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1
Timofeeva, Olga. « Bide Nu Æt Gode Þæt Ic Grecisc Cunne : Attitudes to Greek and the Greeks in the Anglo-Saxon Period ». Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 51, no 2 (1 décembre 2016) : 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stap-2016-0007.
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Abstract The Greeks were one of those outgroups to whom the Anglo-Saxons had reasons to look up to, because of the antiquity of their culture and the sanctity of their language, along those of the Hebrews and the Romans. Yet as a language Greek was practically unknown for most of the Anglo-Saxon period and contact with its native speakers and country extremely limited. Nevertheless, references to the Greeks and their language are not uncommon in the Anglo-Saxon sources (both Latin and vernacular), as a little less than 200 occurrences in the Dictionary of Old English (s.v. grecisc) testify. This paper uses these data, supplementing them with searches in the Dictionary of Old English Web Corpus, Brepolis Library of Latin Texts - Series A, monumenta.ch and Medieval Latin from Anglo-Saxon Sources, and analyses lexical and syntactic strategies of the Greek outgroup construction in Anglo-Saxon texts. It looks at lexemes denoting ‘Greek’ and their derivatives in Anglo-Latin and Old English, examines their collocates and gleans information on attitudes towards Greek and the Greeks, and on membership claims indexed by Latin-Greek or English-Greek code-switching, by at the same time trying to establish parallels and influences between the two high registers of the Anglo-Saxon period.
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CORCORAN, SIMON. « ROMAN LAW AND THE TWO LANGUAGES IN JUSTINIAN'S EMPIRE ». Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 60, no 1 (1 juin 2017) : 96–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/2041-5370.12049.
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Abstract This paper, reflecting Fergus Millar's work on linguistic and cultural diversity in the Roman empire, surveys the evolving relationship of Latin and Greek as languages for Roman law. Normative texts remained predominantly Latin until the completion of Justinian's codification (534), even though that was a genuinely bilingual product. However, following the already existing pattern in the Greek east, a vast corpus of Greek materials was then quickly created to teach the codification in the official law schools. Designed to aid engagement with the source-texts, these ended up superseding them. Roman legal Greek, a mixture of Latin terminology plus standardized Greek vocabulary, became stabilized. After 534, new legislation was most often in Greek, necessitating parallel Latin materials to help Latin-speaking students, although sixth-century collections of Novels (‘new laws’) were still bilingual. In practice, however, in most of Justinian's empire, a lawyer (such as Dioscorus of Aphrodito) could function with limited Latin. Soon Roman law would bifurcate into two monolingual traditions, Greek in the east, Latin in the west.
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Chew, Kathryn. « EYEING EPIPHANIES IN GREEK, LATIN, AND SANSKRIT TEXTS ». Phoenix 65, no 3-4 (2011) : 207–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2011.0052.
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Abraeva, Shakhnoza Esonovna. « Linguistic Features Of Latin And Greek Synonymous Morphemes In The Lexical System Of The French Language (Based On Medical Texts) ». American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations 03, no 05 (30 mai 2021) : 172–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/volume03issue05-33.
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This article discusses the use of medical terminology, which includes Latin and Greek terms and morphemes. Because Latin and Greek terms are becoming a major part of medical terminology. The article also states that the main function of medical terms is to express a scientific concept in one sense. Latin-Greek morphemes play an important role in the formation of medical lexicon. In addition to the most common methods of term formation, there are also some methods, the results of which are abbreviations, homonyms, synonyms, eponyms, and so on. To understand the meaning of these medical terms, we are required to become familiar with their morphology.
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Dickey, Eleanor. « COLUMNAR TRANSLATION : AN ANCIENT INTERPRETIVE TOOL THAT THE ROMANS GAVE THE GREEKS ». Classical Quarterly 65, no 2 (9 juin 2015) : 807–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838815000087.
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Among the more peculiar literary papyri uncovered in the past century are numerous bilingual texts of Virgil and Cicero, with the Latin original and a Greek translation arranged in distinctive narrow columns. These materials, variously classified as texts with translations or as glossaries, were evidently used by Greek-speaking students when they first started to read Latin literature. They thus provide a unique window into the experience of the first of many groups of non-native Latin speakers to struggle with reading the classics of Latin literature.
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Adema, Suzanne. « Geef leerlingen ruimte om de Aeneis te interpreteren ». Lampas 50, no 1 (1 janvier 2017) : 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/lam2017.1.007.adem.
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Summary The interpretation of Greek and Latin texts is one of the learning objectives of the Dutch secondary school curriculum in Greek and Latin languages and cultures. In this context, ‘interpretation’ entails both the skill to find meaning in Greek and Latin texts yourself and knowledge of existing interpretations. This article aims to combine these two aspects of interpretation when teaching Virgil’s Aeneid. I suggest that a narratological approach of space enables students to interpret the text themselves, while it subsequently enables their teachers to give insight into existing interpretations and academic discussions of the poem.
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Kuzenkov, P. « Letter of Excommunication of the Roman Legates to Patriarch Michael Cerularius : Latin text and Greek version ». Kathedra of Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, no 7 (26 novembre 2020) : 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29003/m1725.2658-7157.2020_7/7-22.
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One of the most important documents of Church history, the text of a letter with an anathema against Patriarch Michael Ceirularius, put by the Latin ambassadors led by Cardinal Humbert on the altar of Saint Sophia of Constantinople on July 16, 1054, has been preserved in Latin and Greek versions. The article presents a new complete Russian translation of the famous letter, taking into account the Greek version, as well as an analysis of the discrepancies between the Latin and Greek texts
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Barta, Andrea. « Parallel Phrases and Interaction in Greek and Latin Magical Texts. » Acta Classica Universitatis Scientiarum Debreceniensis 56 (1 septembre 2020) : 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.22315/acd/2020/2.
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Magical texts represent an inexhaustible source for the phenomena of an ancient language for special purposes. The scope of this paper is limited to the different kinds of word-borrowings in the Pannonian set of curse tablets. One-language, well written and easily readable magical texts can be difficult to understand while explicit and unambiguous wording is expected in such practical genre like curses which level at definite persons. Harmful curse tablets and protective amulets, however, can be obscure. This study aims to give a comprehensive account of the possible reasons why these texts have a cloudy style, with special outlook of parallel phrases in Greek pieces of evidence.
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Alonso Serrano, Carmelo A. « The Name ‘Palestine’ in Classical Greek Texts ». Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 20, no 2 (novembre 2021) : 146–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2021.0270.
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This article provides a contextualised exposition of classical Greek texts, in chronological order, from Herodotus to Eusebius of Caesarea (5th century BC-4th century AD), with brief biographical reviews and in which the name ‘Palestine’ appears. A Latin text by Pomponius Mela is also included for its reference to Gaza which, with the exception of the Septuagint texts, predates Arrian, Arrian of Nicomedia, a Greek historian of the Roman period, by nearly a century. The selection of classical texts explored in this article is not intended to be exhaustive; however, the exploration of these texts in connection with Palestine has never been attempted before. While avoiding historical, philosophical or literary criticism of these texts, this article focuses on the specific considerations of the name ‘Palestine’ in the classical literature.
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Formisano, Marco, et Cristiana Sogno. « Origins and Original Moments in Late Greek and Latin Texts ». Arethusa 54, no 3 (septembre 2021) : 269–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/are.2021.0008.
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Whissell-Turner, Kathleen, et Anila Fejzo. « Knowledge of Greek and Latin Roots is Related to Reading Comprehension among French-Speaking Sixth Graders ». Canadian Journal of Applied Linguistics 24, no 3 (26 novembre 2021) : 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.37213/cjal.2021.30473.
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By the end of primary school, students are confronted with expository texts known for their high proportion of domain-specific academic vocabulary words. These words usually comprise Greek or Latin roots in their internal structure. Recent findings showed that knowledge of Greek and Latin roots is related to reading comprehension. However, no study has investigated such a relationship in a francophone context. Therefore, the present study sought to measure Greek and Latin roots’ relation to reading comprehension among French 6th graders. To do so, 40 participants were administrated an experimental task on Greek and Latin roots knowledge and a reading comprehension standardized subset test. Variables related to reading comprehension, such as morphological awareness, vocabulary breadth, word reading fluency, oral comprehension, and working memory were also measured. Results showed that knowledge of Greek and Latin roots significantly predicted variation of reading comprehension. This paper discusses scientific and educational implications of this finding.
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Simonetti, Manlio. « Su Origene, Commento a Matteo 17, 1-3 ; 25-28 ». Augustinianum 54, no 2 (2014) : 401–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201454228.
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This comment concerns above all the existing relationship between the Greek text that has reached us and the ancient Latin translation of Origen’s Commentary on Matthew, analyzing two passages from the XVII book; that is, the interpretations of Mt. 21,23-27 and Mt. 22, 15-22. The Greek and Latin texts are not always consistent with one another: in most cases the Latin version abbreviates or omits some passages from the Greek, but at times it reveals typical exegetical minutiae from the origenian ratio interpretandi and absent from the incomplete Greek text available to us today, as the Author clearly points out in this study.
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Cousland, J. R. C. « Adam and Evel : Did Satan Sleep with Eve in the Greek and Latin Lives of Adam and Eve ? » Journal of Theological Studies 71, no 1 (13 mars 2020) : 134–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flaa001.
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Abstract A variety of ancient Jewish and Christian sources refer to a sexual liaison between Satan and Eve, a union that resulted in the birth of Cain. This article assembles these texts, and then considers whether the Greek and Latin Lives of Adam and Eve are also aware of this union, and whether these texts have been influenced by the tradition of the Watchers sleeping with the daughters of men. While scholars have been divided on these issues for the last century, this article determines that the Greek Life does not allude or refer to any sexual liaison. The Latin Vita (perhaps in dependence on a different archetype) could allow for the notion, but it is only Latin P that uses language pointing to a literal sexual union. These findings suggest that the Greek and Latin lives did not originally contain a sexual seduction of Eve by the devil. It was only latterly that the narratives were influenced by the Watchers’ narrative or attempts to account for Cain’s maleficent nature.
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Papanikolaou, Dimitrios. « Notes on a Gladiatorial Inscription from Plotinopolis ». Tekmeria 14 (13 mai 2019) : 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.20419.
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The paper is concerned with a new gladiatorial tombstone from Plotinopolis. The paper raises serious doubts on the text of the inscription offered by itsinitial editor (Tsoka 2015); it also pinpoints towards Sharankov’s proposal(Année Épigraphique 2014 [2017] no. 1165, 493) as the only viable solution forthe text of the inscription, citing also unnoticed parallel passages from ancientGreek inscriptions and texts as evidence substantiating the new reading of the stone (see nn. 7-9). The paper expresses also disagreement over Tsoka’s assertion that thewords λοῦδοι and Μάτερνος of the inscription are mere transcriptions into Greek letters of the Latin words ludi, Maternus – and that the name Μάτερνοςimplies Romanisation. It is argued that the Latin-derived name of a gladiator ghting in the Eastern (Greek-speaking) side of the Roman Empire is not a safe marker of Romanisation. This is demonstrated by the epigraphical evidenceattesting to the habit of Greek-speaking gladiators to adopt professionalpseudonyms, many of them (25% of all recorded cases) Latin-derived ones; thepaper argues that the name Μάτερνος is simply a Latin-derived gladiatorialpseudonym. Plutarch’s testimony further substantiates that gladiators could be ethnic Greeks or culture-Greeks (see n. 20). As far as the word λοῦδοι is concerned, the poetic declination of the word in the stone attests to the laststages in the adaptation of a Latin-derived word into a fundamentally Greek linguistic environment. The paper argues that the Latin-derived vocabulary ofthe stone (Μάτερνος, λοῦδοι) should be viewed as a further piece of evidenceattesting to the recognition on the part of the Greek-speakers of the time, that gladiation was a fundamentally Roman cultural institution, a cultural import whose onomastics and terminology could rather remain untranslated.
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Lorch, Richard. « Greek-Arabic-Latin : The Transmission of Mathematical Texts in the Middle Ages ». Science in Context 14, no 1-2 (juin 2001) : 313–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889701000114.
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During the Middle Ages many Greek mathematical and astronomical texts were translated from Greek into Arabic (ca. ninth century) and from Arabic into Latin (ca. twelfth century). There were many factors complicating the study of them, such as translation from or into other languages, redactions, multiple translations, and independently transmitted scholia. A literal translation risks less in loss of meaning, but can be clumsy. This article includes lists of translations and a large bibliography, divided into sections.
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Shaw, Brent D. « Doing It in Greek ». Studies in Late Antiquity 4, no 3 (2020) : 309–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2020.4.3.309.
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While a considerable amount of scholarly energy has been devoted to the Latin versions of the Passion and Acts of the African martyrs Perpetua and Felicitas, by comparison rather little serious attention has been devoted to the Greek translation of the narrative of their martyrdom. Such an investigation requires a focus not just on technical problems of the similarities and differences between the Greek translation and a putative Latin original, but also attention to the more strategic problem of its place in the context of translations of Latin Christian texts. Although a Greek translation could have been made soon after the first appearance of the Latin narrative, this essay argues that a more likely context for the translation and for a heightened interest in the cult of Perpetua in Italy and in the East is a much later fifth- and sixth-century one. When we consider the cultural as much as the literary “translation” of Perpetua's martyrdom, we see that the drive to exploit the images and social power of a specific group of African martyrs explains the emphasis placed on them not only in Africa (specifically at Carthage) but also in a cluster of sites at the head of the Adriatic. These particular connections logically suggest concomitant ones with the eastern Mediterranean of the Byzantine state of the fifth and sixth centuries C.E.
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Linke, Waldemar. « Ef 1,15 : Tekst krótszy czy dłuższy ? » Seminare. Poszukiwania naukowe 2020(41), no 3 (30 septembre 2020) : 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21852/sem.2020.3.01.
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The more commonly accepted version of Eph 1,15 separates faith in Jesus Christ and love for all saints. The oldest witnesses of the Greek text have a version: faith in Christ and to all saints. Some witnesses of Vetus Latina and Greek and Latin patristic texts speak for the shorter version of Eph. 1.15. The article analyzes patristic testimonies cited in support of the longer text. Exegesis in them does not confirm the presence of the faith-love dichotomy. In this way they become indirect testimonies of the shorter version. This is a practical example of the use of the criterion of explicitness.
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King, James C. « Notker der Deutsche zur Mensurberechnung der Orgelpfeifen ». American Journal of Germanic Linguistics and Literatures 2, no 1 (janvier 1990) : 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1040820700000378.
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ABSTRACTNotker's short five-section treatise De musica was written exclusively in Old High German, except for the retention of technical terms in Latin and pseudo-Greek, with De mensura fistularum organicarum being the last. In De musica Notker abandoned his practice of giving the Latin text before each part of the German translation, for the discourse was no doubt intended as a manual for organ builders, of whom Latin could not be required. In this study relevant passages from the Latin texts alternate with Notker's translation. Then the four manuscripts preserving the fifth section in full or in part are compared in their fidelity to Notker's accentuation and allophones of initial consonants. Finally, the twelve terms retained in Latin and pseudo-Greek are enumerated.
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Kraus, Matthew. « HEBRAISMS IN THE OLD LATIN VERSION OF THE BIBLE ». Vetus Testamentum 53, no 4 (2003) : 487–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853303770558185.
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AbstractRecent work on the Old Latin version of the Bible attributes Hebraisms to a hebraized Greek Vorlage. The results of this work question previous claims that the Hebraisms of the Old Latin derive from Jewish attempts to revise the Old Latin towards the Hebrew directly through Hebrew texts and Jewish exegetical traditions. This study reconsiders the evidence in favor of Hebraizations of the Old Latin from a Hebrew source and concludes that: 1. There was no translation of the Bible directly from the Hebrew into Latin prior to Jerome. 2. There was no editorial reworking of the Old Latin directly from the Hebrew. 3. Hebraisms in the Old Latin must be attributed to the Greek tradition or Jerome and his influence. 4. Since Jerome's time, interest in the Hebrew text behind the Latin also accounts for the Hebraisms found in the Old Latin. 5. Jewish communities utilized a Latin Bible borrowed from Christians after Jerome.
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Myers, Eugene N., John Lascaratos et Dimitrios Assimakopoulos. « Surgery on the larynx and pharynx in Byzantium (AD 324–1453) : Early scientific descriptions of these operations ». Otolaryngology–Head and Neck Surgery 122, no 4 (avril 2000) : 579–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1067/mhn.2000.94249.
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We present the techniques of various operations on the larynx and pharynx (incision of abscesses of the tonsils, tonsillectomy, tracheotomy, uvulectomy, and removal of foreign bodies) found in the Greek texts of Byzantine physicians. The techniques of these operations were the first to be so meticulously described and were compiled from the texts, now lost, of the ancient Greek physicians. These medical texts, which followed and enriched the Hippocratic, Hellenistic, Roman, and Galenic medical traditions, later influenced medieval European surgery, either directly through Latin translations or indirectly through works of Arab physicians.
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Nagyillés, János. « vel non legi, vel saltuatim tantum ». Antikvitás & ; Reneszánsz, no 2 (1 janvier 2018) : 193–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/antikren.2018.2.193-204.
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The Latin poems by Anna Maria van Schurman, Dutch painter, engraver, poet, and scholar are not very well known. Their Christian author confessed in her Eukleria seu Meliores Partis Electio (Eucleria, or Choosing the Better Part) she had only read Greek and Latin authors who met the demands of serious Christian morals. Close lexical study of her Latin poems prove that she actually read some other Latin texts that were not suitable for her own high moral standards.
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Capone, Alessandro. « Sulla versione latina delle Epistole a Cledonio ». Augustinianum 55, no 2 (2015) : 381–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201555227.
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This contribution focuses attention on the lexical and syntactic features of the Latin version of the Letters to Cledonius: In the passages examined it highlights the differences between the translation and the Greek text, recreates the practices and the strategies of the translator, with particular reference to the two Letters and in some cases to other of Gregory of Nazianzen's texts as reported in Laur. San Marco 584. Lastly the article evaluates the genuineness of the Latin text that was handed down and the possible supply to the constitution of the Greek text.
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Silvas, Anna M. « Rufinus' Translation Techniques in the Regula Basili ». Antichthon 37 (novembre 2003) : 71–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006647740000143x.
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Rufinus of Aquileia (c. 345-411 A.D.) is one of the most important Latin translators of Greek texts in Late Antiquity. In the summer of 397 A.D. he returned to the west, after some 25 years spent in Alexandria and Jerusalem. He brought with him a considerable library of Greek manuscripts. The first task he undertook—very shortly after his arrival—was to translate Basil of Caesarea's Asketikon, which became known in its Latin dress as the Regula Basili. This paper is dedicated to examining the translation techniques used by Rufinus in the Regula Basili.
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Pawlowski, Mary. « Thomas More’s Mis-translations of Lucian’s Cynic, Menippus, and Tyrannicide ». Moreana 47 (Number 179-, no 1-2 (juin 2010) : 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2010.47.1-2.7.
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Thomas More plainly had the ability to render Greek carefully into Latin. However, there are some places in More’s translations of three Lucianic texts where his version departs significantly from the Greek original. This article catalogues and reviews More’s “mis-translations”, aiming to provide raw data needed to answer this question: are More’s substitutions and adjustments of Lucian’s text justifiably an attempt to render Lucian’s text as accurately as possible in Latin, or, rather, was More subtly and systematically rewriting Lucian, in some limited way, to make a point of his own?
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Bartsch, Shadi. « Roman Literature : Translation, Metaphor & ; Empire ». Daedalus 145, no 2 (avril 2016) : 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00373.
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The Romans understood that translation entails transformation. The Roman term “translatio” stood not only literally for a carrying-across (as by boat) of material from one country to another, but also (metaphorically) for both linguistic translation and metaphorical transformation. These shared usages provide a lens on Roman anxieties about their relationship to Greece, from which they both transferred and translated a literature to call their own. Despite the problematic association of the Greeks with pleasure, rhetoric, and poetic language, the Roman elite argued for the possibility of translation and transformation of Greek texts into a distinctly Roman and authoritative mode of expression. Cicero's hope was that eventually translated Latin texts would replace the Greek originals altogether. In the end, however, the Romans seem to have felt that effeminacy had the last laugh.
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Uden, James. « Codeswitches in Caesar and Catullus ». Antichthon 45 (2011) : 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400000071.
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AbstractThis article analyses two texts, Caesar's Bellum Civile and Catullus' Carmen 12, as a window onto linguistic politics in mid-first century Rome. Both writers use ‘codeswitches’ between Latin and Greek as a means of indirect characterisation of the subjects of their texts. On one hand, isolated switches into Greek in Caesar's text contribute to the sense of foreignness with which Caesar polemically characterises Pompey throughout the Bellum Civile. On the other hand, Catullus' use of the word mnemosynum in his twelfth poem is part of the establishment of a sophisticated language of elite aestheticism from which the napkin-thief Asinius is pointedly excluded. Both these authors have connections to a larger first century controversy that fixated on Latin linguistic purity — a controversy in which politics and language use were inextricably linked.
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Novokhatko, Anna A. « Contemporary Metaphor Studies and Classical Texts ». Mnemosyne 74, no 4 (3 juin 2021) : 682–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-bja10109.
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Abstract This article reviews recent studies on metaphor theories applied to the classical corpus and argues that approaches from cognitive linguistics are essential for the re-interpretation of Greek and Latin texts. Its main focus are two monographs, Andreas T. Zanker’s Metaphor in Homer and Tommaso Gazzarri’s Theory and Practice of Metaphors in Seneca’s Prose. The volume of collected papers on spatial metaphors in ancient texts edited by Fabian Horn and Ciliers Breytenbach proposes that the Lakoff-Johnson approach to cognitive metaphor is productive and that mappings from empirically accessible domains construct abstract concepts in spatial models of mental activity.
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STEWART, COLUMBA. « Another Cassian ? » Journal of Ecclesiastical History 66, no 2 (avril 2015) : 372–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046914000670.
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During the last century there have been many discoveries that have reshaped our understanding of early monastic texts and their authorship. The writer of these two substantial volumes proposes new ones. In The real Cassian revisited he argues that the Latin monastic works traditionally ascribed to an early fifth-century monk named John Cassian, later resident in Gaul, are actually a medieval ‘augmented interpolated product originating in a far shorter Greek original by Cassian the Sabaite’, whom he identifies as an early sixth-century monk of Mar Saba in Palestine (The real Cassian revisited, 152; cf. A newly discovered Greek Father, p. xii). This Greek text, edited with substantial commentary in A newly discovered Greek Father, has historically been considered a condensed translation of selections from the Latin works. In reversing this view, Tzamalikos announces the ‘rediscovery’ of a forgotten Greek genius.
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Auvray·Assayas, Clara. « Quel concept grec traduit essentia ? » Chôra 18 (2020) : 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chora2020/202118/195.
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Which Greek concept is translated by essentia ? The question is raised from a methodological perspective and aims at re‑examining the Latin texts on which philologists have based the history of essentia. Neither Cicero nor Seneca used the term, because they did not need it: its philosophical meaning is fully developed only when the theological discussions about the Trinity arise. The absence of essentia in the classical period gives some useful information about the way Plato was read at Rome: thus a critical history of the Latin philosophical lexicon should contribute to a better understanding of the reception of Greek philosophy in Rome.
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Mairs, Rachel. « Hermēneis in the Documentary Record from Hellenistic and Roman Egypt : interpreters, translators and mediators in a bilingual society ». Journal of Ancient History 8, no 1 (26 mai 2020) : 50–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2019-0001.
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AbstractEgypt of the Hellenistic and Roman periods remains the most thoroughly documented multilingual society in the ancient world, because of the wealth of texts preserved on papyrus in Egyptian, Greek, Latin and other languages. This makes the scarcity of interpreters in the papyrological record all the more curious. This study reviews all instances in the papyri of individuals referred to as hermēneus in Greek, or references to the process of translation/interpreting. It discusses the terminological ambiguity of hermēneus, which can also mean a commercial mediator; the position of language mediators in legal cases in Egyptian, Greek and Latin; the role of gender in language mediation; and concludes with a survey of interpreting in Egyptian monastic communities in Late Antiquity.
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Bogdanov, Andrey Petrovich. « “Philhellenes” and “Latinists” in the XVII century : texts in the context ». Genesis : исторические исследования, no 4 (avril 2021) : 1–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.4.32317.
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This article is dedicated to the disputes on the enlightenment of Russia in the early 1680s. They emerged and continued due to the idea of Tsar Fyodor Alekseevich to open an Academy in Moscow: an autonomous university from the state and church authorities for preparing secular and religious personnel, which would teach in Polish, Greek, Latin and Russian languages. The article examines the positions of Russian and Greek Philhellenes. Some of them insisted on studying solely Greek language for preventing the distribution of knowledge in Latin and other languages. Others proved the advantage of Greek language in the educational system in all languages of science of that time. The author notes that the initiator of the Academy Sylvester Medvedev, who was later declared a “Latinist heretic”, took the second approach as the basis. The article refutes the modern attempts to change the perspective on dating, content and meaning of the primary sources, beginning with the Privilege of the Academy. The author substantiates that the Privilege was not a figment of Medvedev's imagination, but a Charter approved by the Tsar, which established the basic principles of the new university, namely the functions of faith protection were delegated by the tsar to the academic council. The implementation of measures against heresies, sorcery, etc., which were sternly formulated in the legislation, since now on required the scholars’ examination. The objections of colleagues to the “harshness” of these measures, allegedly invented by Medvedev, were associated with legal ignorance. A substantial part of the article is aimed at familiarization of the colleagues with the legal, political, cultural and literary context, which contributes to the analysis of the sources.
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Grimm-Stadelmann, Isabel. « Οἱ ἰατροὶ λέγουσι … – Erläuterungen zur anatomischen Terminologie in Περὶ τῆς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου κατασκευῆς ». Byzantinische Zeitschrift 112, no 3 (1 août 2019) : 843–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2019-0034.
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Abstract The anatomical and physiological treatise Περὶ τῆς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἀνθρώπου κατασκευῆς is characterized by a peculiarity of medical terminology which is largely unknown from comparable texts: on the one hand, anatomical terms are put into relation with corresponding terms from poetic language, on the other hand they are precisely defined by descriptions of objects of everyday use. The considerable discrepancy between the Greek original and its Latin translation is of particular interest against the background of the renaissance of Περὶ τῆς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου κατασκευῆς in the 16th century AD. The multiple versions of the Latin translation show that medical terminology in Latin language was still in an ongoing process of development, for which reason many Greek anatomical terms were inserted untranslated into the Latin text due to a lack of an adequate Latin equivalents. For this reason Περὶ τῆς τοῦ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου κατασκευῆς plays a central role in the development of anatomical terminology, but also in its becoming more and more specific and precise.
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Ramírez Trejo, Arturo E. « NOVA TELLVS : difusión, tradición y recepción de los clásicos griegos y latinos ». Nova Tellus 38, no 2 (1 août 2020) : 199–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.nt.2020.38.2.0009.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This work is the outcome of researching about the origin, content and spreading of NOVA TELLVS and also about the meaning of “spreading and reception” just from the texts of the Greek and Latin authors. Our aim here is to to display the original objectives of NOVA TELLVS and its scientific value, which helps spreading philological research within the field of Greek and Latin authors in order to keep their tradition and contribute to the reception of their values, “for every person improves his good personal and social”, as the same authors wrote. This will be clearer trough the commentaries on the first published article in NOVA TELLVS. The originality and contribution of this note is the research and analysis about the origin, content and objectives of the review in order to comprehend his scientific value in the tradition, spreading and reception of the classical Greek and Latin authors for personal and social benefit of the readers.
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Grigonytė, Gintarė, Maria Kvist, Mats Wirén, Sumithra Velupillai et Aron Henriksson. « Swedification patterns of Latin and Greek affixes in clinical text ». Nordic Journal of Linguistics 39, no 1 (7 janvier 2016) : 5–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586515000293.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Swedish medical language is rich with Latin and Greek terminology which has undergone a Swedification since the 1980s. However, many original expressions are still used by clinical professionals. The goal of this study is to obtain precise quantitative measures of how the foreign terminology is manifested in Swedish clinical text. To this end, we explore the use of Latin and Greek affixes in Swedish medical texts in three genres: clinical text, scientific medical text and online medical information for laypersons. More specifically, we use frequency lists derived from tokenised Swedish medical corpora in the three domains, and extract word pairs belonging to types that display both the original and Swedified spellings. We describe six distinct patterns explaining the variation in the usage of Latin and Greek affixes in clinical text. The results show that to a large extent affixes in clinical text are Swedified and that prefixes are used more conservatively than suffixes.
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Dascălu, Ioana-Rucsandra. « Les consonnes aspirées dans les textes latins tardifs ». Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, no 1-4 (25 septembre 2020) : 45–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
SummaryOur contribution to the Colloquium of Late and Vulgar Latin has been anticipated by previous interventions and articles written on that subject. We have been much helped by the online data of the projects PaLaFra and CoLaMer, which are offering a wide range of texts in late Latin, both historical and hagiographic.We found it hard to define aspirated consonants: they do not exist in modern languages (for instance in French), where they are called digrams or graphical groups or graphemes.In a corpus made up of late Latin texts, we have discovered words of various origins which contain aspirated consonants: the Hebrew ones are very numerous: pascha or proper names: Seth, Lamech, Iafet/Iaphet (Fredegar), Sabaoth (Passio Quirini). There are also Greek words borrowed by Latin: machi- natio, monachus, thesaurus, prophetess. The Merovingian texts (6th-8th centuries) are a real source of words containing aspirated consonants: the unadapted Frankish words of Pactus legis salicae, which occur together with latinized ones: Bothem, Rhenus, chranne. In Liber Historiae Francorum there are many names of persons and of populations which contain aspirated consonants: Chlodio, Merovechus, Childericus, Gothi. There are many hesitations in the transcription of the aspirated consonants in late Latin texts, therefore we consider our intervention a very useful one for latinists, for specialists of Old French and for romanists.
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Martin, Thomas, et David Levenson. « Akairos or Eukairos ? The Nickname of the Seleucid King Demetrius III in the Transmission of the Texts of Josephus' War and Antiquities ». Journal for the Study of Judaism 40, no 3 (2009) : 307–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006309x443495.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractAlthough modern scholars generally refer to Demetrius III as Eukairos, all the Greek manuscripts of Josephus' War and Antiquities reponed by Niese, as well as all editors since Niese, read Akairos in the three places the nickname is found. Attestations of Eukairos (Greek and Latin Table of Contents, Latin manuscripts of Antiquities, and early editions) are best explained as secondary developments in the transmission of the text. The influence of the Greek editio princeps, which unjustifiably prints Eukairos in all three places in Josephus' text, accounts for the appearance of the nickname in all editions of Josephus' works until the mid-nineteenth century and hence for its use in modern scholarship. Since Josephus is our only source for the nickname, Demetrius III should never be identified as Eukairos. If a nickname is to be used, it should either be Akairos or one (or more) of the official names found on the ruler's coinage.
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Richardson, Brian. « “Optimo humanista et greco” ». Erasmus Studies 35, no 2 (2015) : 181–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18749275-03502004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On the death of Aldus Manutius in February 1515, the Venetian diarist Marin Sanudo recorded his evaluation of the man’s achievements, praising him as a teacher and scholar and highlighting the correctness of his Latin and Greek editions and their distinctive prefaces. This article considers the rationale for the esteem shown by Sanudo, and by contemporaries such as Erasmus, for Aldus as an outstanding scholar-printer in the classical languages, examining Sanudo’s suggestions about the means by which Aldus established his business and his reputation in Venice, and the extent to which he made use of collaborations. Sanudo’s assessment has a significant limitation, however, since it omits any mention of printing in Italian. The essay goes on to compare and contrast the production of Aldus’s last year, 1514–1515, which includes vernacular texts as well as editions in Latin and Greek, with that of his early career as a printer in the 1490s, when he concentrated on editions of Greek texts. His vernacular editions had an impact no less important than that of his classical ones in the first half of the sixteenth century, and they made a major contribution to the rise of Italian vernacular scholarship.
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Stern, E. Marianne. « Ancient Glass in a Philological Context ». Mnemosyne 60, no 3 (2007) : 341–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852507x195402.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis contribution aims to reach linguists and lexicographers as well as generalists and scholars concerned with editing, commenting on, and translating Greek and Latin texts mentioning glass. The article takes the form of eleven stand-alone numbered sections, each addressing individual passages in ancient authors, in the order described below, followed by discussions of the Greek words for glass (kuanos, lithos (khutê), hualos). In particular, it proposes solutions to passages that have baffled editors of ancient texts (Hdt. 3.24; POxy. 3536); it alerts the reader to passages that have been reinterpreted in the light of advances in our understanding of ancient production techniques (Petr. Sat. 51; Plin. Nat. 36.193; Str. 16.2.25) or are placed in a novel context by recent archaeological research (Ar. Ach. 72-3; Ar. Nu. 768; Ath. 5.199f; Diocletian's Price Edict 16.1-9). In order to facilitate consultation and avoid unnecessary repetition, each section addresses one single issue while providing comprehensive background for that issue. An index of citations and Greek and Latin words guides the reader to all sections in which they are discussed; a second index lists subjects relating to ancient glass and (modern) glass terminology.
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Simpson, Dean. « The ‘Proverbia Grecorum’ ». Traditio 43 (1987) : 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900012460.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Statements in Latin concerning such topics as wisdom, truth, and virtue, attributed to the Proverbia Grecorum (less often the Parabolae Gregorum), are found in a number of early medieval manuscripts. They are of interest because of their stated connection with the Greeks, which pertains to the knowledge of Greek and Greek learning in the early medieval West, and because of the obscure vocabulary many of the proverbs contain, which relates to the study of the latinity of early medieval, especially insular, scholars. New findings concerning the origin and transmission of these statements have increased their importance because they have revealed connections between them and other important early medieval Latin texts, notably the Collectio canonum Hibernensis and certain florilegia found in the miscellaneous Collectaneum of Sedulius Scottus. The Proverbia Grecorum have been edited and studied in detail only once, by Sigmund Hellmann, in 1906. Since then new statements attributed to the Proverbia Grecorum have been found, and the characterization of early medieval Latin culture has been significantly revised. Hellmann's text, furthermore, has been found to be faulty in a number of places. Therefore, there is a need for a full re-edition and study of this proverb collection. This has been undertaken in the present work. Following this essay, which defines the current state of knowledge of the Proverbia Grecorum, there is a critical edition of all statements identified as Proverbia Grecorum. This is followed by a commentary in which parallel texts are cited, and points of linguistic interest are noted.
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de Jonge, Casper C. « The Ancient Sublime(s). A Review of The Sublime in Antiquity ». Mnemosyne 73, no 1 (20 janvier 2020) : 149–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342785.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The sublime plays an important role in recent publications on Greek and Latin literature. On the one hand, scholars try to make sense of ancient Greek theories of the sublime, both in Longinus’ On the Sublime and in other rhetorical texts. On the other hand, the sublime, in its ancient and modern manifestations presented by thinkers from Longinus to Burke, Kant and Lyotard, has proved to be a productive tool for interpreting the works of Latin poets like Lucretius, Lucan and Seneca. But what is the sublime? And how does the Greek rhetorical sublime in Longinus relate to the Roman literary sublime in Lucretius and other poets? This article reviews James I. Porter, The Sublime in Antiquity: it evaluates Porter’s innovative approach to the ancient sublime, and considers the ways in which it might change our understanding of an important, but somewhat enigmatic concept.
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Mullen, Alex, et Coline Ruiz Darasse. « Gaulish ». Palaeohispanica. Revista sobre lenguas y culturas de la Hispania Antigua, no 20 (1 mai 2020) : 749–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.36707/palaeohispanica.v0i20.383.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Gaulish is a language in the Celtic language family, documented in Gaul (France and surrounding territories) from around the 2nd century BC and through the Roman period. This idiom is presented primarily in Greek (Gallo-Greek) and Latin (Gallo-Latin) script, with a small number of Gaulish texts also attested in Etruscan alphabet in Italy (Gallo-Etruscan) and Gaulish names in Iberian script. In this article we detail our knowledge of the linguistic content, context and classification of Gaulish, and consider the epigraphic corpus, naming practices, writing systems and the cultural interactions that shape this material. Finally, we discuss the future challenges for the study of Gaulish and some of the work that is underway which will drive our research in the 21st century.
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Gatzke, Andrea F. « THE GATE COMPLEX OF PLANCIA MAGNA IN PERGE : A CASE STUDY IN READING BILINGUAL SPACE ». Classical Quarterly 70, no 1 (mai 2020) : 385–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000324.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Urban landscapes in the Roman world were covered in written text, from monumental building inscriptions to smaller, more personal texts of individual accomplishment and commemoration. In the East, Greek dominated these written landscapes, but Latin also appeared with some frequency, especially in places where a larger Roman audience was expected, such as major cities and Roman colonies. When Latin and Greek appear alongside each other, whether in the same inscription or across a single monumental space, we might ask what benefits the sponsor of the monument hoped to gain from such a bilingual presentation, and whether each language was serving the same function. This paper considers the monumental entrance to the Pamphylian city of Perge as a case study for exploring this relationship between bilingual inscriptions and civic space. By surveying the display of both Greek and Latin on this entrance, examining how the entrance interacted with the broader linguistic landscape of Perge, and considering the effects that each language would have had on the viewer, I show that the use of language, and the variation between the languages, served not only to communicate membership in both Greek and Roman societies but also to delineate civic space from imperial space, both physically and symbolically.
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Golovnina, Natalia. « Pakhomian texts of russian Philokalia ». St. Tikhons' University Review. Series III. Philology 73 (30 décembre 2022) : 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturiii202273.37-48.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines the issue of collecting and translating ascetic literature into Slavic and Russian languages in the 18–19 centuries using the example of the Pakhomian corpus of texts. Comparative analysis of the composition of the Greek Philokalia and the Russian Philokalia – the latter is considered not just as an ascetic five-volume book prepared for publication by st. Feofan the Recluse, but as a systematic translation activity that united several generations, and thanks to which there was a flourishing of monasticism and the resumption of eldrship in Russia. The reasons for the differences in the composition of Greek and Russian Philokalia are also considered, in particular, the interest not only in Hesychast literature, but also in monastic statutes, primarily in the tradition of Egyptian cenobitic monasticism, which was initiated by st. Pachomium. Based on the correspondence of the participants, the circumstances of the work on the texts of the Pachomian circle are traced: Pachomius the Great, his predecessor Orsicius and John Cassian the Roman. The collected material and analysis of individual translation principles of this period allows us to speak about the wide interest in Russia in the history of monasticism, about the good knowledge of European patristic publications when choosing texts for translation, about the high level of Latin language proficiency and the exceptional importance of the results achieved, which will never lose their significance, as they serve as evidence of the time of flowering on Russian soil translation activities.
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Levenson, David B., et Thomas R. Martin. « The Latin Translations of Josephus on Jesus, John the Baptist, and James : Critical Texts of the Latin Translation of the Antiquities and Rufinus’ Translation of Eusebius’ Ecclesiastical History Based on Manuscripts and Early Printed Editions ». Journal for the Study of Judaism 45, no 1 (11 février 2014) : 1–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-00000394.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This article presents the first critical texts of the passages on Jesus, John the Baptist, and James in the Latin translation of Josephus’ Antiquitates Iudaicae and the sections of the Latin Table of Contents for AJ 18 where the references to Jesus and John the Baptist appear. A commentary on these Latin texts is also provided. Since no critical edition of the Latin text of Antiquities 6-20 exists, these are also the first critical texts of any passages from these books. The critical apparatus includes a complete list of variant readings from thirty-seven manuscripts (9th-15th c.e.) and all the printed editions from the 1470 editio princeps to the 1524 Basel edition. Because the passages in the Latin AJ on Jesus and John the Baptist were based on Rufinus’ translation of Eusebius’ Historia Ecclesiastica, a new text of these passages in Rufinus is provided that reports more variant readings than are included in Mommsen’s GCS edition. A Greek text for these passages with revised apparatus correcting and expanding the apparatuses in Niese’s editio maior of Josephus and Schwartz’s GCS edition of Eusebius is also provided. In addition to presenting a text and commentary for the passages in the Latin Antiquities and Rufinus’ translation of Eusebius, there is catalogue of collated manuscripts and all the early printed editions through 1524, providing a new scholarly resource for further work on the Latin text of the Antiquities.
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Love, Edward O. D., et Michael Zellmann-Rohrer. « Releasing Everything Bound in the Knot : P.Saqqara inv. F.17.10 ». Archiv für Papyrusforschung und verwandte Gebiete 68, no 1 (1 août 2022) : 163–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/apf-2022-0009.
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Abstract Re-interpretation of a Coptic magical text on paper from Saqqara in light of parallels from earlier Egyptian as well as medieval Greek, Latin, and Syriac ritual texts: the central motif, which refers to wind, wave, and snakes, is applied to the cure of impotence, conceived as the releasing of ritual binding.
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Aprile, Guillermo. « Los médicos en la historiografía latina : discursos, representaciones y funciones narrativas desde los orígenes hasta Quinto Curcio Rufo ». Fortunatae. Revista Canaria de Filología, Cultura y Humanidades Clásicas 35, no 1 (2022) : 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.fortunat.2022.35.01.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Roman prejudices against Greek physicians and medicine, which can be found throughout Latin literature from the second century B.C., were also manifested in Latin historiography. A study of a corpus of historical texts indicates that physicians tend to be depicted there as evil and conspiring characters. However, Curtius’ Historiae marks a radical change in this representation. To demonstrate this, the passage of Alexander’s healing after receiving a wound in India (Curt. 9.5.22-30) will be analyzed from a narratological and intertextual point of view.
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Ohanyan, Marianna. « The Functional Value of Proper Nouns in Medical Texts ». Armenian Folia Anglistika 10, no 1-2 (12) (15 octobre 2014) : 102–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/afa/2014.10.1-2.102.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Medical terminology is the professional language of those who are directly or indirectly engaged in the art of healing. Medical texts contain a lot of Greek and Latin borrowings, metaphoric usages of some terms and also term-eponyms. Health and care professionals need good communication skills to develop positive relationships and share information with people using linguistic varieties. Medical eponyms are often attached to the people who made the discovery. Term-eponyms can have both negative and positive overtones. They are a source of social communication and cognitively and culturally oriented. It can be stated that term-eponyms realize a cognitive function derived from the sphere they belong to.
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Jiménez-Crespo, Miguel Ángel, et Maribel Tercedor Sánchez. « Lexical variation, register and explicitation in medical translation ». Translation and Interpreting Studies 12, no 3 (23 novembre 2017) : 405–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/tis.12.3.03jim.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Differences in register, lexical use, syntactic shifts or determinologization strategies between source and target medical texts can produce usability or comprehensibility issues (Askehave and Zethsen 2000a; Tercedor and López 2012; Nisbeth Zethsen and Jensen 2012; Alarcón, López-Rodríguez, and Tercedor 2016). This study analyzes differences in lexical variation between translated and non-translated online medical texts resulting in potential register shifts, also known as “register mismatches” (Pilegaard 1997). The study uses a corpus methodology to compare (1) the frequency of Latin-Greek (LG) terms in translated medical websites in the USA and in similar non-translated texts in Spain and Latin America, and (2) the frequency of determinologization and explicitation of LG terms in both textual populations. The results show that US medical websites translated into Spanish show lower frequencies of LG terms and higher frequencies of reformulation strategies than similar non-translated ones; they are partly explained through the process of interference from source texts.
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Bowie, E. L., et S. J. Harrison. « The Romance of the Novel ». Journal of Roman Studies 83 (novembre 1993) : 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300984.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Students of the ancient world are falling for the ancient Greek and Latin novels in increasing numbers, a state of affairs of which there were few intimations a generation ago. To be sure, theSatyricaof Petronius and theMetamorphosesof Apuleius were given standing-room on the edge of the classical canon, though few scholars and fewer students made the acquaintance of the complete texts. Encounters were usually restricted to theCena TrimalchionisandCupid and Psyche, and linguistic oddities were the chief topics of polite conversation (nothing evil in this, so long as other topics are not barred). There were of course exceptions, like Eduard Fraenkel's Oxford seminar on Petronius in 1958/9, where study of language was but one of many techniques harnessed to the establishment and interpretation of the whole text. The Greek novels were still wallflowers: partly, no doubt, because they constituted only a small portion of a vast Greek prose literature written in a period generally judged decadent, whereas the Latin novels were welcome and substantial contributors to the comparatively exiguous remains of Latin prose written by Romans at their imperial acme. No explosion of interest had followed Rohde'sDer griechische Roman und seine Vorläuferof 1876, and although some important work was done on establishment and interpretation of texts and on the development of the genre, scholars active in this field were isolated from each other and their results made little impact on their colleagues. Furthermore much of that work was focused, like Rohde's, on trying to elucidate the genre's origins.
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CARRARA, ANGELO ALVES. « GEOPONICA AND NABATEAN AGRICULTURE : A NEW APPROACH INTO THEIR SOURCES AND AUTHORSHIP ». Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 16, no 1 (15 février 2006) : 103–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423906000245.
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This article returns to an old but not hitherto satisfactorily solved question, and aims at putting forward a new approach to the study of the sources and authorship of two contemporary treatises on agriculture: the Nabatean Agriculture (in Arabic al-Filāḥa al-nabaṭiyya) and the Geoponica. Each of them embodies a long tradition reaching from Antiquity to the 10th century in two different cultural provinces expressed in Greek / Latin and Arabic languages. But there is another common feature of these works. Both of them survived in a significant number of manuscripts, and constitute a kind of revision of previous compilations which drew their contents from more ancient treatises brought to light between the 3rd and 6th centuries AD, and to some extent could be qualified as the outcome of an effort for systematising the corpus of agronomical science. Texts and translations from Greek to Latin, from Greek to Syriac or to Arabic, and from Arabic to Armenian attest to this cultural intercommunication.