new world by the Central and Eastern European countries. The oath of European integration was selected as a universal method for solution of this problem. However, regional cooperation remained a relevant question, since rapprochement with the Western Europe alone could not eliminate all the contradictions between the countries. The cooperation between Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia became the most successful example of such cooperation and served as the prototype for creation of other subregional structures.
20
Ashley, Katherine. « Les Soirées de Médan, the Franco-Prussian War and Naturalist Group Identity ». Literature & ; History 31, no 1 (mai 2022) : 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03061973221091872.
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The Franco-Prussian War was not only a watershed in the history of Europe, it also inspired a watershed moment in French literary history: the publication of Les Soirées de Médan in 1880. The short story collection was a central text in framing a Naturalist group identity, but each of its six stories is also a scathing attack on the Franco-Prussian War and on the catastrophic French defeat. It has been argued that the myth surrounding the volume quickly eclipsed the stories themselves, but the volume's publication history shows that some of the contributors wrote their stories before a collective volume was proposed, suggesting that the critique of the war was initially as important as forming literary allegiances. This article examines the book from both angles, as a literary-historical event and as an anti-war tract. The uncomfortable relationship between the two is underscored by the many paratextual and textual absences in Les Soirées de Médan, which simultaneously conceal and draw attention to the war. It will show that the critique of the war of 1870–1871 is a necessary aspect of the public fashioning of Naturalist group identity, but that this public position-taking complicates our understanding of Naturalism as a cohesive literary movement.
21
Koefoed, L., et K. Simonsen. « "I feel Danish but..." ; : a case study on national identity formation and ambivalence ». Geographica Helvetica 68, no 3 (7 octobre 2013) : 213–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gh-68-213-2013.
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Abstract. Non-western minorities in Europe, one can argue, are experiencing particularly vulnerable processes of subjectification and identification. They are often caught between double processes of inclusion/exclusion, integration/segregation or identification/estrangement. This article explores some of the complex and ambiguous processes of identification within this group, in connection with development of the spatial identity of Danishness. It starts with a short theoretical pinning down of the figure of "the stranger'' working as a basis for the empirical analysis. Organised in three sections, each interpreting a specific narrative of identification, the analysis subsequently explores processes and problems of identity formation within a minority group increasingly designated as "strangers'' within the Danish nation state. The article concludes on the different ways in which uncertainty and ambivalence infiltrate the identity formation.
22
Erisen, Elif. « Seeking refuge in a superordinate group : Non-EU immigration heritage and European identification ». European Union Politics 18, no 1 (8 février 2017) : 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116516680301.
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The attitudes of the European Union (EU) citizens towards immigration and the impact of their national identification on attitudes towards the EU have received ample attention in the literature. However, the immigrants’ identification with Europe has not been adequately studied. This article investigates the impact of non-EU immigration heritage on European identification. Based on social identity theory and using Eurobarometer cross-sectional data, it compares the European identification of those with a first generation non-EU immigration heritage to that of EU country natives. Moreover, it focuses on salient aspects of immigrant experience such as country policies directed at reducing discrimination and personal experience of discrimination. The results show that those with non-EU immigration heritage have higher European identification compared to the natives. Furthermore, in line with social identity theory, this article shows that successful anti-discrimination policies pull immigrants towards national identification rather than European identification.
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Fayard, Nicole. « Introduction : Shakespeare and/in Europe : Connecting Voices ». Multicultural Shakespeare : Translation, Appropriation and Performance 19, no 34 (30 juin 2019) : 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2083-8530.19.01.
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Recent Shakespearean productions, just like current European crises, have highlighted the exclusionary nature of European identity. In defining the scope of this special issue, the aim of this introduction is to shift the study of Shakespeare in/and Europe away from the ideological field of “unity within diversity” and its attendant politics of negotiation and mediation. Instead, it investigates whether re-situating Shakespearean analysis within regimes of exclusionary politics and group conflict attitudes helps to generate dynamic cultural and social understandings. To what effect is Shakespeare’s work invoked in relation with the tensions inherent in European societies? Can such invocations encourage reflections on Europe as a social, political and/or cultural entity? Is it possible to conceptualize Shakespearean drama as offering an effective instrument that connects―or not―the voices of the people of Europe?
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Friedman, Francine. « The Muslim Slavs of Bosnia and Herzegovina (with Reference to the Sandžak of Novi Pazar) : Islam as National Identity ». Nationalities Papers 28, no 1 (mars 2000) : 165–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990050002498.
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The Bosnian Muslims have only fairly recently become internationally identified as a national group. As a matter of fact, Bosnia and Herzegovina itself has had until lately a low recognition value to most people not living in southeastern Europe. Indeed, to many it has become a shock to discover that a fairly large group of Muslims resides in the middle of Europe, not to mention that they have become the object of ethnonationalistic violence at the end of the twentieth century. A further seeming incongruity in the international arena is the claim by many Bosnian Muslims that they should not be confused with Muslims of the Arab-speaking world, since Bosnian Muslims are indigenous Serbo-Croatian-speaking (now Bosnian-speaking) Slavic people, just like the Serbs or Croats who have committed the recent acts of violence against them in the name of ethnic purity. The Bosnian Muslim claim that the designation “Muslim” is more a national than a religious identification is confusing to the world at large. This article will trace the formation of the Bosnian Muslim national identification and set forth the issues faced by the Bosnian Muslims in their attempts to claim and defend it.
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Waechter, Natalia. « Instrumental and cultural considerations in constructing European identity among ethnic minority groups in Lithuania in a generational perspective ». Nationalities Papers 45, no 4 (juillet 2017) : 651–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1258048.
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Research on European identity focuses mainly on majority populations in Western European countries without differentiating among specific population groups and generations, and, above all, disregarding ethnic minority groups living in Central and Eastern Europe. This paper addresses this gap by investigating the development of European identity among three ethnic minority groups in Lithuania: Belarusians, Poles, and Russians. Theoretically, the project is based on the instrumental approach, which argues that European identity is closely related to perceived benefits from “being European,” and on the cultural approach, which holds a common history, ancestry, and culture responsible for the development of European identity. Existing research has, above all, emphasized the importance of instrumental considerations. Analyzing qualitative interviews collected in the FP7 research project “ENRI-East,” the paper compares how young and adult members of ethnic minority groups construct European identity due to “instrumental” and “cultural” considerations. The results show that both instrumental and cultural considerations are relevant and further development of European identity depends on which age group or ethnic minority group an individual belongs to.
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Spiegler, Olivia, Ralf Wölfer et Miles Hewstone. « Dual Identity Development and Adjustment in Muslim Minority Adolescents ». Journal of Youth and Adolescence 48, no 10 (13 septembre 2019) : 1924–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10964-019-01117-9.
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Abstract Dual identity (e.g., strong ethnic and national identity) is a psychological resource for minority groups, but how it develops during adolescence is less clear. In this 3-wave longitudinal study, a person-oriented approach was used to examine dual identity development in a sample of 2145 Muslim adolescents (MT1 = 15 years, 51% female) in four Western European countries. The results of a growth-mixture model pointed toward four distinct developmental Classes: (1) “Dual identity”, (2) “Separation to dual identity”, (3) “Assimilation to dual identity”, and (4) “Separation”. Multiple group comparisons further showed that adolescents in Class 1 were well adjusted, but well-being (e.g., internalizing problems, life satisfaction) and health were even higher among adolescents in Class 2. Adolescents in Class 3 had consistently lower levels of well-being, and adolescents in Class 4 had lower levels of socio-cultural adjustment (e.g., problem behaviour at school, delinquent behaviour, and lack of intergroup contact). The findings underscore that most Muslim minority adolescents in Western Europe develop a dual identity, and that the developmental process, not simply the outcome, matters for adjustment.
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Aiginger, Karl, et Heinz Handler. « European Identity Politics ». Research in Applied Economics 12, no 2 (31 mai 2020) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/rae.v12i2.16841.
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Social and political sciences use the term ‘identity’ in describing a wide range of phenomena, whether these be personal explanations of self-understanding, descriptions of common interests or the shared experiences of a larger group. It has been used in the recent analyses of countries or larger communities, but also in the historical studies of very different societies in developing or industrialized countries. To make the concept more operational and open to empirical research, we dichotomize it into an inclusive versus an exclusive type. This enables us to carve out the different policy conclusions associated with each type. We then apply the concepts for analysing the emergence of European identity over the past decades, as well as its limits and recent headwinds. We present survey data on national and supranational identity and country differences concerning trust in national and European institutions. As a counterstrategy to populism and the exclusive type of identity, political observers, from scientists to members of the media, are split into suggesting either a "cordon sanitaire” to discourage voting for such ideas versus an embracement strategy by including their representatives into government, thereby controlling them or revealing their incompetence. This paper, in contrast, ventures a proactive strategy of four steps to localize the root causes of the success of populism, offering an inclusive vision for the long run, policy instruments for economic improvements and a new narrative. These concepts are linked to the strategy of the European Commission of a Green Deal and a Social Europe "striving for more”, which acts as a program to strengthen the inclusive European identity and pre-empt the renationalization requested by the exclusive type. It is much too early to analyse the COVID-19 crisis under the proposed dichotomization and the new narrative. However, the differences in the initial reactions of countries to the emerging pandemic, bashing foreign sources for its creation and misusing the crisis for a restoration of autocratic leadership on the one hand and looking for solidarity on the national as well as international level on the other, may later be attributed to the concepts of exclusion versus inclusion.
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Viktorova, Elena V., Daria A. Petrenko et Natalia V. Vlasova. « Integration processes and identity : a view of the European youth ». VESTNIK INSTITUTA SOTZIOLOGII 12, no 1 (2021) : 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/vis.2021.12.1.698.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The presented article, based on the empirical study materials, examines the concept of European identity and the attitude to the European integration of the young people in a number of the EU countries. The relevance of the study is determined by the lack of a clear definition of the concept of “European identity” in the scientific discourse, as well as the need to assess to what extent the opinion of Europeans, in particular of the younger generation, coincides with the statements of researchers in this field. The objective of this study is to determine how representatives of European youth understand European identity, to highlight its main elements and assess the impact of European integration processes on the formation of European and national identities. Students from European countries were selected as the target group of the study, since their worldview was formed in the context of a united Europe. The research was carried out within the framework of the Erasmus + Jean Monnet Project “Transformation of identities in Europe and Russia in modern conditions” (Project No. 611458-EPP-1-2019-1-RU-EPPJMO-PROJECT). In conducting the research, the in-depth interview was chosen as the main method.he results of the study showed that respondents, whilst identifying themselves as Europeans, still find their national identity more important. Among the elements of European identity, the respondents name, first of all, “European values” (mobility, freedom, democracy), as well as cultural (religion) and behavioral characteristics (love of travel). The study results are preliminary and allow us to identify the most significant trends in the formation of the modern European identity, that will serve as the basis for further research.
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Arabestani, Mehrdad. « The Mandaeans’ Religious System : From Mythos to Logos ». Iran and the Caucasus 20, no 3-4 (19 décembre 2016) : 261–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20160302.
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Mandaeans, an ethno-religious group mostly living in Iraq and Iran, are bearers of a Gnostic tradition based on the scriptures written in Madaic. As a small minority living under the threat of cultural extinction and ethnocide, Mandaeans have developed highly elaborated purification rites as the source of their group identity. The concern for group integrity is well encoded in these rituals that symbolically and practically maintain the boundaries of group identity. In a mutual relation, the rituals and Mandaean world-view comprise a cultural system characteristic of Mandaean religion. However, political instability and wars have led to the emigration of a substantive number of the Mandaeans and the formation of diasporas in Australia, Europe and North America. The Mandaean dispersion is a turning point of the people’s history. It liquefies the boundaries of group identity and puts the Mandaean identity challenge in an unprecedented paradigm. Simultaneously, it is bringing about further development in their religious system in terms of accommodation, rationalization and exegeses. These changes can be summarized as pluralism and secularization in the community, especially in the diasporas and an incipient move from mythos towards logos in the religious system.
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Gnatenko, P. I. « National Identity and Historical Memory ». Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 21, no 10 (19 novembre 2018) : 164–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1718143.
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According to a British researcher of nation phenomenon A.D. Smith, national identity is a main form of collective identity, a dominant criteria of culture and identity. That’s way the aim of the article is a clarification of two notions: national identity and historical memory.National identity has relations with national self-consciousness. National self-consciousness consists of knowledge and presentations of national community, its historical past and present, spiritual and material culture, language and national character.There are three conceptions of roots of Ukrainian national identity. The first is a chauvinistic conception. According to this conception Ukrainian nation never existed. It’s only a dialect group of Russian nation. The second is unity of three nations – Russian, Ukrainian, Belorussian and the senior brother is Russian nation and Ukrainian and Belorussian are juniors. The third conception is the autochthonous-autonomic conception (the author is M. Grushevs’ky).The autochthonic-autonomic conception has two poles of origins of Ukrainian nation. The first pole – Tripoli culture, Ukrainian nation was born in 7–2 millennium B.C. The second pole – 10–11 centuries A.C. The Illarion’s ‘Word about Law and Grace’, ‘Kyiv-Pechersky Patericum’ etc. are the basics of Ukrainian nation.In contemporary Europe we can observe reformation of the problem of national identity and rising of an ethnical factor and a historical memory. A historical memory is a complex of installations, stereotypes, habits, traditions, constant aspects of national character, national senses, their mark by social consciousness.National senses are ground of installations and stereotypes. They are emotional-psychological background of actions of a national character. National senses are a part of a political self-consciousness, a personal political culture.
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Nagan, Winston P., et Samantha R. Manausa. « The Rise of Rightwing Populism in Europe and the United States ». International Journal of Social Science Studies 6, no 10 (25 septembre 2018) : 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v6i10.3650.
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Building off of recent scholarship that has already addressed and debated the myriad causes of the contemporary rise of global populism, the authors seek to explore conceptually the inherent dynamic between identity and mass communications that enables such factors, among others, as economic inequality, systematic corruption by the “elite”, or dissatisfaction with neoliberal politics, to motivate populist trends on a global level. The authors seek to strengthen the current understanding of this trend by providing a deeper theoretical explanation for how identity and mass communications have contributed to the international political dynamic that we live in today. The authors will first provide a brief review of relevant recent scholarship on the aforementioned factors seen to be the cause of the current populism trend. They will follow by examining the history of political and group identities in order to identify the ways in which these identities form the building blocks for nationalism and xenophobia, consequences of the rise of rightwing populism. Next, the authors will explain the methods by which people or groups utilize communication to influence others and achieve power. This will include an in-depth discussion of the historical value of narratives and modern communications theories. This will provide a foundational understanding for the final section, in which the authors discuss modern techniques for influencing narratives and effectively communicating to achieve power, including different types of hacking and election-meddling. Ultimately the authors advocate for the strategic utilization of narratives to promote compassion and affection, given the lethality of a future dominated by misinformation and international interference in the democratic process.
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Kapralski, Slawomir. « Identity Building and the Holocaust : Roma Political Nationalism ». Nationalities Papers 25, no 02 (juin 1997) : 269–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408503.
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It is significant that, at a time in which violent nationalisms are re-entering the European political stage, one of the basic aims of Romani elites in the area of human rights is to be recognized as a nation, a fact marked symbolically by the attention being paid to national emblems. Of course, other issues (equal civil rights, minority rights, political representation or community development) are also among the objectives of Roma organizations (PER Report, 1992, p. 7). However, in the case of these latter issues, the question can be asked, to whom are these basic human rights to be granted? In other words, Romani elites seem to realize that the most important right for which they should strive is the right to have a commonly accepted and externally recognized self-definition as a group which should be granted consequent rights. In the present circumstances, especially in Eastern Europe, there is little doubt that the elected self-identification by the Romani people will be a national one, since this is perceived as stronger and more respectable than other identity-constructs such as ethnic minority.
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Timofeeva, O. V. « GATHERING A NATION, DEFENDING A NATION : CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE IN SEARCH OF NATIONAL IDENTITY ». Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, no 3 (30 septembre 2020) : 288–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2020-4-3-288-296.
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In recent decades, Central and Eastern Europe has been paying close attention to the construction of its own identity. Even for Poland, identification through belonging to the Catholic faith is no longer sufficient. Quite often, we can observe a model of defining own identity through dissociation from the other. In this context, the agenda on the migration issue becomes most relevant. The most acute reaction to the migration crisis is in Hungary, which, represented by Fidesz and Orban, is set to preserve its national, cultural and religious identity. The Visegrad Group, created with the aim of joint movement of Central and Eastern European countries to the European Union, after a decade from the moment of accession, by joint efforts, jointly contradicts the decisions of the European Union from the standpoint of preserving European and national values in the face of the influx of representatives of alien cultures. Hungary is demonstrating its readiness for a conflict with the EU for the sake of the national issue and its own position. Poland, following Hungary, demonstrates anti-emigrant rhetoric through the mouths of the leaders of the ruling "Law and Justice" since 2015. The solidarity rejection of the global pact in 2018 also indicates that the rhetoric of the defense of national identity from arriving foreign migrants prevailed in Eastern Europe. Poland, actively attracting labor migrants, prefers those who are close in culture and language. The attraction of compatriots is being adopted by such representatives of the region as Poland, Hungary, Romania. As a result, the author notes that the most significant for the Eastern European region of recent years is the desire to emphasize its own national identity by dissociating itself from foreign migrants and at the same time from the Western European community.
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McGarry, Aidan. « Pride parades and prejudice : Visibility of Roma and LGBTI communities in post-socialist Europe ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49, no 3 (22 juin 2016) : 269–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.002.
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This article argues that public space is important for marginalised communities in order to ensure visibility and presence in public life. Often minority groups are excluded from democratic procedures which favour majority interests and preferences. This is not to say that minority interests are incompatible with those of the majority but some marginalised groups are not anchored in public space, can suffer discriminatory treatment and lack the ability to control dominant, usually negative, ascriptions of group identity. This article explores two cases of marginalised communities and access to public space in post-socialist Europe: Roma and the LGBTI communities. Both communities have attempted to ensure their presence in public space through ‘Pride’ parades across Central and Eastern European capitals. The purpose of pride parades is to demand rights as citizens, such as equality and respect, and to ensure visibility in public life. On the one hand, visibility is important for LGBTI communities who remain relatively hidden and fear ‘coming out’. On the other hand, for Roma, who are highly visible, pride offers an opportunity to harness this visibility to challenge prevailing negative stereotypes through an affirmation of group identity.
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Kovács, Kriszta. « The Rise of an Ethnocultural Constitutional Identity in the Jurisprudence of the East Central European Courts ». German Law Journal 18, no 7 (1 décembre 2017) : 1703–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200022501.
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The recent trend in East Central European jurisprudence is that courts apply an ethnocultural understanding of identity, thereby putting European integration in peril. Although the EU is clearly committed to shared values and principles, Article 4(2) of the Treaty on European Union emphasizes that “the Union shall respect the national identities of the Member States.” Due to the recent migration flow in Europe, the Member States are currently attempting to (re)define themselves and offer a legal definition of identity. East Central European Member States, by labelling ethnocultural national identity as constitutional identity, apply Article 4(2) as a means of derogating from some of their obligations under EU law. Despite the vast literature available on national identity and its role in EU law, little attention has been paid to the recently emerging trend of judicial reinvention of identity in East Central Europe. This is what this Article offers. It focuses on the Visegrád Group, which consists of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. The Visegrád countries (V4) are united in their views on rejecting migrant relocation quotas in the EU and define their exclusionary constitutional identities accordingly. The main subject of the Article is the relevant case law of the V4 constitutional courts. These courts have the authoritative role in enforcing nation-state policies based upon ethnocultural considerations. The Article provides a comparative-analytical description of the judicial interpretations of constitutional identity in these countries based on which we can better understand the recent East Central European trend of disintegration.
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Grundy, Sue, et Lynn Jamieson. « Are We All Europeans Now ? Local, National and Supranational Identities of Young Adults ». Sociological Research Online 10, no 3 (novembre 2005) : 169–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1142.
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The continued expansion and deepening of the European Union state raises important questions about whether there will be a corresponding development of pro-supranational feeling towards Europe. This paper is based on data drawn from a European Commission (EC) funded project on the ‘Orientations of Young Men and Women to Citizenship and European Identity’. The project includes comparative surveys of ‘representative samples’ of young men and women aged 18-24 and samples of this age group on educational routes that potentially orient them to Europe beyond their national boundaries. This comparison of samples is made in paired sites with contrasting cultural and socio-political histories in terms of European affiliations and support for the European Union. The sites are: Vienna and Vorarlberg in Austria; Chemnitz and Bielefeld in East and West Germany; Madrid and Bilbao in Spain; Prague and Bratislava, the capitals of the Czech and Slovak Republics; Manchester, England and Edinburgh, Scotland in the UK. This paper examines patterns of local, national and supranational identity in the British samples in comparison to the other European sites. The typical respondent from Edinburgh and Manchester have very different orientations to their nation-state but they share a lack of European identity and disinterest in European issues that was matched only by residents of Bilbao. International comparision further demonstrates that a general correlation between levels of identification with nation-state and Europe masks a range of orientations to nation, state and Europe nurtured by a variety of geo-political contexts.
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Dustin, Moira, et Nuno Ferreira. « Improving SOGI Asylum Adjudication : Putting Persecution Ahead of Identity ». Refugee Survey Quarterly 40, no 3 (19 juillet 2021) : 315–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/rsq/hdab005.
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Abstract This article addresses the concern that decision-making in sexual orientation or gender identity (SOGI) asylum claims in Europe is often unfair, and that one way to remedy this is by improving the guidance provided to decision-makers when interpreting the Refugee Convention in respect of these claims. We begin by interrogating a number of different decision-making guidelines and models to assess whether they contribute to a fairer asylum system. We show that, for claims based on SOGI, success invariably depends on the decision-maker’s assessment as to whether a claimant is, or would be perceived in their home country to be, a member of a SOGI minority, and so belongs to a Particular Social Group. Such focus risks neglecting analysis of the actual risk of persecution. We set out our own recommendation for a fairer approach based on prioritising SOGI-specific Country of Origin Information (COI) and the risk of persecution, rather than focusing on whether applicants are ‘genuinely’ members of a SOGI minority. We argue that this will lead to fairer outcomes that are less likely to be overturned on appeal and more consistent with the Refugee Convention’s spirit and letter.
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Cárdenas, Diana. « Dual Identity, Minority Group Pressure, and the Endorsement of Minority Rights : A Study among Sunni and Alevi Muslim in Western Europe ». Journal of Social Issues 75, no 2 (8 mai 2019) : 592–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/josi.12328.
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IZENBERG, GERALD. « IDENTITY BECOMES AN ISSUE : EUROPEAN LITERATURE IN THE 1920S ». Modern Intellectual History 5, no 2 (août 2008) : 279–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244308001650.
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The meaning of “identity” in its contemporary sense of “who—or what—I am” is of relatively recent vintage. It became current as a concept of individual and group psychology only through Erik Erikson's work in the 1950s and its extension to collectivities in the social and political upheavals of the 1960s. But an important strand of European literature began calling the possibility of fixed self-definition into question in the 1920s, occasionally even deploying the word “identity” explicitly. In the work of Hermann Hesse, Virginia Woolf, Luigi Pirandello, Robert Musil, Hermann Broch and Franz Kafka, the dualistic representation of selfhood prevalent in much of prewar modernism gave way to the image of an infinitely fragmented and ontologically unfounded self not exhausted by any, or even the sum, of its many possible designations. For these authors, the events and aftermath of World War One desacralized a whole range of abstract collective identities—national or imperial citizen, cultured European, gebildete bourgeois, manly male, the spiritual “eternal feminine”—which had furnished the most deeply rooted and honored individual identities of prewar Europe. As a consequence, identity itself was undermined. The paradox of the birth of identity is that it was discovered in the negation of its very possibility.
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Rex, John. « National Identity in the Democratic Multi-Cultural State ». Sociological Research Online 1, no 2 (juillet 1996) : 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.18.
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It has been suggested that there is a crisis of national identity in the advanced welfare states of Western Europe following post-war immigration. The aim of this paper is, first of all, to clarify the concept of national identity in its application to these states prior to this immigration, secondly to analyze the concept of ethnic identity amongst immigrant ethnic groups, and, finally, to look at the kinds of institutions which have evolved to determine the relation of immigrant groups to the established national societies of settlement. The modern nation state is often thought of as part of a modernizing project in industrial societies. In this project the nation state is not thought of as being based upon a national identity, but is seen as having more universal aims. These include a modern economy, universal and uniform education and the compromise institutions of the welfare state negotiated between different classes and status groups. In some cases, on the other hand, the nation state may be established by a dominant ethnic group with its own values and institutions. In both cases the nation state will develop its own national ideology but will be corrosive of subordinate ethnicities and ethnic identities. New immigrant ethnic minorities have their own separate sense of identity. This should not however be thought of in essentialist terms as unchanging and clearly bounded. A more complex model of ethnic mobilization under conditions of migration is suggested. The response of established societies to the presence of these minorities might take one of three forms. It may involve attempts to assimilate the minorities on equal terms as citizens; it may seek to subordinate them to a dominant ethnic group as second class citizens or denizens; or, it may recognize cultural diversity in the private communal sphere while maintaining a shared public political culture. The new national identity of the host society will depend upon the outcome of processes which follow from the adoption of these different policies.
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Harris, Max, Bruce Edwards, Vamik Volkan et J. Anderson Thomson. « The psychology of Western European neo-racism ». International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 3, no 1 (1995) : 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181195x00011.
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AbstractEurope is on the verge of an unprecedented era of social, economic, and political cooperation. Yet, there is resurgent racism and xenophobia in Western Europe, and in Central and Eastern Europe many of the fragments of the old Soviet Empire have disintegrated into ethnic violence and genocidal warfare. Prejudice is the common source of this ethnic hatred, xenophobia, and racism. The Center for the Study of Mind and Human Interaction is involved in developing those concepts which will provide the links between the psychological understanding of individual human beings and how they create and sustain destructive conflict in social, political, and ethnic groups. The development of prejudice in an individual and its underlying psychological mechanisms are detailed as part of the formation of identity. The fundamental structures of prejudice are then discussed using crucial new concepts in the psychology of large group processes involved in violent group hatreds.
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Hunt, Sylvia J. « Muslim Communities in the New Europe ». American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no 2 (1 juillet 1998) : 129–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i2.2186.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Although Muslim Communities in the New Europe is long and complex, it isnot obscure, and each of its sixteen chapters can be read as a separate entity. The contributors are seventeen academics from universities in various countries ofEastern and Western Europe, as well as the three editors who are based at threeEnglish universities. A short preface is followed by the first chapter, which isalso the first part of the book, appropriately titled “Themes and Puzzles.” Theremaining chapters examine selected countries individually in Eastern andWestem Europe in parts I1 and 111, respectively. Each chapter has helpful andclear endnotes, and a useful index is also included. Tables analyzing the Muslimpopulations in East European countries are given in chapter 2 and those ofBelgium and The Netherlands in chapter 10.In the Preface, the book is described as the “final outcome of a three-year project”to “produce a coherent comparative overview of. . . the role and positionof these Muslim communities.” The material was gathered from two internationalconferences on the subject and from researchers throughout Europe.Professor Gerd NoMeman modestly states: “This volume cannot claim to becomprehensive, but. . . it is hoped that it may contribute to a better understandingof the trends and dynamics involved, and provide the basis for further work.”Chapter 1 outlines the events leadiig up to the present general situation in thenew Europe. The continent is divided into (1) Eastern Europe, where, after thecollapse of Communism at the end of the 1980s. strong nationalist and religiousfeelings erupted; and (2) Western Europe, which, during a long economic recession,absorbed a sudden large influx of migrants from African and Asian countriessuffering serious political and economic upheaval.In parts I1 and 111 the contributors seek to answer a wide range of importantquestions concerning the relationship between Muslims and non-Muslims inEurope generally and between Muslims and non-Muslim governments in particular.How significant is the influence of history, the current economy, the originsof the Muslims and the level of their adherence to Islam, local and centralgovernment policies, local customs, international relations, public opinion, andso on? How does the reaction of the younger generation of Muslims to their situationcompare with that of their parents? Throughout the studies of the selectedcountries, the fear of the perceived loss of security and identity seems to beat the root of action and reaction by both Muslims and non-Muslims. How farcan the minority and majority societies adapt to each other without either sidelosing its identity and security? Possible solutions to the problems of integratingMuslims into non-Muslim societies are suggested by some of the contributors.Chapter 2 examines the links between religion and ethnicity in EasternEurope, where Islam has been “an indigenous presence for centuries.” AlthoughIslam is independent of race, color, and language, “around the fringes of theIslamic world” it is the basis of the identity of certain groups within nationalities,such as the Bosnian Muslims and Bulgarian Pomaks.The contributors then tackle one of the puzzles, that of how to define ethnicity.They descrike the current theories, which put varying emphasis on theobjective elements of kinship, physical appearance, culture, and language, andthe subjective elements, namely, the “feeling of community” and the “representationswhich the group has of itself” (p. 28) ...
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Cocks, L. Robin M., et Leonid E. Popov. « The identity and significance of the high-latitude Early Ordovician Mediterranean brachiopod Province ». Geological Magazine 158, no 12 (12 octobre 2021) : 2187–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001675682100073x.
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AbstractDuring the Early Ordovician Epoch, the Mediterranean brachiopod Province was extensive in the higher-latitude sectors of the globe in the Southern Hemisphere. The latter was much occupied by the massive continent of Gondwana, which stretched from north of the Equator S-wards to cover the South Pole. The Mediterranean Province can be separated into two groups: Group 1, the higher-latitude fauna dominated by large linguliform brachiopods; and Group 2, which is more diverse, particularly in orthides. The large linguliform brachiopod faunas are particularly well known in southern Europe (France, Spain and Bohemia) and North Africa, and the second group in Avalonia, Chile and Argentina. The province is different from, but merges with, more diverse contemporary faunas in the lower latitudes of Gondwana to its north, although the latter contrast with other lower-latitude faunal provinces in South China, Laurentia, Siberia and elsewhere. Since the Rheic Ocean between Avalonia and Gondwana was relatively narrow during the Early Ordovician Epoch, the Avalonian brachiopods were integral parts of the Mediterranean Province, but only until end of the Dapingian Age. This paper focuses on the earlier phases of the Mediterranean Province, although the province continued until near the end of the Ordovician Period. Intermediate-latitude Baltica and some other faunas are included in new principal components and other analyses in order to compare them with the Mediterranean Province faunas. Radiation was very significant for many brachiopod taxa during the period, with first appearances of the Plectambonitoidea (Taffiidae), several orthide families (Euorthisinidae, Tarfayidae and Anamalorthidae) and the earliest endopunctate orthide, the dalmanelloid Lipanorthis.
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Aymerich, Pere, et Fabián Font. « On the identity of Opuntia elata s.l. (Cactaceae) introduced in the Mediterranean region. A taxonomic and nomenclatural update ». Mediterranean Botany Online first (14 octobre 2022) : 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/mbot.80196.
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Opuntia elata and O. monacantha are the two species of Opuntia Series Armatae traditionally accepted as naturalized in the Mediterranean region and Europe. However, a review based on the analysis of the available images and on the criteria of the most recent taxonomic proposals shows that O. elata s.s. is not present. The plants so far assigned to O. elata belong to O. bonaerensis, a clearly differentiated species, or to O. rioplatensis and O. canterae, both species similar to O. elata and recently segregated. The situation looks similar for South Africa and Australia, where the iconography shows other species of this group but not O. elata in the strict sense.
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Rubio, Luis, Joyce Soong, John Kao et Bryce W. Falk. « Geographic Distribution and Molecular Variation of Isolates of Three Whitefly-Borne Closteroviruses of Cucurbits : Lettuce Infectious Yellows Virus, Cucurbit Yellow Stunting Disorder Virus, and Beet Pseudo-Yellows Virus ». Phytopathology® 89, no 8 (août 1999) : 707–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/phyto.1999.89.8.707.
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The geographic incidence and molecular variation of three whitefly-borne closteroviruses (lettuce infectious yellows virus [LIYV], cucurbit yellow stunting disorder virus [CYSDV], and beet pseudo-yellows virus [BPYV]) were studied in cucurbits collected from several distinct geographic locations. Of 498 samples analyzed, none were found to be infected by LIYV. Sixty-nine samples collected in the Middle East and Mediterranean Europe were found infected by CYSDV, and twelve samples from Crete and Italy were infected by BPYV. Reverse-transcription poly-merase chain reaction of a portion of the heat shock protein 70 homolog coding region, followed by single-strand conformation polymorphism and nucleotide sequence analysis, was used to estimate the intra- and inter-isolate molecular variability. These analyses showed that each BPYV and CYSDV isolate was composed of a population of sequence variants with a nucleotide identity greater than 98%. CYSDV isolates could be divided into two divergent groups. Group I was only composed of isolates from Spain, Jordan, and Turkey, and group II isolates were predominantly found in Saudi Arabia. Nucleotide identity between isolates of the same group was greater than 99%, whereas identity between both groups was less than 92%. All BPYV isolates showed a nucleotide identity greater than 98%.
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SZEMAN, IOANA. « Finding a Home on Stage : A Place for Romania in Europe ? » Theatre Research International 28, no 2 (26 juin 2003) : 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883303001068.
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Home, a pioneering theatrical production in post-communist Romania, cast homeless/orphaned youth in the Youth Theatre in Bucharest. The ‘orphan problem’ has been one of the most covered topics on Romania in western media, and one of the signs of Romania's ‘backwardness’, while neglect and indifference have characterized local press coverage. The significance of the production in changing the Romanian public's perception of these young people, many of whom are from the Roma ethnic group, is analysed, as are much wider political implications. Emma Nicholson, the European Parliament rapporteur for Romania, saw Home and afterwards expressed her support for Romania's acceptance into the European Union. The production and its reception permit a tracing of the historical relationship between the performance of Romanian marginality and national identity in relation to Europe.
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Stoicheva, Maria. « The Present of the Past : The Plurality of Competing Narratives in the EU Context ». Journal of Human Values 26, no 1 (janvier 2020) : 50–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971685819890187.
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This article intends to review the relationship between European organization and diversity. Europe lives in the legacy of division of nation and ethnicity as its main source dating from the nineteenth century. Although a hyper-real Europe has emerged overcoming its deeply divided meaning, the memory of the dividing past lives in other guises. I intend to look at current lines of division (east and west, north and south, new and old, rich and poor), considered as critical fault lines in European identity formation, turning to the notion of narrative identity, which builds upon philosophical accounts of identity in terms of continuity of self and collective consciousness, thus upon the story of space-time which makes sense for the individual and for the cultural group. The focus is intended to be on the potential for cross-fitting of particular narratives and their embedding in wider narratives (political and cultural, including values), on the potential of imagining of European unity, on uniting chronicle cultures and restructuring the interaction of multiple identities on political as well as on ethical grounds. The approach is linked to perspectives from Judt, Berlin, Delanty, Garcia, Gilbert, Nikolaidis, Trenz and also refers to the so-called ‘narrative turn’ in European studies.
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Ayba, Tamara G. « ABKHAZO-ABAZIN DIASPORES ; AND "WORLD ABKHAZO-ABAZIN CONGRESS" IN EUROPE ». History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 18, no 1 (31 mars 2022) : 154–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch11154-166.
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. The article is devoted to the diasporas of the Abkhaz-Abaza (Abaza) ethnos in Europe, and to the history of the emergence of the Abkhaz-Abaza diaspora and the main centres of the consolidation of the ethnos. The issues of assimilation of the Highlanders of the Caucasus in the European states are considered. As well as the problem of the revival and preservation of the Abakhaz-Abaza language, traditional culture (apsuara, adyge khabze, traditions, customs). Reasons for the revival of ethnic identity and the establishment of contacts with the historical homeland. Also considered is the work of the public organization "World Abaza Congress" and its contribution to the consolidation of the Abkhaz-Abaza (Abaza) ethnic group abroad. What approaches is used by elders, heads of diasporas, as well as the public organization "World Abaza Congress" to preserve the Abkhaz-Abaza (Abaza) ethnos.
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Štroblová, Kateřina. « Whose Nostalgia is Ostalgia ? Post – Communist Nostalgia in Central-European Contemporary Art ». Bibliotekarz Podlaski Ogólnopolskie Naukowe Pismo Bibliotekoznawcze i Bibliologiczne 47, no 2 (10 juillet 2020) : 249–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.36770/bp.481.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper is focused on a particular group of visual artists from Poland, Hungary, and the Czech and Slovak republics dealing with the issue of memory, history and nostalgia in their work. A common feature of their art is the perception of local space in its historical connotations, the exploration of historical content, causality reception, and the time-space orientation of man. Using space, with its physical and symbolic expression, is their strategy; a specific interest is the process of searching, changing or losing the identity in a historically complicated area of Central Europe. The article examines relations between collective memory, identity and nostalgia, captured in the artistic reflection and thus mirroring the actual state of a society.
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Cumper, Peter, et Tom Lewis. « “Taking Religion Seriously” ? Human Rights and Hijab in Europe— Some Problems of Adjudication ». Journal of Law and Religion 24, no 2 (2008) : 599–627. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400001727.
Texte intégralRésumé :
It is a view widely held amongst psychologists that human beings have a basic need to create a positive social identity for themselves, either as individuals or as members of a group. In this regard, choice of dress is likely to be particularly important. A person's clothes can reveal much about their identity, in relation to their gender, class, sexual orientation, and religious beliefs. Yet what an individual wears can also attract great controversy, as evidenced by the fact that, in Europe of late, there have been few issues more controversial than that of religious dress.Today in towns and cities across Europe a significant proportion of Muslims—in particular Muslim females—have eschewed conventional western clothes in favor of garments (such as veils and headscarves) traditionally associated with Islam. With a new generation of “European Muslims” keen to cultivate a distinct identity for themselves as members of the continent's second largest religion, Islamic dress often has an “emblematic status” as a “powerful and overdetermined marker of difference.” Yet the right to wear religious dress varies significantly in Europe. In some countries there are clear restrictions on what can (or cannot) be worn in public (e.g., France and Turkey), whereas in other parts of the continent (e.g., the U.K.) young people are relatively free to wear the religious dress of their choice. Mindful of this state of affairs, the European Court of Human Rights has chosen to tread warily, letting governments retain considerable discretion in the field of religious dress. Consequently, states enjoy a wide “margin of appreciation” when determining whether their curbs on religious symbols or related garments are compatible with Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR).