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1
Zherlitsina, Natalia. « The “Entente cordiale” and the rivalry of Great Britain and France in North Africa in 1830s–1840s. The example of Morocco ». Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no 4 (2021) : 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640013914-3.
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The article examines the relationship between the two leading powers of the 19th century, Great Britain and France, against the background of colonial rivalry in North Africa. Analyzing relevant English, French, and Moroccan diplomatic documents, the author concludes that the issue of establishing a dominant influence in Morocco was one of the main issues in the relations between Great Britain and France in 1830–1840. The French takeover of Algeria disrupted the regional and European balance of influence and gave a conflicting character to the relations between the competing powers. The “Entente Cordiale” (“Cordial Accord”), designed to contribute to the preservation of peace in Europe, acted as a deterrent that did not allow Great Britain and France to move to an open phase of confrontation in the Maghreb. The sharp phase of the rivalry between the two powers in Morocco occurred in 1837–1844 and was associated with the name of the hero of the liberation struggle of Algeria from the French invaders, Emir Abd al-Qadir. The Franco-Moroccan War of 1844 ended with the defeat of Morocco, facing the threat of French occupation. Due to the pressure from British diplomacy, the Franco-Moroccan treaty was concluded, and the sultanate existed as an independent country for about sixty years, although in fact the European powers did not stop systematically undermining the country's sovereignty.
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Lungu, E. V. « Constitutional Legal Relations Constructs in the Law of Germany, Great Britain and France ». Lex Russica 76, no 2 (2 mars 2023) : 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2023.195.2.113-121.
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The science of constitutional law lacks universal theoretical approach to constitutional legal relations; each state independently determines the goals, object and subject of constitutional legal relations. At the same time, the same subjects in different conditions existing in different national legal systems can act as objects and subjects of legal relations. The constitutional legal relations constructs under consideration do not consider a nation as an equal participant in these legal relations. Their role in all of the presented constructs is limited both in terms of the circle of persons and the possibilities to enter into constitutional legal relations as a subject. It can be argued that, despite the difference in approaches to the object and subject composition of legal relations, in Germany, Great Britain and France, such legal relations between public authorities can exist only in a normally developing state (a state that is not under pressure from any crisis or epidemic).The author draws her conclusion based on an analysis of the basic constructs of legal relations, which in Russian legal science are usually referred to as constitutional legal relations. The author’s choice of constructs developed in Germany, Great Britain and France is due to the wide spread in the world of scientific views formed within the framework of the national scientific schools of these states, as well as the influence of the philosophy of law of Germany and France on the formation of constitutional legal relations in Russia.The author pays special attention to the prevalence of Karl Schmitt’s views on the formation of constitutional legal relations in Europe and North America in terms of intolerance of dissent, the assumption of constitutional dictatorship, the strengthening of executive power at the expense of the legislature.
3
Kharkovsky, Ruslan. « Mahdist State in the Colonial Struggle of France and Great Britain in Sudan (1880s — 1890s) ». ISTORIYA 13, no 2 (112) (2022) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020471-7.
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The article analyzes the evolution of the “Sudanese question” in the system of international relations in the last third of the 19th century. The thesis is argued that for Great Britain control over the Sudanese territories was an important link in the struggle for the creation of the world’s largest colonial empire. The threat of war between Britain and France during this period was quite real. The military, primarily naval, weakness of France was one of the essential reasons for its retreat from Sudan. The settlement of the colonial differences between England and France in Northeast Africa later became one of the reasons for the emergence of the Entente as a counterbalance to the growing German Empire.
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Gipson, Ronnie R. « Signposts Signify Troubled Waters Ahead for Taiwan-U.S. Relations ». American Journal of Trade and Policy 9, no 2 (31 août 2022) : 99–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajtp.v9i2.624.
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The issue of Taiwan's independence and protection is reminiscent of Poland’s position in the late 1930s, facing unbridled aggression from Nazi Germany. Great Britain and France promised to declare war if Germany attacked Poland. However, after Germany attacked Poland on September 1, 1939, neither Great Britain nor France deployed troops to Polish soil to rebuff the attack and restore Poland’s sovereignty. The promise of assistance was an empty promise that the Polish people paid dearly. History teaches us that an ambiguous assistance policy will not stop naked aggression. A firmer stance and a more transparent approach are warranted from a diplomatic standpoint. This article is an essay that sets forth and supports the premise that the United States should clarify and strengthen its position of support for Taiwanese independence.
Preprint (November 18, 2021). Available at SSRN: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3939120
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Chernomorova, T. « Regional Innovation Policies in Great Britain ». World Economy and International Relations, no 4 (2012) : 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-4-93-104.
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United Kingdom (along with the United States and France) is among the countries that in their innovation policies focus on the leadership in science, on the implementation of large-scale projects, on covering all stages of the innovation cycle, usually with a significant amount of research and innovative capacity-building in the military field. The article is devoted to the development of science, technology and innovation in the UK, which is one of the main priorities of the economic policy of the British government. According to announced plans, the country should maintain and strengthen its leading position in the field of advanced technologies.
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Englund, Jon, et Stephen Aubin. « The JCS and congress : Lessons from France and Great Britain ». Comparative Strategy 6, no 3 (janvier 1987) : 305–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495938708402717.
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Nesterova, T. P. « Ethiopia and Great Powers in Final Stage of Italo-Ethiopian War (March — May 1936) ». Nauchnyi dialog 12, no 8 (30 octobre 2023) : 438–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2023-12-8-438-454.
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This article examines the political situation that emerged in international relations after Germany’s remilitarization of the Rhineland on March 7, 1936, and the impact this event had on the development of the Italo-Ethiopian War in both political and military spheres. Published diplomatic documents from Italy, France, the Soviet Union, and the League of Nations are studied. It is argued that the introduction of German troops into the Rhineland significantly diminished the interest of major powers in the Italo-Ethiopian War and brought to the forefront their desire for “Italy’s return to Europe,” as both France and Britain were interested in involving Italy in countering Germany and protecting Austria’s independence. Based on the examined documents, it is concluded that France and Britain sought to resolve the conflict through concessions from Ethiopia, as a realistic approach to international relations led to the belief that Ethiopia could not achieve a military victory, especially after its attempt to strike at Italy’s armed forces resulted in defeat at the Battle of Maychew. The capture of Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa and the exile of Emperor Haile Selassie I effectively destroyed any prospects for a peaceful resolution of the conflict, despite Ethiopia’s attempts to act through the structures of the League of Nations.
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Schweitzer, Vladimir. « USSR and Germany : on the Way to June 22, 1941 ». Contemporary Europe 99, no 6 (1 novembre 2020) : 202–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope62020202213.
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The article deals with the Soviet-German relations in the period of 1939‒1941. It is shoun that after signing of the Munich agreements in September, 1938, Germany generally defined its strategy of pressure on countries that fit into the Hitler’s concept of "Push to the East". Its victims in 1935 were Czechoslovakia and Poland. After the German occupation of Czechoslovakia, Great Britain and France sought to review the "policy of appeasement" of Hitler and were ready to join the USSR in the search for ways to prevent Hitler's expansion. However, the inconsistency and contradictoriness of this "change of milestones" strengthened the position of the Soviet leadership in favour of reaching agreements with Germany. The summer of 1939 was the apotheosis of fruitless negotiations between the "Troika" (the USSR, Great Britain and France), which objectively prompted Moscow to accept the German proposal for fundamentally new bilateral agreements (the Pact of August 23, 1939). Subsequent events up to June 22, 1941 showed the unreliability of agreements with Nazism, facilitated the fleeting victory of Germany over Poland and France, and the actual isolation of Great Britain. Hitler's attack on the Soviet Union did not remove from the Soviet leadership the historical guilt of being unprepared for war with fascism, for the colossal human and territorial losses of the first stage of the Great Patriotic War
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Katkova, S. « THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF THE NATIONAL PUBLIC RELATIONS INDUSTRY IN ITALY ». East European Scientific Journal 5, no 4(68) (14 mai 2021) : 27–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/essa.2782-1994.2021.5.68.32.
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The article notes the main characteristics for different schools of PR (such as schools of the USA, Great Britain, France and Germany), but it is devoted to a retrospective analysis of the institutionalization of the professional public relations industry in Italy in the 1950s-1980s. The formation and development of the professional PR-community is considered through the prism of socio-economic and political conditions in the country.
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Trusova, Mariya A. « The evolution of Western Powers’ perceptions of the Soviet-German relations in 1918–1924 ». Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 24, no 1 (21 mars 2024) : 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2024-24-1-73-79.
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On the basis of the study of the Documents of foreign policy of Great Britain, France and the United States the author identifies the main stages of Soviet and German relations in the socalled Rapallo period. Eachstage has its own features of the perception and their prospects by these countries. The author concludes that Western countries’ assessments of German-Soviet relations are interdependent and interconnected with their foreign policy and foreign economic decisions.
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ONEA, TUDOR A. « Between dominance and decline : status anxiety and great power rivalry ». Review of International Studies 40, no 1 (8 février 2013) : 125–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000563.
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AbstractThis article investigates the role of status considerations in the response of dominant powers to the rise of emergent states. Accordingly, the hypothesis explored is that dominant actors are prone to fear that they will lose their upper rank, and, due to this status anxiety, resist the efforts of emergent powers to match or surpass them. The article begins by explaining why political actors deem status important and puts forward a theory of status anxiety in world politics. The more pronounced is this anxiety across status dimensions (economic and military capabilities as well as prestige), the higher the likelihood of conflict. This argument is then tested against competing theories of dominant power behaviour in two cases: the relations between France and Britain from the 1740s to Napoleon and those between Britain and Germany from the 1880s to World War One.
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Lash, S., et P. Bagguley. « Labour Relations in Disorganized Capitalism : A Five-Nation Comparison ». Environment and Planning D : Society and Space 6, no 3 (septembre 1988) : 321–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d060321.
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A critique of the ‘Regulation School's' account of the development of ‘post-Fordist’ patterns of industrial relations is presented. An alternative account of the ‘disorganization’ of capitalist social relations is presented with particular emphasis on the role of agents of disorganization of labour relations, It is shown through a comparative analysis of recent developments in industrial relations in Sweden, West Germany, France, Great Britain, and the United States of America that the particular patterns of disorganization will vary depending on whether capital, labour, or the state has most influence over the process of restructuring.
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O'Driscoll, Mervyn. « Explosive Challenge : Diplomatic Triangles, the United Nations, and the Problem of French Nuclear Testing, 1959–1960 ». Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no 1 (janvier 2009) : 28–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.1.28.
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France's first nuclear tests in Algeria in 1960 occurred at a critical moment in the Cold War. The United States, Great Britain, and the USSR had suspended their tests in 1958 and had been holding test ban talks in Geneva. British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan faced a vociferous anti-nuclear movement at home and wanted to foster East-West détente. The U.S. State Department wished to prevent Soviet propaganda in the Third World, including the newly independent African and Asian states that strongly opposed French testing. Nonetheless, both Britain and the United States adopted a sympathetic stance toward France in the run-up to the first test in February 1960. Macmillan hoped to move Britain into the European Economic Community and therefore wanted to avoid antagonizing France, whose support for British membership would be crucial. Macmillan also wanted France's backing for a four-power summit to try to achieve East-West détente. Similarly, the United States did not want to alienate France, a key member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
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Middeke, Michael. « Anglo-American Nuclear Weapons Cooperation After the Nassau Conference : The British Policy of Interdependence ». Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no 2 (mai 2000) : 69–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032318.
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The Anglo-American summit at Nassau in December 1962 did not strictly separate Britain's deterrent from the proposed Multilateral Force (MLF). As a result, Conservative governments in the 1960s tried to safeguard maximum British independence in nuclear relations with the United States. The British tried to thwart American initiatives on the mixed-manned MLF; some British officials even hoped to preserve an “independent British deterrent” through nuclear cooperation with France. For the United States, the British deterrent had political value in an intra-alliance or East-West context, but no military or political significance in itself. The MLF idea of bilateral nuclear cooperation with Britain and France was a means to contain French and German nuclear ambitions and to settle Cold War disputes with the Soviet Union. In London, however, leading officials believed that Britain's future as a great power was inextricably linked to the possession of an independent nuclear deterrent. When nuclear independence was lost, the appearance of independence became more important.
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Khorosheva, Aleksandra. « Russian Embassy in Brussels on the Policy of Leopold I During the Franco-Austrian War, 1859 ». Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no 6 (2023) : 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640026630-1.
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After the Crimean War of 1853–1856, the isolated Russian Empire was looking for ways to recover its lost geopolitical standing. Given these circumstances, St Petersburg saw Brussels as a convenient place to gather information about the state of affairs in Europe. In addition, the role of King Leopold I of the Belgians on the eve of the Crimean War was quite noticeable. In addition, considering the active foreign policy of the King of the Belgians, Russia had a certain interest in Leopold I and counted on his mediation in fostering relations with Great Britain and establishing ties with Napoleon III, who was seen as a potential ally by Alexander II. However, Leopold I, despite Belgium's improved relations with France during the Crimean War, feared the foreign policy ambitions and annexationist plans of the French emperor. The King of the Belgians was suspicious of the Franco-Russian rapprochement and, actively advocating the alliance with Great Britain, Austria and Prussia, supported Austria in the war of 1859, which was bound to lead to the deterioration of his relations with Russia. The analysis of the dispatches of the Russian envoys in Brussels, introduced into academic circuit, allows one to study the activities of Leopold I in the international arena and considerably enrich the political portrait of the king, as well as to open new pages in the history of both Belgian-Russian relations and diplomatic negotiations of European states during the Italian crisis of 1859.
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Антонова, Злата Владимировна. « FRANCE IN THE WORKS OF W. COLLINS AND CH. DICKENS (ENGLISH-FRENCH RELATIONS) ». Вестник Тверского государственного университета. Серия : Филология, no 3(66) (6 novembre 2020) : 203–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.26456/vtfilol/2020.3.203.
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В сообщении рассматриваются исторические, литературные и языковые связи Великобритании и Франции XIX века на примере выдающегося английского писателя Чарльза Диккенса и его младшего товарища, соавтора и компаньона Уилки Коллинза на материале совместных путешествий и творчества. The article examines the historical, literary and linguistic ties between Great Britain and France in the 19th century on the example of the outstanding English writer Charles Dickens and his younger friend, co-author and companion Wilkie Collins, on the material of their joint travels and creativity.
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Morzheedov, Vladislav Gennad'evich. « The evolution of Franco-Spanish relations in the late XVIII - early XIX centuries. » Genesis : исторические исследования, no 7 (juillet 2024) : 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2024.7.71142.
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The article examines the evolution of Franco-Spanish relations in the late XVIII – early XIX centuries. The subject of the study is the peculiarities of the development of relations between France and Spain, the analysis of various factors that influenced the diplomacy of the two countries. The object of the study is various treaties, armed conflicts and specific political steps characterizing Franco-Spanish relations. Special attention is paid to the role of the union of the two countries in the confrontation with Great Britain. The purpose of the study is to analyze the causes and consequences of changes in relations between France and Spain in the late XVIII – early XIX centuries. A special role in the evolution of Franco-Spanish relations is noted for the coup d'état of 18 Brumaire in France and the rise to power of Napoleon Bonaparte. The active foreign policy of Napoleonic France eventually resulted in a full-scale war on the Iberian Peninsula. The author uses chronological, historical-comparative and historical-systemic research methods in his work. These methods allowed to analyze the evolution of the Franco-Spanish relations in the late XVIII - early XIX centuries. Periods of military confrontation were interspersed with the time of the union of the two countries. There was a certain duality at the heart of the Franco-Spanish alliance. On an ideological level, most of Spanish society did not accept the ideas of the French Revolution. From an economic point of view, it was not profitable for Spain to enter into the Anglo-French confrontation. Ties with the Spanish colonies were disrupted. From the point of view of European politics, Spain, isolated by its geographical location, did not always benefit from an alliance with France, since it was an unequal partner in it. A special contribution of the author to the study of the topic is the proposed periodization of the history of Franco-Spanish relations of the late XVIII – early XIX centuries, its division into a number of stages. This makes it possible to better structure the work and identify the interrelationship of the changes that determined the nature of Franco-Spanish relations at each stage. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that in this work the evolution of Franco-Spanish relations in the late XVIII – early XIX centuries is considered as a whole and continuous process, the influence of domestic political events on changes in the foreign policy of the two countries is analyzed.
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Gorfin, Vladislav L., et Alexander M. Rybakov. « RUSSIA’S ROLE IN THE STRUGGLE FOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES ». Historical Search 2, no 2 (25 juin 2021) : 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2021-2-2-5-12.
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In the article the authors show the place of Russia in the struggle for the independence of the United States. They reveal the concept of «military neutrality», its essence and content. They define the basic principles of the world colonial system in the XVIII century, the foundations of interrelation between world powers and their colonies. They identify the priorities and interests for the development of foreign policy relations. They establish causal links between the war of the North American colonies of Great Britain for their independence and the policies of a number of European powers (Russia, Great Britain, France), as well as the consequences to which it led.
The article considers the history of the struggle for independence and the formation of a new state of the United States of America, the development of foreign policy relations. The authors focus on the history of Russian-American relations in the second half of the XVIII century in the political aspect, and emphasize the increasing penetration of Russia’s influence in the scientific and cultural spheres which directly influenced and enriched the two countries. The relations between Russia and the United States and their history are studied. The history of relations between Russia and Great Britain is shown. The authors analyze the history of attempts to involve the Russian Empire in the war on the side of Great Britain, the position of the Russian government and Catherine II, as well as their attitude to these attempts.
The authors give prominence to a number of world political figures and note their personal contribution to the process of struggle for independence and the further development of the United States of America. Unknown moments of their biographies are revealed.
Conclusions are drawn about the role and the place of the leading countries of the period under study in the struggle for freedom and independence of the future superpower.
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Redvaldsen, David. « The Role of Britain in Late Modern Norwegian History : A Longitudinal Study ». Britain and the World 9, no 1 (mars 2016) : 10–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2016.0212.
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Concentrating on the strength of the mutual relationship, this article examines crucial periods in Anglo-Norwegian history since 1814. In the November Treaty (1855) Britain and France guaranteed the Swedish-Norwegian union's territory against Russian encroachment. Britain was not supportive of Norwegian independence in 1905, though she had wanted better terms for Norway within the union. From a Norwegian perspective, Britain was the most important signatory to the Integrity Treaty (1907) whereby the great powers guaranteed her territory. Due to her neutrality Norway could not openly support Britain, but many events prior to 1940 showed that she oriented her foreign policy primarily towards London. The German invasion and Norway's subsequent entry into the Second World War on the side of the Allies, fostered much warmer Anglo-Norwegian relations. These were cemented by the creation of NATO in 1949, in which both nations participated. In the 1950s even British officials occasionally described the ties as a ‘special relationship’. In that decade and in the 1960s, Britain preferred to work with the Scandinavian nations in multilateral organizations such as UNISCAN and EFTA. In 1973, however, Britain entered the EEC, whereas the Norwegian people had voted to reject the membership their government was recommending. The great power's interests shifted away from Scandinavia towards mainland Europe. Consequently, relations with Norway became more distant. Norway's second stalled bid to enter the EU in 1994 underlined that the two countries have drifted apart. The article nevertheless argues that Britain was Norway's lodestar between 1905 and 1973.
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Zorochkina, Tetiana. « Legal Enforcement of Teacher Education in Great Britain ». Comparative Professional Pedagogy 7, no 4 (1 décembre 2017) : 67–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rpp-2017-0052.
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Abstract The article deals with legal enforcement of teacher education in Great Britain. It has been found out that in Great Britain, the sources of education legislation are statutes and acts adopted by British government. All current statutes relating to education are classified either as public or private. Public laws contain general rules, that is, designed for all individuals and for repeated application. They operate throughout the country, addressed to all subjects of educational relations. Private statutes accumulate private norms, which refer to specific legal entities or individuals and contain strictly defined directives for them. They are addressed to a particular country or specific organization or group of individuals. It has been indicated that the system of education legislation in Great Britain in the context of teacher education is provided by a range of legal acts, such as the Education Reform Act of 1988, the Further and Higher Education Act of 1992, by the Teaching and Higher Education Act of 1998, The Education Act 2002, The Education Act of 2005, The Education and Inspections Act of 2006, The Education and Skills Act of 2008, The Education Act of 2011, The Education and Adoption Act 2016, The Higher Education and Research Act 2017 as well as legal acts of European authorities. It has been concluded that the orientation of the content of British legal acts toward quality teacher training should be successfully implemented into Ukrainian education legislation so that the national system of teacher training may be improved. It has been suggested that the prospects for further researchers are seen in studying the legal enforcement of teacher education in leading European countries (Sweden, the Netherlands, Germany, France, Switzerland etc.).
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Ivonina, Ludmila. « The Failed Alliance : Oliver Cromwell and the Great Conde ». Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no 1(61) (15 décembre 2023) : 174–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2023-61-1-174-185.
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The bloody Thirty Years' War turned into a «European civil war», which part were the «parallel» civil upheavals in England and the Fronde in France. This period’s diplomacy was distinguished by particular complexity, inconsistency and a bizarre interweaving of state, social and personal interests.The relationship between
the head of the English Republic, Oliver Cromwell, and the French prince, Louis de Condé, organically fits into it.The article examines the course and results of the indirect dialogue between the two political leaders.Negotiations between them took place along several lines: the conclusion of a marriage between the heir to Condé and the daughter of Cromwell, about the possibility for the rebellious prince to become the French king, about obtaining mutual support, and even about the new religious and political state of Europe.The nature of the negotiations was determined by
the timing and balance of power in Britain, France and on the Continent.With regard to the Fronde of Princes and the Spanish Fronde, the English leader adopted a waiting tactic, skillfully intervening in relations between the French government and the
opposition.The interests of the state required an alliance with a stable France to fight against Spain.At that time,Condé, waiting for help from England, was guided, first of all, by personal interests and did not want to compromise.As a prince of the blood, he, while admiring Cromwell, still put him below himself.
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Gmurczyk-Wrońska, Małgorzata. « France in International Relations of the Second Half of the 20th Century and the Early 21st Century – Priorities in Foreign Policy ». Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 4, no 44 (31 décembre 2014) : 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2014.44.03.
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After the Second World War France lost temporarily her position as a decision-maker in international relations. Soon enough, though, her diplomacy adapted to a bipolar system. Her foreign policy was to manoeuvre between the USSR, the United States and Great Britain, and to jointly create the structures of future European Union. It was in the EU that France has found the place to strengthen her role of mediator and arbiter. Nowadays, the foreign policy of France has numerous continuities originating from the 19th century and the years of 1918 – 1939, but also some modifications related to new directions in French foreign policy and to the adaptation of its tactics to main purposes in order to secure France’s security, her strong position in the EU and in the world.
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Sturmthol, Adolf. « State Intervention in the Settlement of Interests Conflicts ». Relations industrielles 13, no 4 (11 février 2014) : 392–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1022409ar.
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The Author first describes the « contradictory values » which surround collective bargaining and industrial peace, going through a brief analysis of various industrial relations theories: those of Market, Government and Union Participation in Management. He then goes on to distinguish between various manifestations of industrial conflicts—one of which being the strike, which is not necessarily a symptom of « unhealthy » industrial relations. The Author states that government intervention in conflicts of interests must be the exception and must have their justification in each case. He founds his thesis on the on-the-spot study of numerous data collected from the United States, Great Britain, France, Germany and, Sweden.
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Likhtej, Ihor. « The Events of 1956 in Hungary and the UN Position ». Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni : naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no 26 (27 novembre 2017) : 486–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.486.
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This article covers the influence of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution on international relations, in particular on the official position of the United States, Great Britain and France. It analyses the process of discussing “the Hungarian question” at the UN Security Council and at the emergency General Assembly session. The author emphasizes the significance of the activities of the special commission for investigating events in Hungary established by the UN General Assembly in autumn 1956, as well as the great merit of the Danish diplomat Bang Jensen in investigating and formulating the text of commission’s report, which covered the struggle of the Hungarian people for freedom.
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Ovsjannikov, Dmitry. « Rural community in colonial governance projects in Russia, Great Britain and France ». Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva : istoriia i sovremennost, no 2 (2021) : 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080014230-0.
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Romer, K. Gird. « Young, Britian And The World In The Twentieth Century ». Teaching History : A Journal of Methods 24, no 1 (1 avril 1999) : 41–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.24.1.41-42.
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Britain and the World in the Twentieth Century is a fine book. It is well written, well organized, and very informative. The work is part of a series titled "International Relations and the Great Powers," a series that includes Japan and the World since 1868, with titles such as France and the World in the Twentieth Century, and The United States and the World in the Twentieth Century forthcoming. The author of Britain and the World in the Twentieth Century, John W. Young, Professor of Politics at the University of Leicester, also wrote Britain and European Unity, 1945-92, Winston Churchill's Last Campaign, and Cold War Europe. Professor Young has a firm grasp of the material and the ability to present it clearly. The author does presuppose a slight knowledge of twentieth-century English and European history on the part of the reader, but a detailed knowledge is not necessary.
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Lyman, Serhii, et Margarita Bielousova. « Сiprus-france relations and problems of region security ». 15, no 15 (1 août 2022) : 8–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2310-9513-2022-15-01.
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After gaining independence in 1960, Cyprus began to establish relations with other countries. However, the ethnic conflict between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots in 1974 led to the actual division of the island into two state entities and to various forms of intervention by foreign states, including Greece, Turkey, France and also Great Britain and the United States. The purpose of the article is to analyze the history and current state of Cypriot-French relations, to study the whole range of French interests in Cyprus after gaining independence to the present. Methods used to achieve the goals of the study: historical and comparative analysis, systematization and generalization, retrospective method. The article emphasizes that from the very beginning of the Cypriot ethnic conflict, France has consistently advocated the territorial integrity of Cyprus and condemned the creation of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. In subsequent years, France contributed to the fact that Cyprus in 2004 became a member of the EU. But bilateral relations became most intense during the presidency of E. Macron in 2017–2022. The economic interests of France in Cyprus are primarily associated with the discovery of large gas reserves on the Cyprus shelf, for which several states are fighting in the Eastern Mediterranean region, among which Turkey is the most active. This struggle stimulates the establishment of military cooperation between France and Cyprus. The related 2017 bilateral treaty, which came into force in 2020, aims to contain Turkey. This treaty, the French-Cypriot military exercises and French efforts to resolve the Cyprus conflict aggravate French-Turkish relations and the political situation in the region. The analysis presented in this article, the study of the experience of these bilateral relations will be important for the development of appropriate strategies for international interactions for post-Soviet states, in particular, Ukraine.
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Adas, Michael. « Comparative History and the Colonial Encounter : the Great War and the Crisis of the British Empire ». Itinerario 14, no 2 (juillet 1990) : 35–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009992.
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In his recent work on the Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, Paul Kennedy stresses the importance of Great Britain's colonial empire in establishing its credentials as the most imposing ofthe great powers in the decades before the First World War. Britain not only possessed ‘the greatest empire the world had ever seen’, but its status as the great global power appeared to be enhanced by the fact that in the last three decades of the nineteenth century ‘it had added 4.25 million miles and 66 million people to the empire’. Other key ‘indicators of British strength’ marshalled by Kennedy include overseas fleets, naval bases and cable stations, which were inextricably bound up with its farflung colonial enterprises. Though empire is essential to Britain's great power status, in Kennedy's argument it has almost nothing to do with the steady decline in British power in the period before the Great War and, at an accelerating pace, throughout the twentieth century. He alludes in places to imperial crises and commitments as key contributors to Britain's perilously overextended position both before and after the war. He also concedes that resistance by colonized peoples, whether in the form of ‘tribal unrest’ or ‘western-educated lawyers and intellectuals seeking to create mass parties’ was somewhat troublesome, but ‘less threatening’ than developments within Europe itself. In Kennedy's view, Britain's retreat from imperial and global power (and, for that matter, that of France as well) can best be understood by charting the decline, relative to that of the other great powers, of its economic base, both industrial and commercial, and its incapacity, due to that decline, to meet the ever-expanding and more costly military commitments that its leaders viewed as essential to the maintenance of its positions as a great power.
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Braun, Dietmar. « Who Governs Intermediary Agencies ? Principal-Agent Relations in Research Policy-Making ». Journal of Public Policy 13, no 2 (avril 1993) : 135–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00000994.
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AbstractThe role of semi-public intermediary institutions is underestimated in political research. This paper elaborates the dynamics of the interaction pattern of mission-agencies, promoting and conducting research in the United States, Great Britain, France and Germany. The principal-agent-model serves as the organizing theoretical concept. By stressing the role of the third party, usually neglected in the model, it is shown that intermediary agencies in policy-making are drawn into cooperative and almost symbiotic relationships with the recipients of programs. The use of intermediary agencies becomes a double-edged sword for policy-makers. While close relationships with the scientific community improve the acceptance of political research programs, the formulation of research policies becomes subject to compromise and coalition building within funding agencies.
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AMOSSÉ, Thomas, Philippe ASKENAZY, Martin CHEVALIER, Christine ERHEL, Héloïse PETIT et Antoine REBÉRIOUX. « Industrial relations and adjustments to the crisis : A comparative micro‐statistical analysis of France and Great Britain ». International Labour Review 158, no 3 (septembre 2019) : 463–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ilr.12151.
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Troitino, David Ramiro, Tanel Kerikmäe et Olga Shumilo. « Margaret Thatcher and the EU ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no 11-2 (1 novembre 2020) : 154–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202011statyi45.
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The article highlights the key points of Margaret Thatcher’s activities in the context of relations with the European Community (later the European Union) as Prime Minister of Great Britain. The authors describe the stages of Thatcher’s formation as a politician, the circumstances that shaped her relations with the leaders of France and Germany, and the prerequisites for reaching compromises in the economic and political spheres. The article analyzes Thatcher’s position on the Single European act, as well as the reasons for the geopolitical miscalculation regarding the document’s further role in European integration. The Prime Minister’s opinion on the potential of forming European defense within the framework of the concept of intergovernmentalism and its place in the system of relations between the EU and the United States is studied.
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Troitino, David Ramiro, Tanel Kerikmäe et Olga Shumilo. « Margaret Thatcher and the EU ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no 11-2 (1 novembre 2020) : 154–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202011statyi45.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article highlights the key points of Margaret Thatcher’s activities in the context of relations with the European Community (later the European Union) as Prime Minister of Great Britain. The authors describe the stages of Thatcher’s formation as a politician, the circumstances that shaped her relations with the leaders of France and Germany, and the prerequisites for reaching compromises in the economic and political spheres. The article analyzes Thatcher’s position on the Single European act, as well as the reasons for the geopolitical miscalculation regarding the document’s further role in European integration. The Prime Minister’s opinion on the potential of forming European defense within the framework of the concept of intergovernmentalism and its place in the system of relations between the EU and the United States is studied.
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Freedman, Lawrence. « Nuclear designs : Great Britain, France and China in the global governance of nuclear arms ». International Affairs 73, no 3 (juillet 1997) : 560–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624287.
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Mirzoeva, Svetlana G., Elena Kh Apazheva et Natalya S. Lavrova. « The Czechoslovak national tragedy of the 1938 year ». Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no 2(2021) (25 juin 2021) : 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-2-50-58.
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The article deals with the problem of the internal situation in Czechoslovakia, its political and economic development in the specified period. Particular attention is paid to the efforts of Czechoslovakia aimed at preventing the division of the country. The leadership of Czechoslovakia entered into international treaties, strengthened the state’s defenses, and modernized the army. The article also touches upon the international relations of Germany, Great Britain, France, Italy on the further fate of Czechoslovakia in the second half of the 30s. XX century. The leadership of Czechoslovakia and its president Edvard Beneš felt the threat looming over the country from Germany, so they took certain steps to preserve the integrity of the Czechoslovak republic. The reform of the army began in the country, it was modernized, equipped with new equipment, weapons, aviation. A new line of fortifications was built along the borders. The diplomatic department of Czechoslovakia was also not idle. Consultations were constantly held with the USSR, Great Britain, France and Germany on the issue of preserving the country’s sovereignty, international treaties were concluded on assistance in the event of an attack by a third party. But, despite all these efforts, at the end of September 1938, Czechoslovakia was divided by force, the Sudetenland was torn away from it, fascist troops were brought into the country, and the leaders of the state were leaders of the fascist party. All these changes were enshrined in an international treaty - the Munich Agreement. Germany, Italy, France and Great Britain took part in its signing. Representatives of the Czechoslovak Republic were not even invited to the conference. The Czechoslovak side was familiarized with the terms of the agreement only after their adoption. Czechoslovakia could not in any way influence the decisions of Hitler, Mussolini, Deladier and Chamberlain. As a result, throughout the Second World War, Czechoslovakia existed as two separate parts: the Protecto-rate of Bohemia and Moravia and the Slovak Republic.
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Herzstein, Rafael. « Saint-Joseph University of Beirut : An Enclave of the French-Speaking Communities in the Levant, 1875–1914 ». Itinerario 32, no 2 (juillet 2008) : 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300001996.
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The origin of the Saint-Joseph University of Beirut, or USJ, dates back to the Seminar of Ghazir founded by the Jesuit Fathers in 1843. The College of Ghazir, established with the intention of training the local Maronite clergy, was transferred to Beirut in 1875. This centre for higher studies was named Saint-Joseph University. In his audience of 25 February 1881, Pope Leo XIII conferred the title of Pontifical University on the USJ.This article deals with the history of the USJ, the first great French-speaking Jesuit institution in the area which, at the time, bore the name of “Syria”. (The term Syria is used henceforth to represent the geographical entity of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, which includes Syria and Lebanon of the present.) The underlying reasons for the creation of Saint-Joseph University of Beirut have to do with its being located in a province of the Ottoman Empire coveted by the future mandatory power, France. By the 1870s, the Ottoman Empire was being preserved chiefly by the competition between the European powers, all of whom wanted chunks of it. The Ottoman territory, like the territory of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, encompassed a great many ethnic groups whose own nationalism was also stirring. Under Ottoman rule, the region of the Levant developed economic and religious ties with Europe. Open to the West, it became a hotbed of political strife between various foreign nations including France, Russia and Britain. These powerful countries assumed the protection of certain ethnic and religious groups, with France supporting the Christian Maronites and Britain supporting the Druzes.
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Falaleev, P. I. « The Marshall Plan and the European Integration : The Stance of Great Britain and France (1947–1948) ». Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no 3 (20 novembre 2020) : 165–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-165-190.
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The development and implementation of the Marshall Plan has been studied quite thoroughly in both Russian and foreign academic literature. Nevertheless, certain aspects of this problematique require further examination, particularly the reaction of the Western European countries to the initiative of the Secretary of State G. Marshall, as well as the impact of the Plan on the process of the European integration in general. The paper demonstrates that this reaction was far from simple and often contradictory since the key Western states had very different views on the future of mutual relations, as well as on the prospects for post-war recovery and development of Europe. The paper examines the evolution of the French and British leaders’ views on these issues from the first discussions of the projects to provide US aid to Western Europe to the implementation of the Marshall Plan. The negotiations revealed significant points of disagreement among the parties particularly regarding the relations with the USSR, the German question, and conditions for receiving assistance from the United States. The author stresses that the need to defend their interests during the course of negotiations with the US representatives contributed greatly to the rapprochement of Britain and France and, at the same time, catalyzed debates on the integration of Western Europe. In this regard the author emphasizes that the idea of regional economic integration received mixed reaction in the American elites. While some considered this process as an effective means of bringing the Western countries together, particularly, over the German question, others feared that integration of Western Europe could potentially lead to the emergence of a new competitor to the USA. The author concludes that the growing popularity of integration projects in Europe in 1947–1948 stemmed from a range of factors, including both a combination of internal European political processes and short-term and long-term consequences of the Marshall Plan. Whereas in terms of economic development of Western Europe the latter were rather ambiguous and are still the subject of controversy, in terms of world politics the Marshall Plan exacerbated block-to-block confrontation in Europe, characteristic of the Cold War period.
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Bristol-Alagbariya, Edward T. « Ancient Niger Delta Trading States, 1884/85 Negative Sovereignty Treaties, Positive International Law, British Colonization & ; Good Governance towards the Advancement of Civilization in Nigeria ». International Journal of Developing and Emerging Economies 10, no 2 (15 février 2022) : 34–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/ijdee.13/vol10n23461.
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This socio-legal study examines the 1884/85 imperialistic vis-à-vis negative sovereignty treaties of friendship, commerce and protection, simply called treaties of protection, which were entered into by Great Britain and the Ancient Niger Delta Trading States, so as to maintain and strengthen the cordial relations that were existing between the parties. However, positive international law altered the hitherto proto natural law-based equal and cordial relations between the Ancient Niger Delta Trading States and the Western European nations, from the 15th Century AD, when the Portuguese explorers and merchants were dominant in the Niger Delta region, before the arrival of Great Britain and France in the region about the 18th Century AD. Positive international law, enhanced by British gunboat diplomacy associated with it, promoted Western imperialism and thereby enabled Great Britain to achieve her imperialist ambition of transforming the erstwhile naturally sovereign Ancient Niger Delta Trading States and their mainland and hinterland ethnic nationality areas into the 1885 British Protectorate of the Niger Districts. Based on British imperialist protectionism over the Niger Districts and the rest of pre-colonial Nigeria, the entire ethnic nationality areas of pre-colonial Nigeria became a single British colonial possession called the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria, otherwise called modern Nigeria, in 1914. The British colonial government eventually granted political independence to modern Nigeria in October 1960. From the background of the aforementioned 1884/85 negative sovereignty treaties and continuing agitation of separatist groups in post-colonial Nigeria for improvement of their lots, the study makes a case for good governance, boosted by ethos of natural law and the social contract of governance, towards the advancement of civilization in the country.
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S. Gusakova, Yuliya, Tatyana L. Adrianovskaya, Valentina V. Chuksina, Aleksej N. Nifanov et Michael V.Presnyakov. « COMPARATIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF LABOR RELATIONS CONCEPTS IN VARIOUS FOREIGN NATIONS ». Revista de Investigaciones Universidad del Quindío 34, S2 (14 juin 2022) : 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33975/riuq.vol34ns2.878.
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This study tries to provide a comparative features of labor relations notions in some foreign nations. This study examines the legal laws and regulation of labor relationships, splitting states into 2 classifications. The initial incorporates Germany, Russia, France, and several other European nations. In the next - the USA, Australia, Great Britain, and other nations of the Anglo-Saxon legal systems. The comparative examination of various states’ legislation and formal-logical and functional methods are used to gratify the study’s objectives. The conclusion is made that the borrowing of the experience of the nations’ adhering to the Anglo-Saxon pattern is not acceptable for Russia because, in them, the contract of labor is demonstrated not as a means able to guarantee the workers’ rights but as a legal means to generate circumstances able to infringe on their benefits.
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Blagden, David. « Two Visions of Greatness : Roleplay and Realpolitik in UK Strategic Posture ». Foreign Policy Analysis 15, no 4 (28 novembre 2018) : 470–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/ory011.
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AbstractHow do states’ desires to perform an international-societal role interact with the imperative to safeguard their security in an anarchic international system? Using the case of the contemporary United Kingdom, this article explores the tensions between roleplay and realpolitik—gaining social recognition as a particular kind of state while doing what it takes to survive—through one key role conception, “Great Power.” Recent scholarship has dubbed Britain a “residual Great Power”: lacking the wherewithal to impose regional order through preponderance, it is still cast into the role of militarized international order-upholder by the allies whose support is necessary for such role-sustainment, America and France. Yet this role-based approach sets a different threshold on capability than the requirement to undertake survival-essential military missions, independent of potentially unreliable allies’ charity—realists’ understanding of “great power.” Theoretically, therefore, the article demonstrates that roleplay and realpolitik remain separate incentive structures underlying states’ foreign policy choices. Empirically, meanwhile, the article shows—through opportunity-cost force-posture analysis—that contemporary Britain is torn between the logics. Striving for independent self-protection capabilities, above-and-beyond the “residual power” criterion, London nonetheless makes a residual power's implicit assumptions about alliance support in the deployment of those capabilities.
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Zueva, K. « Current French–US Partnership ». World Economy and International Relations 59, no 11 (2015) : 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-47-55.
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The article examines US–France relations, in particular within the NATO framework, as well as positions of France in the Alliance, its participation in NATO operations and its desire to play a more active role in this organization. The pilot of American interests in the Asian-Pacific region and events in Ukraine revive aspirations of Europeans for more active building of the “European defense”. The France-Britain military collaboration is developing intensively. However, France considers the formation of the “European army” as a question of a very long-term perspective. The article also examines the stance of France on the free trade zone between the EU and the U.S. The Atlantic solidarity is one of the most important directions in the French foreign policy. In power, Francois Hollande continues his predecessor's policy in this sphere. Nowadays, France demonstrates the accordance with the US almost in all international issues from Syria to Ukraine. France has shown its dependence on the US policy in such questions as “Mistrals” delivery to Russia and the attitude to the Ukrainian crisis. The scandal around the American ANB spying after French political and business elite did not destroy this dependence. The participation of France in NATO is the most important format of transatlantic relations. The French expert association and opposition forces constantly criticize the transatlantic direction of Hollande's foreign policy. The greater and greater part of French elite stands for the returning of an independent voice of France in international affairs. The great anxiety in French society is provoked by the U.S. pulling into the crusade against Russia. However, in the present situation, French leaders are not going to spoil relations with their transatlantic partner, because they believe that only together with the U.S. they can counter contemporary challenges of the modern world.
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Hanagan, Michael. « Family, Work and Wages : The Stéphanois Region of France, 1840–1914 ». International Review of Social History 42, S5 (septembre 1997) : 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000114816.
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Exploring issues of the family wage, this paper examines labour markets, family employment patterns and political conflict in France. Up to now, the debate over the family wage has centred mainly on analysing British trade unions and the development of an ideal of domesticity among the British working classes, more or less taking for granted the declining women's labour force participation rate and the configuration of state/trade union relations prevailing in Great Britain. Shifting the debate across the Channel, scholars such as Laura Frader and Susan Pedersen have suggested that different attitudes to the family wage prevailed. In France, demands for the exclusion of women from industry were extremely rare because women's participation in industry was taken for granted. But a gendered division of labour and ideals of domesticity remained and made themselves felt in both workforce and labour movement.
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RIEMENS, MICHAEL. « International academic cooperation on international relations in the interwar period : the International Studies Conference ». Review of International Studies 37, no 2 (26 août 2010) : 911–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000781.
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AbstractBased on considerable archival research in Switzerland and France, this article considers the creation of specialised institutions and centres for scientific research, discussion and information on international questions after the First World War. It analyses the origins and development of the International Studies Conference from 1928 until 1946, and it pays particular attention to the institutional setting provided by the ISC. With the help of an international questionnaire of the League of Nations from the early 1930s the article also discusses the university teaching of IR in the US, Great Britain and on the European continent in the interwar period, and it looks at some of the institutional settings, especially academic institutions (departments, chairs, schools and so on), that were available at the time.
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Kupchyk, Oleh. « Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University’s international cooperation with scientific and education institutions of Western countries in 1944–1975’s ». European Historical Studies, no 22 (2022) : 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.5.
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The article reveals the international cooperation of Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University with scientific and educational institutions of Western countries in 1944–1975. It was noted that at the end of the Second World War (1944–1945), Kyiv University couldn’t establish ties with educational and scientific institutions of Western countries due to the reconstruction of the city and the university itself. During the period of post-war reconstruction (1946–1950), the Soviet-Western confrontation was added to the mentioned problems, which then turned into the Cold War. However, the liberal social and political changes in the USSR associated with de-Stalinization (1953–1956) and the Khrushchev «Thaw» (1956–1964) had a positive impact on the international activities of the Soviet higher school and KSU named T. G. Shevchenko. It is indicated that since the mid-1950s, delegations and individual scientists from France, Austria, Belgium, and Sweden began to visit Kyiv University. Since the second half of the 1950s, teachers and scientists from Finland and Great Britain, as well as Communist Party leaders, and representatives of student and trade union organizations from Western countries visited Kyiv University to give lectures and deliver scientific reports. However, in 1959–1960, plans for the teaching work of Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University in the Great Britain universities remained unrealized. Nevertheless, since then, teachers and scientists of Kyiv University have actively participated in international scientific events held in Western countries (Madrid, Paris, London, Vienna, and Stockholm). Some teachers completed internships at universities in Italy, France, and Great Britain. Students also did internships in these countries. Mostly, these were senior-year students of the Faculty of Philology who were studying foreign languages. It is noted that the scientific works and teachers of Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University were published abroad. Among them were Professor Mytropolskyi Yu. (in Great Britain and Sweden), Professor Vsekhsvyatskyi S. (in Great Britain and Belgium), Professor Bileckyi A. (in Greece), Professor Marynych O. (in Great Britain and Sweden) works. Scientists of Kyiv University worked with colleagues from universities and scientific institutions of the West on common scientific themes. The international book exchange of Kyiv State University, as of July 1, 1965, was held with such universities as the Taylor Institute at the University of Oxford, the University of Oslo, the Mathematical Institute at the University of Bonn, Liège (Belgium), Besanson and Cannes (France) universities, and also by the academies of sciences of Denmark and Ireland. The emergence of an international détente in the relations between the West and the USSR at the end of the 1960s had a positive effect on the ties of Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University with the countries of the West. The number of their youth at Kyiv University continued to grow. Thus, if in 1969 one representative of a Belgian and a Frenchman studied at the university, then as of January 1, 1975, 60 students from the «capitalist countries» studied at the university. In turn, the cooperation of Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University with educational and scientific institutions of Western countries in 1975–1991 remains understudied. However, this is the subject of the next scientific research.
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Irishin, G. « Events in North Africa and Middle East : International Factors ». World Economy and International Relations, no 6 (2012) : 102–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-6-102-116.
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This publication presents regular materials of the scientific workshop "Modern Development Problems", which is held in the Center for Development and Modernization Studies of IMEMO RAN. The discussants analyzed changes that had taken place in the region and certain countries over the February to November 2011 period, as well as the inner dynamics of events. Special focus was on their external factors – the role of the West in whole, of France, Great Britain, NATO, the League of Arab States, Turkey.
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Irishin, G. « Events in North Africa and Middle East : International Factors (the end) ». World Economy and International Relations, no 7 (2012) : 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-7-107-121.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This publication presents the regular materials of the scientific workshop "Modern Development Problems", which is held in the Center for Development and Modernization Studies of IMEMO RAN. The discussants analyzed changes that have taken place in the region and certain countries over the February to November 2011 period, as well as the inner dynamics of events. Special focus was on their external factors – the role of the West in whole, of France, Great Britain, NATO, the League of Arab States, Turkey.
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Басовская, Elena Basovskaya, Басовский et Leonid Basovskiy. « International Economic Relations’ Risk Criterion ». Economics 2, no 6 (17 décembre 2014) : 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/6730.
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A criterion for an assessment of international economic relations’ risks has been offered. This criterion is based on proposed approach to assessment of risks for world economic dynamics and economic dynamics of different countries and territories. The economic dynamics risk is estimated by comparison of economic growth rates’ average size and a risk measure — a mean square deviation of growth rates. Definition for a line of market of international economic relations’ prospects is offered, similar to the capital market line in the financial assets’ profitability model (CAPM). On the basis of IMF data for 2004-2013 the economic dynamics risks for Europe and CIS countries have been estimated. It has been established that in Europe only economies of Switzerland, Poland, Albania and Malta have the risks below the world economy ones. From among the largest economies the smallest risks have economies of Great Britain, Germany and France. The greatest risks have economies of Italy and Spain. In the CIS only Belarus, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan have the risks below the world economy ones. From among the CIS countries the Ukraine has the worst risk criteria.
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Gajownik, Tomasz. « Podpułkownik dyplomowany Andrzej Czerwiński i jego raport z 1933 roku o sytuacji polityczno-wojskowej w Czechosłowacji oraz warunkach i możliwościach pracy attachatu w Pradze ». Studia Interkulturowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 11 (6 novembre 2018) : 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.7228.
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In 1933 geopolitical situation in Europe had been changed. The leaders of four countries: Great Britain, France, Italy and Germany tried to make some agreement of ruling on the continent. For such countries like Poland and Czechoslovakia this agreement could be very dangerous. Both of them had a very difficult mutual relations. But potential threat could bring them closer. In a spirit of those thinking, polish military attache lt. Col. Andrzej Czerwiński had prepared a short report of political and military situation in Czechoslovakia, especially in the face of German’s pressures. He was writing about possibility of closing between two countries, chances of development of military forces and mutual cooperation.
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CLIVETI, Gheorghe. « Union of the Romanian Principalities and the Collective Guarantee of the European Powers ». Annals of the Academy of Romanian Scientists Series on History and Archaeology 14, no 1-2 (2022) : 15–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.56082/annalsarscihist.2022.1-2.15.
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This study reveals a very specific issue in the field of the international relations history. As a matter of fact, the Romanian State՚s emergency presupposed an international regime exposed through the joint guarantee of the European Great Powers, as signing parts of the Peace Treaty of Paris, from the 30s March 1856. The readings of that Treaty and of the many other papers proved the fact that the Guaranteeing Powers were the six European Great Powers, as France, Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, Russia, and Sardaigne. The Ottoman Empire, as suzeraine Court on the Romanian Principalities Moldavia and Wallachia, as well on Serbia, it was a guaranteed, and not a guaranteeing part. These revealings permitted some pointed understandings of the both international impact of the Romanian international acts, as, for example, the Union of the Principalities in 1859, and significations of the diplomatic European deliberations, as the Great Powers Concert on the Romanian Question.
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Gusakova, Yuliya S., Tatyana L. Adrianovskaya, Valentina V. Chuksina, Aleksej N. Nifanov et Michael V. Presnyakov. « Legal regulation of service and labor relations in various legal systems ». LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-D (10 juillet 2021) : 35–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-d1064p.35-40.
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The article provides a comparative characteristic of the concepts of labor relations in some foreign countries. The article analyzes the legal regulation of labor relations, dividing states into two groups. The first includes Russia, France, Germany and a number of other European states. In the second - the USA, Great Britain, Australia and other countries of the Anglo-Saxon legal system. The author denotes the similarities and differences in choosing one of the two models, namely: European (continental) and Anglo-Saxon (Anglo-American). The conclusion is drawn that the borrowing of the experience of the countries adhering to the Anglo-Saxon model is unacceptable for the Russian state, since in them the labor contract is presented not as a tool capable of guaranteeing the rights of workers, but as a legal way to create conditions that can infringe on their interests. In turn, at the moment these countries are moving towards the socialization of labor relations.
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KOSTIUK, Maryna. « Corpus-Based Analysis of the Concept France ». Linguistic and Conceptual Views of the World, no 75 (1) (2024) : 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-6397.2024.1.04.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article focuses on a corpus-based analysis of the concept FRANCE. The analysis of concepts through the lens of corpus linguistics allows us to determine the general perception of a particular reality. Given the current political context and the development of diplomatic relationships, the concept FRANCE becomes significant and requires analysis. As the material for our study, we chose the corpus of Ukrainian language GRAK. General Regionally Annotated Corpus of Ukrainian (GRAC) is a large representative collection of texts in Ukrainian accompanied by a program that enables customization of subcorpora, searching words, grammatical forms and their combinations as well as post-processing of the query results. For this analysis, journalistic and literary texts dated from 1991 to 2022 were selected. The lexeme “France”, representing the concept FRANCE, appeared 189,178 times in GRAK between 1991 and 2022 with the majority of occurrences found in journalistic texts. Besides, other lexical representatives of the concept FRANCE were analyzed, such as “French”, “Paris”, “France”. The article pays particular attention to the contexts in which the concept FRANCE is realized. Ten main thematic groups related to the concept FRANCE were identified and analyzed: FRANCE – PRESTIGE; FRANCE – REFUGE; FRANCE – HISTORY; FRANCE – LAW; FRANCE – POLITICS; FRANCE – LANGUAGE; FRANCE – ECONOMY; FRANCE – SPORT; FRANCE – FOOD; FRANCE – STYLE. Key adjectives and verbs that verbalize the concept FRANCE in the corpus were found. These words often evoke images of well-known politicians and the names of European countries. Moreover, crucial collocates were determined. Thirty collocates representing the lexeme France were identified: Germany, Macron (Emmanuel), Francois (Hollande), President, Italy, Britain, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Spain, Merkel, Sarkozy, Championship, Leaders, Paris, Ambassador, Team, Elections, PSG, Finance, Embassy, Canada, Government, Lady, Great, Match, Ukraine, Protests, Authority, Visit. These collocates predominantly align with themes of politics, international relations and sports. The extensive usage of the concept FRANCE in Ukrainian corpus indicates a strengthening of political relations between Ukraine and France.