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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Green movement – Germany »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Green movement – Germany"

Weil, Frederick D., et Elim Papadakis. « The Green Movement in West Germany. » Contemporary Sociology 14, n^o 3 (mai 1985) : 384. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2071366.

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Sarkar, Saral. « The Green Movement in West Germany ». Alternatives : Global, Local, Political 11, n^o 2 (avril 1986) : 219–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437548601100203.

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Glees, A. « The Green Movement in West Germany ». German History 3, n^o 1 (1 janvier 1986) : 97–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/3.1.97.

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Rovinskaya, T. « The European Green Movement in Times of Crisis : New Approaches ». Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, n^o 4 (2021) : 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2021-4-24-33.

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The article traces the ideological evolution of the European Green Movement from radical opposition to political conformism and pragmatism. Two fundamentally important moments characterize the development of “green” ideology in Europe: first, reliance on civil society and, second, an emergency/crisis as a necessary condition and impetus for development. Due to the belonging of the European ecological parties to the left wing of the traditional political spectrum, there is a convergence of political positions of the “Greens” and “Leftists” in Europe: nowadays, the party programs of the “Greens” are predominantly socio-ecological in nature. They are based on the Sustainable Development concept adopted in 1992 by the states of the world, which “reconciles” the environment with the economy. On the example of the German environmental party “Union 90/Greens”– the largest and most influential ecological party in the world – one can clearly see the development vector: from an alternative (opposition) political force to the third largest party in power (following the elections to the Bundestag in 2021), which became “the progressive force of the left-center”, the stronghold of the “green bourgeoisie”. The large-scale crisis of 2019–2021 associated with the COVID-19 pandemic played into the hands of the German Greens in the sense that it significantly contributed to a shift in priorities towards “green” politics and Green Economy in Western Europe and around the world, particularly as Germany is the main mastermind and beneficiary of the Green Deal in Europe. According to this trend, all ecological parties of Western Europe benefit from the crisis and are actually becoming parties of the political mainstream.

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Raisch, Judith, et Reimut Zohlnhöfer. « Beeinflussen Klima-Schulstreiks die politische Agenda ? Eine Analyse der Twitterkommunikation von Bundestagsabgeordneten ». Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, n^o 3 (2020) : 667–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-3-667.

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Have the school strikes for the climate (Fridays for Future (FFF) movement) affected political agenda setting in Germany? And does a MP’s party affiliation matter for how often and in what ways he or she mentions the FFF movement? These questions are answered by analyzing 78,000 Twitter tweets of 89 Members of the German Bundestag from all seven parties represented in parliament between November 2017 und April 2019 . MPs of all parties paid more attention to climate issues after the school strikes began . Moreover, and in line with the expectations of the issue ownership literature, it turns out that MPs for the Greens and the Left Party referred more often to the FFF movement in their tweets than members of the AfD, FDP, CDU, and CSU . Similarly, Green and Left MPs’ tweets about the FFF movement were more positive, encouraged followers to support the movement more often, and linked comments on the FFF movement that critiqued the government’s climate policy more frequently than members of the latter parties . The tweets of SPD MPs resembled those of Green and Left MPs .

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Richter, Saskia. « Petra Kelly, International Green Leader : On Biography and the Peace Movement as Resources of Power in West German Politics, 1979-1983 ». German Politics and Society 33, n^o 4 (1 décembre 2015) : 80–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330407.

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This article uses the biography of the activist and Green Party co-founder Petra Kelly in order to rethink the Greens' founding process and to articulate a new conception of charismatic political leadership. It shows how Kelly used her activism in the new social movements as the basis for her leadership role in the Greens, and how her ongoing work in the peace movement provided her a means of maintaining power within the nascent party during the early 1980s. By examining Kelly's contributions to the Greens' approach to politics, the article shows that she was more than just a figurehead for the new party. Most importantly, the article shows that throughout her career as an activist and politician, Kelly used her biography to establish credibility and to support her unique style of charismatic leadership. The German public's response to Kelly reveals the influence of this charismatic leadership and shows how her movement-driven and biographically informed approach, which brought personal experiences and emotions into politics, was part of a larger transformation of the political in West Germany during the 1970s and 1980s.

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Blings, Steffen. « Niche Parties and Social Movements : Mechanisms of Programmatic Alignment and Party Success ». Government and Opposition 55, n^o 2 (20 août 2018) : 220–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.18.

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AbstractNiche parties often originate in social movements, yet the latter’s role in shaping these parties has received scant attention. I argue that movement roots can help niche parties achieve both vote- and policy-seeking goals by keeping core issues salient, bolstering issue ownership and securing allies in civil society. Employing interviews with movement, as well as Green and Pirate party leaders in Sweden and Germany, I identify three mechanisms (electoral pressure, grassroots linkage, elite orientation) that lead to programmatic alignment. This article extends an emerging research agenda that highlights how social movements shape party politics and offers evidence that niche party–movement interactions open new avenues for political representation counterbalancing mainstream parties’ increasing detachment from civil society.

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Frankland, E. Gene. « Parliamentary Politics and the Development of the Green Party in West Germany ». Review of Politics 51, n^o 3 (1989) : 386–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500049743.

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This study deals with the experiences of the Greens (Die Griinen) during the 1980's as a “new” party in West German state and federal parliaments and specifically with the Green parliamentary groups' relationships with the movement-party. The founders of the Greens sought to organize as a decentralized, participatory democracy. Accordingly, they developed rules to hinder the emergence of a professionalized leadership and to restrict the autonomy of parliamentary groups. Utilizing a comparative approach, the author investigates the extent to which the Greens have become “parliamentarized” by the normalizing forces of the established system at state and federal levels. This study relates the Greens' developmental experiences to the “classic” observations of Duverger, Michels, and others about modern party development. Finally, it reviews the recent perspectives of various intraparty groups about the future of the Greens.

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Honneth, Axel. « The Political Identity of the Green Movement in Germany : Social-Philosophical Reflections ». Critical Horizons 11, n^o 1 (29 janvier 2010) : 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/crit.v11i1.5.

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Mushtaq, Shireen, Dua Hamid et Javeria Sheikh. « Securitisation of the Refugee Issue in Germany : The Far Right Challenge to Government Policies ». Malaysian Journal of International Relations 9, n^o 1 (30 décembre 2021) : 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.1.

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The refugee crisis in Germany began as the Syrian Civil war soared into a large-scale conflict. Germany adopted the Open Door Policy and allowed over a million Syrian refugees to enter. This paper focuses on the implication of this refugee crisis on German national politics. In this paper, Barry Buzan and Ole Weaver’s theory of securitisation and de-securitisation is used, they describe Securitisation as an extreme version of politicisation and de-securitisation is the process of normalising the issue. Through a case study, we assess the role of securitising actors and desecuritising actors in Germany. The securitising actors include mainly Alternative for Germany (AfD), Pegida movement, Christian Social Union (CSU), whereby they focus on securitising the refugee and migrant issue by treating it as an existential threat to Germany. As a counter narrative the desecuritising actors include the ruling party and their coalition such as the Christian Democratic Union, the Social Democratic Party, the Green Party, and the Left Party which focus on desecuritising the issue. The paper concludes, the process of securitisation has been more effective as compared to the process of desecuritisation in German national politics.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Green movement – Germany"

Lloyd, Rebecca Jane. « A green utopia : the legacy of Petra Kelly ». University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. German Studies, 2005. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2005.0140.

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[Truncated introduction] This thesis will introduce Petra Karin Kelly, former Green politician and campaigner for social justice and environmental issues to an English-speaking audience as an important figure in the development of ideas relating to ecofeminism, nonviolence, and Green politics and utopias. Kelly, born in 1947 in Germany, spent the latter half of her childhood in the United States, and attended university there before returning to Europe. While working with the European Community in Brussels, Kelly became involved in grassroots politics in Germany and was one of the co-founders of the German green party, Die Grunen, (literally: the Greens) in 1979. She was to become a formidable politician through her passion for grassroots politics, nonviolence and feminism and her excellent leadership skills. Later ostracised by the party, due in part to her inability and unwillingness to conform to party rules, Kelly worked independently, giving speeches and promoting peace and the importance of human rights. However, at the age of 44, she was murdered by her partner, Gert Bastian, who then shot himself. It should be noted that texts so far written on Petra Kelly have been essentially biographies, which, while encompassing much of her academic and political life, focus heavily upon her personal life, in particular her relationships with married men, and her long term relationship with former NATO General Gert Bastian ... Therefore, the aim of the dissertation is not to ignore the importance of personal matters, rather to ensure a professional approach towards them. For this reason, the focus of this sociopolitical and sociohistorical thesis is upon the elements of ecofeminism, nonviolence and utopia as they relate to Petra Kelly’s politics, both within her role with Die Grunen and in her political life outside of German parliament.

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Caro, Céline. « Le développement de la conscience environnementale et l’émergence de l’écologie politique dans l’espace public en France et en Allemagne, 1960-1990 ». Doctoral thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2011. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-64392.

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Ecology is a critical current of thought towards industrialized societies, which spreads throughout the Western countries in the second half of the 20th century. As a social movement, Ecologists try to set the rules of a society more respectful of the environment and the living conditions ; as a political movement, they offer a new model for society. Between 1960 and 1990, France and Germany present similarities regarding a growing sensitivity towards the environmental issues in their populations and the progressive accession of ecology to the political stage. A more detailed analysis nevertheless reveals historical, economical, social, political and institutional as well as cultural and mental characteristics peculiar to each country underlining important differences in these fields and explaining the clichés about a romantic Germany concerned with the need to preserve the biosphere and a Cartesian France ignoring the environment
L’écologie est un courant de pensée critique à l’encontre des sociétés industrialisées qui se développe dans la seconde moitié du XXème siècle en Occident. En tant que mouvement social, les écologistes cherchent à définir les règles d’une société plus respectueuse de l’environnement et du cadre de vie ; en tant que courant politique, leurs réflexions ont pour but de proposer un autre modèle de société. Entre 1960 et 1990, la France et l’Allemagne présentent des similitudes en matière de prise de conscience environnementale au sein de la population et au niveau de l’arrivée de l’écologie sur la scène politique. Une analyse comparative plus précise dévoile toutefois des caractéristiques historiques, économiques, sociales, politiques et institutionnelles ainsi que culturelles et mentales propres à chaque pays qui permettent de souligner des divergences importantes dans ces domaines et d’expliquer les clichés se rapportant à une Allemagne romantique, sensible à la protection de la biosphère, et une France cartésienne, négligente sur le plan environnemental

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Caro, Céline. « Le développement de la conscience environnementale et l'émergence de l'écologie politique dans l'espace public en France et en Allemagne, 1960-1990 ». Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030154.

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L’écologie est un courant de pensée critique à l’encontre des sociétés industrialisées qui se développe dans la seconde moitié du XXème siècle en Occident. En tant que mouvement social, les écologistes cherchent à définir les règles d’une société plus respectueuse de l’environnement et du cadre de vie ; en tant que courant politique, leurs réflexions ont pour but de proposer un autre modèle de société. Entre 1960 et 1990, la France et l’Allemagne présentent des similitudes en matière de prise de conscience environnementale au sein de la population et au niveau de l’arrivée de l’écologie sur la scène politique. Une analyse comparative plus précise dévoile toutefois des caractéristiques historiques, économiques, sociales, politiques et institutionnelles ainsi que culturelles et mentales propres à chaque pays qui permettent de souligner des divergences importantes dans ces domaines et d’expliquer les clichés se rapportant à une Allemagne romantique, sensible à la protection de la biosphère, et une France cartésienne, négligente sur le plan environnemental
Ecology is a critical current of thought towards industrialized societies, which spreads throughout the Western countries in the second half of the 20th century. As a social movement, Ecologists try to set the rules of a society more respectful of the environment and the living conditions ; as a political movement, they offer a new model for society. Between 1960 and 1990, France and Germany present similarities regarding a growing sensitivity towards the environemental issues in their populations and the progressive accession of ecology to the political stage. A more detailed analysis nevertheless reveals historical, economical, social, political and institutional as well as cultural and mental characteristics peculiar to each country underlining important differences in these fields and explaining the clichés about a romantic Germany concerned with the need to preserve the biosphere and a Cartesian France ignoring the environment

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Karampampas, Panas. « Dancing into darkness : cosmopolitanism and 'peripherality' in the Greek goth scene ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/10829.

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This thesis discusses concepts of cosmopolitism and peripherality in the Greek and wider European goth scene. The research took place primarily in Greece but extended to Germany, the United Kingdom and online as I followed the movement of Athenian goths who were searching for connectivity, hybridity and their cosmopolitan selves. In living a hybrid cosmopolitan identity, goths regularly challenge national stereotypes and transgress international boundaries. But sometimes the complexities of goth cosmopolitan identity may also contain unpalatable aspects, such as hard-core Greek or German nationalism and views that verge on xenophobia or anarchism that are seemingly at odds with the ‘open' and ‘egalitarian' persona put forward by Athenian goths. It is through performance (particularly dance) that Athenian goths choose to express their beliefs and desires, blending aspects of the contemporary goth scene with twists of ‘traditional' Greek ideas. Often performance, with all its paradoxes and hybrid contradictions, says more than words. Movement is at the centre of goth identity; the movement of ideas on social media, the physical movement of goths to overseas festivals and the exchange of opinions among goths at nightclubs in Athens all contribute to a hybrid cosmopolitan identity of a group of people who reside both on the geographical periphery of Europe and on the periphery of their own society. Goth identity is hybrid and complex with layers of peripherality being channelled toward becoming an ever-developing cosmopolitan subject. This thesis focuses on the core aspects of the goth life-project which aim for individuality, connectivity, movement and inclusivity. Being able to creatively display one's hybrid cosmopolitanism is the very essence of what it is to be goth.

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POGUNTKE, Thomas. « An alternative politics ? : the German Green Party in a comparative context ». Doctoral thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5351.

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Defence date: 25 September 1989
Examining Board: Prof. Ian Budge, University of Essex (supervisor) ; Prof. Jean Blondel, European University Institute, Florence (co-supervisor) ; Dr. Ferdinand Müller-Rommel, University of Lüneburg ; Prof. Bo Särlvik, University of Gothenburg
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

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Haynes, Dale C. « Ecology and the ballot : Green Party voting in European and national elections in Belgium, France, Germany, Great Britain and Luxembourg, 1979-1999 / ». 2002.

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Chisholm, Graham. « The West German Greens between movement and party / ». 1989. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/24895356.html.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California at Berkeley, 1989.
eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 288-311).

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Caro, Céline. « Le développement de la conscience environnementale et l’émergence de l’écologie politique dans l’espace public en France et en Allemagne, 1960-1990 : Le développement de la conscience environnementale et l’émergence de l’écologie politique dans l’espace public en France et en Allemagne, 1960-1990 ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. https://tud.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A25487.

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Ecology is a critical current of thought towards industrialized societies, which spreads throughout the Western countries in the second half of the 20th century. As a social movement, Ecologists try to set the rules of a society more respectful of the environment and the living conditions ; as a political movement, they offer a new model for society. Between 1960 and 1990, France and Germany present similarities regarding a growing sensitivity towards the environmental issues in their populations and the progressive accession of ecology to the political stage. A more detailed analysis nevertheless reveals historical, economical, social, political and institutional as well as cultural and mental characteristics peculiar to each country underlining important differences in these fields and explaining the clichés about a romantic Germany concerned with the need to preserve the biosphere and a Cartesian France ignoring the environment.
L’écologie est un courant de pensée critique à l’encontre des sociétés industrialisées qui se développe dans la seconde moitié du XXème siècle en Occident. En tant que mouvement social, les écologistes cherchent à définir les règles d’une société plus respectueuse de l’environnement et du cadre de vie ; en tant que courant politique, leurs réflexions ont pour but de proposer un autre modèle de société. Entre 1960 et 1990, la France et l’Allemagne présentent des similitudes en matière de prise de conscience environnementale au sein de la population et au niveau de l’arrivée de l’écologie sur la scène politique. Une analyse comparative plus précise dévoile toutefois des caractéristiques historiques, économiques, sociales, politiques et institutionnelles ainsi que culturelles et mentales propres à chaque pays qui permettent de souligner des divergences importantes dans ces domaines et d’expliquer les clichés se rapportant à une Allemagne romantique, sensible à la protection de la biosphère, et une France cartésienne, négligente sur le plan environnemental.

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Livres sur le sujet "Green movement – Germany"

Bahro, Rudolf. Building the Green Movement. Philadelphia : New Society Publishers, 1986.

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Building the Green movement. London : GMP, 1986.

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Sarkar, Saral K. Green-alternative politics in West Germany. Tokyo : United Nations University Press, 1993.

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John, Ferris, dir. Realism in green politics : Social movements and ecological reform in Germany. Manchester, UK : Manchester University Press, 1993.

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Donald, Schoonmaker, dir. Between protest and power : The Green Party in Germany. Boulder : Westview Press, 1992.

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Frankland, E. Gene. Between protest and power : The Green Party in Germany. Boulder : Westview Press, 1992.

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Ingolfur, Blühdorn, Krause Frank et Scharf Thomas, dir. The Green agenda : Environmental politics and policy in Germany. Keele, Staffordshire : Keele University Press, 1995.

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party), Grünen (Political, dir. Alternative politics : The German Green Party. Edinburgh : Edinburgh University Press, 1993.

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Langguth, Gerd. The Green factor in German politics : From protest movement to political party. Boulder, Colo : Westview Press, 1986.

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Langguth, Gerd. The Green factor in German politics : From protest movement to political party. Boulder, Colo : Westview Press, 1986.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Green movement – Germany"

Elster, Doris. « Eco-Schools Movement in Germany in the Light of Educational Reforms ». Dans Green Schools Globally, 169–88. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46820-0_10.

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Obermayer, Hans Peter. « The Early Homophile Movement in Germany ». Dans A Companion to Greek and Roman Sexualities, 599–612. Chichester, UK : John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118610657.ch36.

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Hernandez, Ariel Macaspac. « The Philippines as a Case Study—Populism and Institutional Activism in Transformation Processes Towards Sustainability ». Dans Taming the Big Green Elephant, 205–24. Wiesbaden : Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31821-5_10.

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AbstractThe current resurgence and reinforcement of populists in many countries has profited not only from various real or imagined crises (e.g., 2015-present refugee crisis in Europe or the caravan of migrants in Latin America heading to the United States), but also from how established political parties and polities have addressed these crises, which have disenfranchised, in a de facto manner, a significant portion of the population. Former Greek finance minister and Professor of Economics at the University of Athens, Yanis Varoufakis, notes that President Trump’s election, Brexit, and the resurgence of right-wing political parties in Germany, Austria & other countries are not new in history, but merely “a post-modern variant of the 1930s, complete with deflation, xenophobia, and divide-and-rule politics” (Varoufakis 2016). Populist movements have found and instrumentalized compelling issues, such as emission reduction, to gain political importance.

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Jungjohann, Arne. « The German Green Party : From a Broad Social Movement to a Volkspartei ». Dans Environmental Sustainability in Transatlantic Perspective, 69–90. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137334480_5.

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Richter, Saskia. « Petra Kelly : Charismatic Leadership in the German Peace Movement and Early Green Party ». Dans Leadership and Uncertainty Management in Politics, 201–16. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137439246_13.

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Horyna, Břetislav. « Prométheus například. Moc mýtu, distance a přihlížení podle Hanse Blumenberga ». Dans Filosofie jako životní cesta, 130–45. Brno : Masaryk University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9458-2019-8.

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The Study Prometheus, for example loosely follows up the central theme of Hans Blumenberg’s theory of myth and mythology, the character of Prometheus and Promethean conceptions in scientific as well as imaginative literature (poetry and drama). The aim is not an elaborate reflection of all the variations on Promethean themes that were summarized in Blumenberg’s epochal book Work on Myth (1979). The author rather selects some themes from the works on the myth about Prometheus in Classical Greek literature (Hesiod, Aeschylus) and, at the turn of modernism, in German movement Sturm und Drang (Goethe). Most attention is paid to a fictional figure known as actio per distans (action at distance, with keeping a distance) and its variations from the distance between people and gods through the distance between people to the distance of an ageing poet from spirit of the age (Zeitgeist), to which he no longer belongs.

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Simon, Barbara Levy. « Berlin’s municipal socialism : a transatlantic muse for Mary Simkhovitch and New York City ». Dans The Settlement House Movement Revisited, 35–50. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447354239.003.0003.

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This chapter follows the work of Mary Simkhovitch, a key figure in settlement houses in New York, but also a major proponent of the notion of municipalisation, a concept developed in Germany that advocated the transferal to city ownership of previously private, corporate assets. Simkhovitch was part of a group of Americans who were strongly influenced by ideas regarding social welfare that developed in Germany at the end of the 19^th Century. She sought to implement these ideas in New York by establishing the Greenwich House settlement and then serving as its headworker for 44 years. During this period, she engaged in efforts to regulate industries through the National Consumers League, spearheaded tenement reform and the creation of public housing in New York, and played a key role in efforts to expand green spaces and recreational opportunities for children, adolescents, and adults in the city.

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Lorbiecki, Marybeth. « Paths of Violence : 1939– 1945 ». Dans A Fierce Green Fire. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199965038.003.0017.

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In September 1939, Germany invaded Poland. During the dark months of 1939, 1940, and 1941, Europe exploded with tanks, bombs, and guns. The violent side of Hitler’s new German policies proved worse than Leopold had imagined possible. A letter arrived from Leopold’s host in Germany, Alfred Schottlaender. Schottlaender’s wife had turned him in to the secret police for making antiHitler comments. He had been interned both at Dachau and Buchenwald but had managed to escape to Kenya. He was writing to ask Aldo to help his brother, who was still in Germany. Leopold contacted those he knew, and a place was found in South Africa for Alfred’s brother. “My dear friend Leopold,” responded Alfred, “[You] have given me back the faith of faithfulness, truth, and friendship still existing on earth, which I nearly had lost after having lived to see such terrible disappointments in my own country which I loved so much and served all my life.” Violence seemed to be the common link between the many ways humans acted toward the land and toward each other. Leopold began to refer to conservation as a movement toward “nonviolent land use,” where changes are made gradually and carefully, keeping the land community stable. Then the exploding violence hit the States: the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941. The next day, Carl enlisted in the marines. On the edge of twenty-two, he had just begun graduate studies in wildlife ecology in Missouri. He hurried to marry Keena Rogers before leaving for combat. Luna enlisted in the army and was sent to California as an army engineer. Starker, who had married and was expecting a child, kept working, but dreaded the mail, which could carry a draft notice any day. Many of the Professor’s graduate and undergraduate students quit school to enlist. Vivian Horn resigned to do her part for the war effort. Sometime in 1942, a round robin of letters was begun between the department and those who had left. Each recipient added comments and sent the letter on to someone else.

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Hoffmann, Jürgen. « CHAPTER 5 From Cooperation to Confrontation : The Greens and the Ecology Movement in Germany ». Dans The Culture of German Environmentalism, 63–80. Berghahn Books, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781782386056-008.

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Pavlowitch, Stevan K. « Insurgents Left to their Own Devices—1942 ». Dans Hitler's New Disorder, 91–150. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197537039.003.0003.

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This chapter introduces the eminent historian and constitutional lawyer, Slobodan Jovanović, who took over a reshuffled Yugoslav government in London from General Dušan Simović. Jovanović wanted to improve the position of the government by contributing Dragoljub Mihailović's resistance to the Allied cause, while helping him obtain unity among, and loyalty from, the insurgent forces. The chapter then highlights the idea of a 'Ravna Gora movement,' which would reorganise Yugoslavia into a state with social justice and without political differences, and one where Serbs would never again be trapped under the non-Serb rule. It recounts Mihailović's campaign of total civil disobedience in Serbia and the impacts of his sabotage action on Germany. The chapter also details a power-sharing arrangement between the Italian military, Montenegrin Greens, and two sets of unionist chetniks, described as an 'Italian—Chetnik condominium' and the move of Marshall Tito's Supreme Staff and of his main force from Užice to Foča, in the highlands of south-east Bosnia following the continued risings in the country. Ultimately, the chapter analyses the outcome of the expulsion of the intelligentsia, the mass enrolment of the population in official German organisations and continued reprisals for even minor offences on the resistance in northern Slovenia.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Green movement – Germany"

Bruz, Vladimir, S�rgey Vititnev, Natalya Kozyakova et Ian Solovev. « THE ENVIRONMENTAL MOVEMENT ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE AND THE GERMANY GREEN PARTY EMERGENCE IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY. » Dans 20th International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference Proceedings SGEM 2020. STEF92 Technology, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2020/5.1/s20.102.

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Kozyakova, Natalya. « GERMAN "GREEN MOVEMENT" ECOLOGICAL DOCTRINE FOR OVERCOMING THE ECO-AND-SOCIAL RISKS ». Dans 19th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference EXPO Proceedings. STEF92 Technology, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2019/5.2/s20.052.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Green movement – Germany"

Nilsson Lewis, Astrid, Kaidi Kaaret, Eileen Torres Morales, Evelin Piirsalu et Katarina Axelsson. Accelerating green public procurement for decarbonization of the construction and road transport sectors in the EU. Stockholm Environment Institute, février 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2023.007.

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Public procurement of goods and services contributes to about 15% of global greenhouse gas emissions. In the EU, public purchasing represents 15% of its GDP, acting as a major influencer on the market through the products and services acquired by governments from the local to national levels. The public sector has a role to play in leveraging this purchasing power to achieve the best societal value for money, particularly as we scramble to bend the curve of our planet’s warming. Globally, the construction and transport sectors each represent about 12% of government procurements’ GHG emissions. Furthermore, these sectors’ decarbonization efforts demand profound and disruptive technological shifts. Hence, prioritizing these sectors can make the greatest impact towards reducing the environmental footprint of the public sector and support faster decarbonization of key emitting industries. Meanwhile, the EU committed to achieving 55% reduction in GHG emissions by 2030 compared to 1990 levels. Drastic emissions reductions are needed at an unprecedented speed and scale to achieve this goal. Green Public Procurement (GPP) is the practice of purchasing goods and services using environmental requirements, with the aim of cutting carbon emissions and mitigating environmental harm throughout the life cycle of the product or service. While the EU and many of its Member States alike have recognized GPP as an important tool to meet climate goals, the formalization of GPP requirements at the EU level or among local and national governments has been fragmented. We call for harmonization to achieve the consistency, scale and focus required to make GPP practices a powerful decarbonization tool. We surveyed the landscape of GPP in the EU, with a focus on construction and road transport. Through interviews and policy research, we compiled case studies of eight Member States with different profiles: Sweden, the Netherlands, France, Germany, Estonia, Poland, Spain and Italy. We used this information to identify solutions and best practices, and to set forth recommendations on how the EU and its countries can harmonize and strengthen their GPP policies on the path toward cutting their contributions to climate change. What we found was a scattered approach to GPP across the board, with few binding requirements, little oversight and scant connective tissue from national to local practices or across different Member States, making it difficult to evaluate progress or compare practices. Interviewees, including policy makers, procurement experts and procurement officers from the featured Member States, highlighted the lack of time or resources to adopt progressive GPP practices, with no real incentive to pursue it. Furthermore, we found a need for more awareness and clear guidance on how to leverage GPP for impactful societal outcomes. Doing so requires better harmonized processes, data, and ways to track the impact and progress achieved. That is not to say it is entirely neglected. Most Member States studied highlight GPP in various national plans and have set targets accordingly. Countries, regions, and cities such as the Netherlands, Catalonia and Berlin serve as beacons of GPP with robust goals and higher ambition. They lead the way in showing how GPP can help mitigate climate change. For example, the Netherlands is one of the few countries that monitors the effects of GPP, and showed that public procurement for eight product groups in 2015 and 2016 led to at least 4.9 metric tons of avoided GHG emissions. Similarly, a monitoring report from 2017 showed that the State of Berlin managed to cut its GHG emissions by 47% through GPP in 15 product groups. Spain’s Catalonia region set a goal of 50% of procurements using GPP by 2025, an all-electric in public vehicle fleet and 100% renewable energy powering public buildings by 2030. Drawing from these findings, we developed recommendations on how to bolster GPP and scale it to its full potential. In governance, policies, monitoring, implementation and uptake, some common themes exist. The need for: • Better-coordinated policies • Common metrics for measuring progress and evaluating tenders • Increased resources such as time, funding and support mechanisms • Greater collaboration and knowledge exchange among procurers and businesses • Clearer incentives, binding requirements and enforcement mechanisms, covering operational and embedded emissions With a concerted and unified movement toward GPP, the EU and its Member States can send strong market signals to the companies that depend on them for business, accelerating the decarbonization process that our planet requires.

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