Thèses : « Great Britain – Military relations – Germany »

1

Erlichman, Camilo. « Strategies of rule : cooperation and conflict in the British Zone of Germany, 1945-1949 ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25995.

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This thesis examines strategies of rule deployed during the British occupation of north-western Germany from 1945 to 1949 and explores instances of cooperation and conflict between the occupiers and the occupied population. While the literature has primarily looked at the occupation through the lens of big political projects, this study analyses the application of quotidian ruling strategies and the making of stability on the ground. Techniques for controlling the German population were devised during the war and transmitted to officials through extensive training. Lessons from previous occupations and imperial experiences also entered the Military Government’s ruling philosophy by way of the biographical composition of its top cadre. Once in Germany, the British instituted a system of ‘indirect rule’ which relied on focal points of visibility as embodied by their local officials charged with cooperating with German notables, and invisible instances of supervision in the form of mass surveillance of civilian communications. To illustrate the way the occupiers dealt with conflict, the thesis analyses the dispensation of punishment for breaking Military Government laws, demonstrating that the British often issued severe punishment when their monopoly of force was contested, thus belying the notion of a particularly docile occupation. During mass popular protests, however, they sought to use moderate German trade unionists as intermediaries tasked with diffusing popular unrest, who were co-opted in exchange for material and propagandistic support. The British also used German administrators at the local and regional level, many of whom had a distinctively technocratic and conservative profile and who were appointed for their administrative experience rather than for their political inclinations. Through lobbying by British ecclesiastical figures, the occupiers also cooperated extensively with the German Churches, who were seen as effective partners in the re-Christianisation of Germany and increasingly as an essential bulwark against Communism. The thesis concludes that the long-term legacies of the British occupation lay in the effects of ‘indirect rule’, which exacerbated social inequalities by strengthening the profile of certain social elites at the expense of mass politics. The occupation is finally placed within the comparative context of occupations in Western Europe during the mid-20th century, which had the common legacy of buttressing elites who were primarily concerned with the making of stability rather than with participatory democracy, thus giving the post-war era its conservative mould.

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2

Luce, Alexandra Isabella. « British intelligence in the Portuguese world, 1939-1945 : operations against German Intelligence and relations with the Polícia de Vigilância e Defesa do Estado (PVDE) ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608984.

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3

Millman, Brock 1963. « The Anglo-Turkish alliance 1939-1940 : anatomy of a failure ». Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39377.

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It is the contention of this thesis that the Tripartite Alliance came at the end of a period during which Britain and Turkey attempted to reconcile their often conflicting interests in order to ensure common security in the Near East. Between 1934-1939, contrary to the usual belief, the dynamics of Anglo-Turkish relations most often led Turkey to seek a formal relationship, which Britain, for reasons of its own, was reluctant to grant. Once conceded, in May 1939, with the proclamation of the Joint Guarantee, the fledgling Anglo-Turkish condominium promptly began to sicken, and by June 1940, had failed altogether. The primary reasons for this collapse were four. Firstly, the political under-pinnings of the alliance never seemed sufficient to permit either partner to consider advantageous the activation of the alliance once made. Secondly, the Alliance was afflicted by certain powerful dilemmas within Britain's global strategy which prevented British planners from coming to any lasting consensus regarding Turkey's role in imperial defence. Thirdly, if the alliance were to be made effective, sufficient and timely assistance--chiefly, material and economic assistance--would have to be provided the Turkish partner. During this early period, both Britain and France remained unable or unwilling to provide anything like the level of assistance required. Finally, the numerous inter-allied Staff conversations, which were a principle feature of the Alliance's early years, failed to produce a single viable option for the fruitful deployment of common forces against any possible enemy. Without such a plan, the entry of Turkey to the war would have been worse than ill-advised; it would have been pointless.
Once the Alliance had definitely foundered on these rocks, in the infinitely more menacing conditions existing after June 1940, it was entirely unlikely that Turkey would permit the activation of an alliance no longer consistent, by any reading, with its essential interests. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

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Vourkoutiotis, Vasilis. « The British government's reception of, and reaction to, information from intra-German opposition to Hitler and other sources, 1938-1939 / ». Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68142.

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From 1938 to the outbreak of war in 1939, German opponents of Hitler made numerous contacts with the British government. While the information sent came from a variety of sources, most of the reports landed on the desk of Sir Robert Vansittart, the former Permanent Under-Secretary of the Foreign Office. His "internal-exile" to the position of Chief Diplomatic Advisor, as well as his personality conflicts with his successor, Sir Alexander Cadogan, and Lord Halifax, led to inefficient use of the information received from Germany. German warnings of Hitler's plans and ambitions, when listened to at all, were awkwardly and ineffectively incorporated into British foreign policy.

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5

Mason, Andrea 1976. « Opponents of Hitler in search of foreign support : the foreign contacts of Carl Goerdeler, Ludwig Beck, Ernst von Weizsäcker and Adam von Trott zu Solz, 1937-1940 ». Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29516.

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This thesis examines the attempts made by Carl Goerdeler, Ludwig Beck, Ernst von Weizsacker and Adam von Trott zu Solz to obtain the support of the British government in their effort to overthrow the Nazi regime between 1937 and 1940. The circumstances surrounding each mission are detailed, including the degree of readiness on the part of the German opposition for a coup d'etat and the particular form of support sought from the British to increase the chance of success in each case. Consideration is given to the factors which conditioned the British reaction to the resistance emissaries, including the British foreign policy imperatives of the moment, important events in European relations and the attitude and degree of influence wielded by the statesmen to whom the German resistance emissaries addressed themselves.

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Cozens, Joseph Thomas. « The experience of soldiering : civil-military relations and popular protest in England, 1790-1805 ». Thesis, University of Essex, 2016. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/16495/.

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Over the past three decades, historians of the long eighteenth century have emphasized both the stability of the British state and the progressive growth of national sentiment over the period. The enormous mobilization of manpower during the French Wars is often characterized as the culmination of this evolution. Arming to fight the French, it is argued, was a formative process, which encouraged greater social cohesion, and forged an overarching sense of national identity. This thesis will contend that the ‘Nation-in-Arms’ interpretation has been constructed at a considerable remove from the culture and lives of common people. Adopting a ‘history from below’ approach, it will re-evaluate the popular experience of mass arming, by focusing upon two relatively neglected branches of the armed forces, the army and militia. Three central themes have been selected for investigation: The recruitment process, the experience of soldiering in the home garrison, and the role of armed force in maintaining public order. It will be shown that, between 1790 and 1805, the government was faced by a mixture of popular ambivalence and hostility towards the raising of the army and militia. It will be demonstrated that economic privation was the preeminent cause of enlistment and that, once recruited, soldiers and militiamen retained their working-class attitudes, and viewed their service primarily as a contractual form of labour. The extent to which armed service was viewed as conditional and negotiable will be emphasized through an examination of the military crimes of mutiny and desertion. Finally, an analysis of military deployments during industrial protests and food riots will demonstrate that, during the French Wars, the state became much more reliant upon armed force for maintaining public order. By adopting a ‘history from below’ approach, the limits of social stability and social cohesion will be tested, and a richer, more variegated, understanding of the popular experience of mass-arming will be offered.

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Straw, Sean William. « Anglo Libyan relations and the British military facilities, 1964-1970 ». Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2011. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/11983/.

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This study explores the role of the Anglo-Libyan relationship and the British military facilities in the Labour Government’s foreign and defence policy from 1964 to 1970. This relationship, built upon a “shared tradition” of strategic self interest, was given form in the 1953 treaty which permitted British deployments. The military presence enabled the British to maintain their wider strategic interests East of Suez as well as provide security for the Idris regime in Tripoli. As the Labour Government made cuts in Britain’s defence policy, Libya lost its strategic value but grew in importance for the trade opportunities it offered. In line with defence cuts and a Libyan withdrawal request in 1967, the facilities were scaled back. The remaining presence enabled the British to exploit the growing Libyan economy and maintain influence and defence interests in the country. Tripoli grew increasingly unnerved by the political and territorial ambitions of its Arab Nationalist neighbours, Egypt and Algeria, whilst London regarded Libya as vulnerable to economic and political penetration from the Soviet Union, placing the relationship within the context of the Cold War and Western security. As a consequence the Labour Government encouraged the Libyans to take greater responsibility for their defence, exporting arms to Tripoli and welcoming attempts by Prime Minister Al-Bakkoush to develop the country using oil revenue. After the 1969 Libyan revolution the Labour Government, concerned by the strategic implications of an Arab Nationalist regime in Tripoli, sought to secure Britain’s position and steer the regime away from participating in the Arab-Israeli conflict. However, Tripoli was no longer politically inclined towards the West and London’s attempt to forge a relationship, using existing arms contracts, was complicated by the contentious issue of the sale of Chieftain tanks negotiated with the previous regime. Negotiations floundered and British interests, including a residual presence were lost. Not until thirty years later did the relationship regain any of its former geniality as a strategic “shared tradition” re-emerged to bring the two nations together once more.

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Murray, Scott W. « The origins of an illusion : British policy and opinion, and the development of Prussian liberalism, 1848-1871 ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28832.

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The massive historiography dealing with the problem of Germany's development in the first half of twentieth century has been strongly influenced by the notion that certain peculiar national characteristics led Germany down a Sonderweq, or "special path," which diverged from that of other Western European nations. However, by helping to focus scholarly attention on various political, social and intellectual developments which took place in Germany in the nineteenth century, the Sonderweq thesis has distracted scholars from examining more closely the possible impact which the interplay of international relations had on Germany's development during this pivotal period. The present study examines the extent to which British foreign policy affected the growth of authoritarianism and the decline of liberalism in Prussia during the period 1848-1871, and how certain Intellectual currents in England at the time affected both the formulation and the expression of British policy regarding Prussia. By examining both the policies pursued by British statesmen at certain key points during the period 1848-1871, and the views expressed by a group of highly idealistic British liberal commentators who watched affairs in Prussia closely during this period, I have attempted to demonstrate the following: firstly, that existing interpretations of British policy regarding Prussia have overemphasized the role of liberal idealism in the calculations of British policy-makers, who appear instead to have consistently pursued pragmatic policies aimed at a Prussian-led unification of Germany; and secondly that it was this latter group of British commentators who provided policy-makers with a style of rhetoric which obfuscated the pragmatic considerations underlying British policy. Moreover, it was this same corpus of liberal, "Whig" commentary which laid the conceptual foundations for what was to become the standard interpretative approach to German history, particularly amongst Anglo-American historians writing since 1945 - the Sonderweq thesis. Thus, by separating the rhetoric from the actual practice of British policy, and by identifying the liberal biases which pervaded British liberal discourse on Prussia during this period, I have attempted to clarify Britain's role in the important developments taking place in Germany at this time, while broadening our appreciation of how and why subsequent scholarship on the German question has so readily embraced the notion that German history is "peculiar".
Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate

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9

Packard, Edward Frederick. « Whitehall, industrial mobilisation and the private manufacture of armaments : British state-industry relations, 1918-1936 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/46/.

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This thesis presents a comprehensive account of the complex relationship between the British government and the domestic military-naval arms industry from the armistice in 1918 until the period of rearmament in the 1930s. Challenging traditional 'declinist' assumptions, it offers a multifaceted interpretation of the industry's strengths and weaknesses and its place in national security. In this regard, British governments always prioritised national interests over the private armament manufacturers' particular concerns and never formulated a specific policy to help them adjust to peacetime conditions. Indeed, the wartime experience of industrial mobilisation – the mass production of war material by ordinary firms – made specialist arms producers appear less important in supply planning: a view that proved more important than disarmament and retrenchment in damaging state-industry relations and, together with Britain's liberal economic traditions, helped to foster an enduring but exaggerated sense of relative weakness. Faced with the government's apparent indifference, the overextended arms industry underwent comprehensive internal reorganisation, led by Vickers and supported hesitantly by the Bank of England. This reduced the overall number of manufacturers but it also brought modernisation and a comparatively efficient nucleus for emergency expansion. Internationally, British firms retained a large share of the global arms market despite rising competition. Policymakers rarely accepted widespread public criticism that private armaments manufacture and trading were immoral but believed that the League of Nations' ambition to enforce all-encompassing international controls posed a far greater risk to British security. Although the government imposed unilateral arms trade regulations to facilitate political objectives, and was forced to address outraged popular opinion, neither seriously damaged the manufacturers' fortunes as the country moved towards rearmament. Indeed, the arms industry was never simply a victim of government policy but instead pursued an independent and ultimately successful peacetime strategy, before rearmament led to a cautious renewal of state-industry relations.

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10

Farley, Robert M. « Transnational determinants of military doctrine / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10753.

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Albers, Martin. « The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.

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12

Gray, Peter William. « The strategic leadership and direction of the Royal Air Force Strategic air offensive against Germany from inception to 1945 ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/746/.

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This thesis examines the strategic leadership, and the high level direction, of the Royal Air Force’s contribution to the strategic air offensive against Germany. It takes the conceptual thinking, the organisational aspects and the leadership required to bring it into being, from its inception in the First World War through to 1945. The thesis uses modern understanding of strategic (or senior) leadership as an analytical tool. The realm of strategic leadership is complex, and ambiguous, and the senior leaders required high levels of intellectual capacity to cope with the survival of the force and its subsequent rapid to meet the rising threat from Germany. The senior leaders, political and military, acknowledged that their methods of warfare must be just, and the thesis examines the legality and morality of the planning and conduct of the offensive. A key facet of strategic leadership is the setting of the vision and purpose of the enterprise and the thesis examines the challenges that arose from the competing views on how the offensive should be waged. Genuine strategic leadership requires dexterity in working at the interfaces with other organisations, or Allies, and the thesis examines the complexities of the Combined Bomber Offensive and Overlord.

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13

Zielinski, Joseph M. « The Politics of Appeasement : Great Britain, Germany, and the Upper Silesian Plebiscite ». Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1307371097.

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14

Jenkins, Ellen Janet. « "Organizing Victory:" Great Britain, the United States, and the Instruments of War, 1914-1916 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279079/.

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This dissertation examines British munitions procurement chronologically from 1914 through early 1916, the period in which Britain's war effort grew to encompass the nation's entire industrial capacity, as well as much of the industrial capacity of the neutral United States. The focus shifts from the political struggle in the British Cabinet between Kitchener and Lloyd George, to Britain's Commercial Agency Agreement with the American banking firm of J. P. Morgan and Company, and to British and German propaganda in the United States.

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Kronwall, Mary Elizabeth. « Great Britain, the Council of Foreign Ministers, and the Origins of the Cold War, 1947 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1988. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501072/.

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Scholars assert that the Cold War began at one of several different points. Material recently available at the National Archives yields a view different from those already presented. From these records, and material from the Foreign Relations Series, Parliamentary Debates, and United States Government documents, a new picture emerges. This study focuses on the British occupation of Germany and on the Council of Foreign Ministers' Moscow Conference of 1947. The failure of this conference preceded the adoption of the Marshall Plan and a stronger Western policy toward the Soviet Union. Thus, the Moscow Conference emphasized the disintegrating relations between East and West which resulted in the Cold War.

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Gale, Caitlin Maria. « Beyond Corsairs : the British-Barbary relationship during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1cdea6da-7ca9-4728-bef5-59e6850dbb73.

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The North African Barbary States are usually dismissed as an unimportant, though bothersome, pirate base of little consequence in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. This thesis challenges that idea by providing qualitative and quantitative evidence of Barbary's role in trade and diplomacy during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, especially as it affected Britain and how the British were able to carry out their military and political goals in the Mediterranean. The study is based on the correspondence between the British government and its military leaders in the region, the correspondence and reports generated by British consuls working in Barbary, import/export records, and a database tracking British shipping to and from North Africa during the conflict. To the British, Barbary was not an irritation but an asset. Britain was able to manage Barbary's trade and foreign policy over the course of the twenty-three-year conflict. This was accomplished in two key ways: as a source of supplies for British forces and through the diplomatic role provided by Britain's extensive consul network. Though the North African states were neutral for the majority of both wars, Britain worked strenuously to maintain and increase its trade and diplomacy with Barbary for the benefit of the British armed forces. British trade with Barbary, supported by the British-Barbary diplomatic relationship, directly contributed to British successes in the Mediterranean and Iberian Peninsula.

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Rademacher, Franz L. « DISSENTING PARTNERS : THE NATO NUCLEAR PLANNING GROUP 1965-1976 ». Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1217257345.

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18

Weiler, Björn K. U. « England and the Empire, 1216-1272 : Anglo-German relations during the reign of Henry III ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14563.

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This thesis charts the development of the political and diplomatic relations between England and the Holy Roman, Medieval or German Empire during the reign of Henry III of England, 1216-1272. This will be done before the wider background of contemporary European politics. Therefore, relations between the two realms have been viewed in the context of events and developments such as the papal-imperial conflict, the Mongol invasions, and the crusades. The actions of either Henry III or his Imperial counterpart cannot be understood without this background in mind, and without a comparison to the actions and undertakings of their contemporaries. As a result, it emerges that Henry III's policies towards the Holy Roman Empire did not differ greatly from those of other rulers, such as Louis IX of France or Ferdinand of Castile, and that in his case, as in theirs, the immediate pressing needs of Henry's own kingdom formed and moulded the direction of his relations with the rulers of the Empire. As far as the Emperor was concerned, on the other hand, England was perceived to be a potential source of fiscal and diplomatic support, but was not considered worth any risks. At the same time, the dangers and challenges facing both rulers also forced them over and over again to confront each other's needs and ambitions.

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Femers, Jörg. « Deutsch-britische Optionen Untersuchungen zur internationalen Politik in der späten Bismarck-Ära ; (1879 - 1890) ». Trier Wiss. Verl. Trier, 2006. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2826377&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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20

Duke, Simon. « United States defence bases in the United Kingdom ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5f7987f7-8286-48b0-9595-d60413ef6fc6.

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The main concerns of the study, covering the years 1945-84, are arrangements that have been made for the use of military bases in the United Kingdom by United States forces. The subject is examined within a chronological framework. The development of the United States military presence is traced, from the earliest Joint Chiefs of Staff plans in 1945 and the Spaatz- Tedder agreement in 1946, which gave the United States permission to deploy certain forces in the United Kingdom in time of emergency. The 1948 Berlin Crisis led to the arrival of bombers in East Anglia which was the first major post-war deployment of United States forces to Britain. It was stated that it would be for a period of temporary duty. In fact the bases have remained from that day to this, though their number and types have varied over time. The Korean War proved to be the next major turning point. It increased demands upon the Attlee government for an agreement defining the conditions of use of United States bases in the United Kingdom. The subsequent Truman- Attlee, and later Truman-Churchill, meetings resulted in the key phrase: the use of bases would be 'a matter for joint decision ... in the light of circumstances prevailing at the time.' Different interpretations have been placed on these words at different times. The years 1950-57 saw a consolidation of the United States military presence, with Britain's importance as an intelligence base also growing. The dawning of the missile age symbolised by the first Soviet earth satellite in 1957, the agreement in the same year to deploy Thor missiles, and the deployment of Polaris to Holy Loch in 1960, raised questions regarding the adequacy of the earlier agreements on the conditions of use. This factor, alongside the development of a distinct European identity of which Britain has become a part, has led to a questioning of American hegemony within NATO. The arrival of cruise missiles in 1983 gave added urgency to the debate. Whilst it may be generally recognized that the bases make a substantial contribution to the United Kingdom's defences, the need for clarification of the uses to which the bases can be put by United States forces remains.

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James, Richard 1949. « Public opinion and the British Legion in Spain, 1835-1838 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23848.

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This thesis examines public opinion towards the participation opinion of the British Auxiliary Legion in the Spanish Civil War. It is based on an analysis of British newspapers, periodicals and political discussion between 1835 and 1838. It suggests that, although there was some degree of support for the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston in sending the legion to aid liberalism in the Peninsula, yet that support declined rapidly. In spite of Palmerston's eventual claim that intervention in Spain had been worthwhile, public opinion was not to reflect the view that his policy had been a right one, or that the British Auxiliaries had been indispensable to the cause of Spanish constitutionalism.

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Faber, Pierre Anthony. « Industrial relations, flexibility, and the EU social dimension : a comparative study of British and German employer response to the EU social dimension ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:959fa1ee-cd08-450b-8e94-68b9858dd9e3.

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This study sets out to explore employer response to the EU social dimension, in answer to the question, "How are employers in the UK and Germany responding to the EU social dimension, and why?" Using case study evidence from nine large British and German engineering companies, as well as material from employers' associations at all levels, it is argued that there is little employer support for extending the social dimension. Focusing on micro-economic aspects of the debate, it is also argued that a common feature in both British and German employer opposition is a concern for the impact of EU industrial relations regulation on firm-level flexibility. This stands in direct contradiction of the EU Commission's own contentions about the flexibility-enhancing effects of its social policy measures, and appears paradoxical in light of earlier research findings of a German flexibility advantage over UK rivals on account of the country's well-structured regulatory framework for industrial relations. Evidence from participant companies, however, suggests that, in the global environment of the late 1990s, much of Germany's former flexibility advantage has been eroded, and the regulation-induced limitations on both the pace and scale of change are increasingly onerous to German companies. German managers perceive a need for targeted deregulatory reform of their industrial relations system; by strengthening (and often extending) existing industrial relations regulation, EU social policy measures meet with firm disapproval. In the UK, by contrast, the changed context has contributed to a significant increase in firm-level flexibility. British companies now operate to levels of flexibility often in advance of their German counterparts, at far lower 'cost' in terms of the time taken, and the extent to which change measures are compromised, to reach agreement. For British managers, EU social policy measures are perceived as a threat to these beneficial arrangements, and vigorously opposed. The thesis concludes by suggesting that such fixed opposition, in the face of Commission determination to extend the EU social dimension, points to an escalation of the controversy surrounding the social dimension.

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Thornhill, Paula Georgia. « Catalyst for coalition : the Anglo-American supply relationship, 1939-1941 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e66ee069-43c1-423b-8d54-d883c8ff4040.

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This thesis explores the Anglo-American supply relationship, 1939-1941, and the ability of these two nations to wage a coalition war immediately after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. Organisationally, the first chapters of the thesis look at the impact of the Great War and the interwar period on this relationship. The remaining chapters are devoted to the evolution of the supply relationship between September 1939 and December 1941. The evidence found in British and American archives indicates that early supply discussions, conducted under the supervision of Arthur Purvis and Henry Morgenthau, established a common ground for Anglo-American co-operation during the early days of the Second World War. The fall of France prompted the British Government to seek much closer ties with the United States. However, in mid-1940 many senior US officials insisted that America should concentrate on its own defence against the Nazi threat because of the likelihood of Britain's defeat. By the end of 1940, the American defence planners were more confident of Britain's ability to survive, and therefore they were willing to consider the creation of Anglo-American defence plans. At the same time President Roosevelt requested Congressional approval for the Lend-Lease Act, to ensure the British Government could still acquire US war supplies even if it lacked the dollars to pay for them. Because of the inability of US industry to produce adequate war materiel for the British effort and American rearmament, representatives from the two countries were forced to work closely together to determine production and allocation priorities. Moreover, since these decisions influenced the fighting capability of British and American forces, war planners rather than civilians officials began to make these supply decisions. Subsequently, British and American officials determined that their efforts should be based on a joint strategy. Ultimately this realisation inspired the creation of the Victory Programme, which effectively acknowledged that supply needs, strategic considerations, and an overall commitment to defeat Germany and its allies were indistinguishable. Thus the supply relationship, 1939-1941, provided the foundation for the Anglo-American wartime coalition against Hitler.

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Blang, Eugenie M. « To urge common sense on the Americans : United States' relations with France, Great Britain, and the Federal Republic of Germany in the context of the Vietnam War, 1961-1968 ». W&M ScholarWorks, 2000. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623983.

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America's Vietnam War had profound ramifications beyond its immediate effect on Southeast Asia and the United States. This dissertation utilizes the debate over Vietnam between the United States and its major European allies, Britain, France, and West Germany, as an analytical framework to examine inter-allied relations. The "Vietnam problem" strained the traps-Atlantic alliance and revealed the respective self-interest of the four member nations. The British, French, and West Germans had serious misgivings about the American strategy in Vietnam, based on a differing view of the nature of the conflict and a pessimistic assessment of American chances for success in South Vietnam. Equally important, the Europeans feared that Washington might disengage from Europe and that the fighting in Southeast Asia might develop into a major, perhaps even a world war. European security hence might be dangerously undermined by further American escalation in Vietnam. According to the European powers, the Cold War should be primarily fought in Europe. Although London, Paris, and Bonn were deeply apprehensive about the American engagement in Vietnam, they failed to develop a unified policy to affect American decision-making because they were unable to transcend their nationalistic agendas. Presidents Kennedy and Johnson unsuccessfully attempted to win substantial European support for America's role in Vietnam. to the United States, Vietnam was a prime domino that could not be allowed to fall and Washington viewed European concerns as parochial and counter-productive. The essentially unilateral approach of the United States in Vietnam led to tragic failure. as a result of the Vietnam experience, Washington realized that it could not fulfill all its global obligations without the backing of its European allies. The lack of a cohesive policy toward America's engagement in Vietnam revealed inherent shortcomings in the foreign policy-making of the European nation-states, which were still guided by a nationalistic, self-interested approach. Britain, France, West Germany, and the United States painfully recognized that in order to successfully meet global challenges they needed to listen more closely to each other and develop a mutualistic policy that would better serve their shared interests as allies and friends.

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Walters, Andrew John Charles. « Inter-war, inter-service friction on the North-West Frontier of India and its impact on the development and application of RAF doctrine ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7681/.

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India’s North-West Frontier was the one area where the British Raj could suffer a knockout blow from either external Russian invasion or internal revolt. Frontier defence was amongst the greatest burdens during India’s inter-War financial austerity. Despite the RAF’s operational and financial efficacy in 1920s Iraq, air control was never implemented on the Frontier and air power’s potential was never fully exploited. Instead, aircraft were employed to enhance the Army’s traditional battlefield capabilities, resulting in efficient tactical co-ordination during the 1930s Waziristan campaign - the RAF’s most operationally-active pre-War theatre. To address why air power was constrained on the Frontier, the Thesis examines the inter-War relationship between the Armies of India and the RAF and its impact on the development and application of RAF doctrine. It concludes that the conservatively-natured Indian Armies were slow to recognise the conceptual shift required to fully exploit air power. This entrenchment was reinforced by inter-Service rivalry and the threat of aircraft replacing land forces with a concomitant loss of political standing. The enduring high-level internecine conflict resulted in the squandering of both resources and the opportunity to test independent, ‘strategic’ air power theory prior to WWII. Its legacy impacted on Army-RAF relations into WWII.

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Searle, Rebecca K. « Art, propaganda and the experience of aerial warfare in Britain during the Second World War ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/6919/.

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This thesis examines how artists working for the War Artists' Advisory Committee (WAAC) represented aerial warfare. In contrast to the scholarly attention lavished on wartime films and posters, official war art remains a much neglected aspect of the propaganda war. The few studies that do exist, most notably by Brian Foss, survey the collection as a whole and consider it from an art history perspective. By focusing on the single theme of aviation, a central and defining experience of the Second World War, I embed the WAAC within the economic, social, military and cultural histories of the period and locate it within a longer time frame. Through bringing these usually disparate fields of study into dialogue, I am able to use the art to enrich broader understandings of the period, in particular, the ways in which aerial warfare was represented, how this image evolved during the war and how these cultural products related to economic, military and social factors. This thesis highlights the different roles the WAAC was expected to fulfil. Housed within the Ministry of Information, the WAAC was expected to perform a propagandist function. The committee distanced itself from propaganda and insisted that its primary function was to record for posterity the experience of living through the war. I assess exactly what kind of record the WAAC bequeathed by looking thematically at the key aspects of aerial warfare: aircraft production; the Battle of Britain; the Blitz and the bombing of Germany. I argue that whilst there was broad correlation between war art and propaganda, these images registered aspects of experience that were incongruent with and therefore absent from wartime propaganda, such as the fear of aerial bombardment and the true nature of the bombing of Germany. Moreover, propagandist constructions were not entirely separate to lived experience, rather they both reflected experience and shaped the way that individuals understood and made sense of the world around them. Therefore, in producing images that accorded with propagandist portrayals, the WAAC artists were recording a fundamental part of the experience of living through the war.

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Coudray, Pierre Louis. « Mourir à la guerre, survivre à la paix : les militaires irlandais au service de la France au XVIIIe siècle, une reconstruction historique ». Thesis, Lille 3, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LIL3H010/document.

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Cette thèse est une étude chronologique de la présence militaire irlandaise en France sous l’Ancien Régime associé à une analyse du mythe de la Brigade Irlandaise au XVIIIe siècle. En s’appuyant sur des sources primaires, dont certaines sont inédites, les quatre premiers chapitres proposent un cadre historique de la communauté militaire irlandaise et de l’acculturation progressive, mais parfois difficile, de ses membres. Le premier chapitre se concentre sur les écrits de l’élite française et de la littérature populaire d’Angleterre face aux Irlandais lors de la « Guerre des trois rois », tandis que le deuxième se penche sur l’image des soldats irlandais dans la presse des deux côtés de la Manche à la même période. Le troisième explique comment ces hommes sont devenus au fil du temps une troupe reconnue par ses pairs dans l’armée royale, tandis que le quatrième explore les stratégies mises en place par les militaires irlandais et leurs familles pour intégrer la société d’accueil. Ces deux chapitres montrent également le déclin de la présence effective d’Irlandais dans la Brigade. La question de la mémoire de la bataille de Fontenoy est au coeur du cinquième et du sixième chapitre qui étudient minutieusement la part des Irlandais dans la journée du 11 mai 1745 et le rôle des écrits du XIXe siècle dans la naissance d’une identité militaire proprement irlandaise. L’étude se focalise sur des sources contemporaines des faits pour le premier et des documents anglais, français et irlandais datant du XIXe siècle pour le second
This PhD is a chronological study of the military presence of Irishmen in Franceunder the Ancien Regime linked to an analysis of the myth surrounding the Irish Brigade in the18th century. Based on primary sources, some of which have been hitherto unpublished, the firstfour chapters propose an historical framework of the Irish military community and thesometimes difficult but progressive acculturation of its members. The first chapter focuses onthe writings of the French elite as well as popular literature from England about the Irish in the“War of the three kings”, while the second one is about the image of the Irish soldiers in thepress on both sides of the Channel during the same period. The third one explains how thesemen came to be recognised by their peers as a valuable unit in the French royal army and thefourth one explores the tactics used by Irish militarymen and their families to integrate intoFrench society. These two chapters also show the gradual decline of the actual presence ofIrishmen within the ranks of the Brigade. The question of the memory attached to the battle ofFontenoy is at the very core of the fifth and sixth chapters where the part played by Irishmenon the 11th of May 1745 is minutely studied. The birth of a distinct Irish military identity in19th century writings is also discussed. The study focuses on 18th century sources for the fifthchapter and 19th century sources from France, England and Ireland for the sixth

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Baratier-Negri, Laurence. « Valéry Giscard d'Estaing et la Grande-Bretagne : le couple franco-britannique sur la scène internationale de 1974 à1981 ». Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040048.

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Les années 70 voient l’émergence d’un monde multipolaire qui exige de nouvelles échelles de négociations. Quelle place le bilatéral peut-il jouer dans la réorganisation des relations internationales ? La question interpelle tout particulièrement deux puissances européennes « moyennes » aux ambitions mondiales : la France et la Grande-Bretagne. Les chocs monétaire, économique et énergétique dans un contexte de mondialisation accélérée, rendent indispensable la coordination entre les Etats et justifient des solutions régionales : Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, qui voit dans l’intégration européenne le moyen de préserver le poids de l’Europe et de la France dans le monde, doit composer avec les Britanniques qui adhèrent à la CEE en 1973. Aux défis économiques s’ajoutent des déséquilibres politiques : inconnues de la détente, divergences transatlantiques, recul du leadership américain, apparition de nouveaux acteurs sur l’échiquier mondial. Pour sauvegarder l’équilibre européen, le consensus est plus que jamais nécessaire. L’arrivée au pouvoir au milieu des années 70 en France, en Grande-Bretagne, en Allemagne et aux États-Unis, d’une nouvelle génération de dirigeants, favorise la restructuration des modes de concertation. La création par Valéry Giscard d’Estaing du Conseil européen et du G7 cristallise cette évolution et offre de nouvelles perspectives aux relations bilatérales. Celles-ci s’inscrivent de plus en plus dans le système des relations internationales par un jeu d’échelles qui permet de coordonner les stratégies. Le sommet franco-britannique créé en 1976 prend toute sa dimension en tant que relais entre gouvernance européenne et gouvernance mondiale
The 70’s see the emergence of a multipolar world that requires new scales of negotiations. What role can bilateralism play in the reorganization of global relations? The question especially calls out two medium-sized European powers with worldwide ambitions: France and Great Britain.The monetary, economical, and energy crises in a context of accelerated globalization make the coordination between states vital and justify regional solutions. Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who sees in the European integration the mean to preserve the weight of Europe and France in the world, has to compose with the British who join the EEC in 1973. To the economic challenges are added political imbalances: the unknowns of Détente, transatlantic divergences, the decline of the American leadership, and the emergence of new key players on the world stage. In order to protect the European balance, the consensus is more necessary than ever. The coming to power, in the mid 70’s, of a new generation of political leaders in France, Great Britain, Germany, and the US promotes the restructuring of dialogue. The creation of the European Council and the G7 by Valéry Giscard d’Estaing crystallizes this evolution and offers new perspectives to bilateral relations. These fit more and more into the international relation system by an interplay of scales that allows the coordination of the strategies. The Franco-British summit introduced in 1976 comes into full view as a relay between the European governance and the worldwide governance

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Cheong, Onn Kee. « A Study of the Interdependence of Four Major Stock Markets Using a Vector Autoregression ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500682/.

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The question for this thesis is whether the four major stock markets--the United States, Great Britain, West Germany, and Japan are interdependent or segmented. The study period runs from February 1979 to June 1987, with the Wall Street Journal as a source of data. The Granger causality test is used to test for relationships among the four major stock markets. The thesis is divided into five chapters-- 1) statement of the problem; 2) survey of literature; 3) methodology; 4) results and 5) conclusions. The overall findings of this thesis indicate that there are few or no comovement similarities among all the four stock markets. However, the findings do point out the significant influence of the United States stock market on the other three stock markets.

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Depoortere, Rolande A. « La Belgique et les réparations allemandes après la première Guerre mondiale, 1919-1925 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212662.

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Vercauteren, Pierre. « Des politiques européennes à l'égard de l'URSS : la France, la RFA et la Grande-Bretagne de 1969 à 1989 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211974.

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Berger, Michael Andrew. « How resisting democracies can defeat substate terrorism : formulating a theoretical framework for strategic coercion against nationalistic substate terrorist organizations ». Thesis, St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/889.

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ZIMMERMANN, Hubert. « Dollars, pounds and transatlantic security : conventional troops and monetary policy in Germany's relations to the United States and the United Kingdom 1955-1967 ». Doctoral thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6027.

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Defence date: 10 February 1997
Examining board: Prof. Richard T. Griffiths (Supervisor), EUI; Prof. Werner Abelshauser, Universität Bielefeld; Prof. Wolfgang Krieger, Universität Marburg; Prof. Alan S. Milward, EUI; Prof. Gustav Schmidt, Universität Bochum
First made available online 27 June 2017

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Marolda, Gemma Angela. « British and German economic relations with Japan, 1970-1990 a study of economic self-interest and cooperation in bilateral relationships between middle powers / ». 1994. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/34655827.html.

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TOLLEFSEN, Trond Ove. « The British-German fight over dismantling : the removal of industrial plants as reparations after the Second World War and its political repercussions ». Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/41938.

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Defence date: 9 June 2016
Examining Board: Professor Youssef Cassis, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Anne Deighton, Oxford University (External Supervisor); Professor Federico Romero, EUI; Professor Gabriele Clemens, Hamburg University.
The programme of dismantling German factories for reparations caused the biggest crisis in the relationship between British and the Germans during the apost-Second World War occupation years. By 1949, the peak year for dismantling in the British Zone, the Germans were convinced that the British, alone among the Allies, were pushing for continued dismantling, and that they were doing so for purely commercial reasons. The dismantling campaign has been almost exclusively by economic historian, with the consensus being that its effect was limited. This raises the question of why it turned into such a bitter political conflict. My thesis explores the dismantling programme from this angle. I show that the renewed dismantling programme from 1947 onwards caused rifts inwards in the British occupation apparatus, as the punitive aspects of the dismantling campaign and the strong German reaction against it started threatening what the British saw as their positive mission in Germany, re-educating the Germans. It caused a rift between the Allies, as the US Congress started a massive campaign to end dismantling in connection with the Marshall Aid, and with the French vacillating between ending and continuing dismantling. In Germany itself, the dismantling programme became an issue where the political parties, industry groups and labour unions sought to exploit the groundswell of popular discontent against dismantling for their own, wider political goals, often with a troublesome nationalistic rhetoric. Dismantling as a major political issue ended with the Petersberg agreement in November 1949. By this time the conflict over dismantling had festered for so long that it was relatively easy for the Adenauer government to sideline the British and focus their attentions on rapprochement with France and European economic integration. The most original part of the research focuses on how British debates on whether to proceed or end dismantling, and how British dismantling policies were shaped by other occupation goals focused on a particular British conception of power. The British increasingly saw dismantling as influencing British prestige, meant to compensate for lagging relative power. I define what the British meant by their prestige in this question, its imperial origins and how it failed.

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Tynan, Elizabeth Rosemary. « Atoms and empty space : media and the most dangerous scientific experiments in Australia ». Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150255.

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This thesis examines aspects of the British nuclear tests in Australia to draw conclusions about the role played by media scientific literacy in the conduct of democratic government. Democracy cannot function fully if media practitioners do not recognise scientific knowledge as being central to investigating and reporting on issues of national importance and therefore do not develop their knowledge bases and frame their activities accordingly. This principle is illustrated by an examination of the nuclear tests, in which the absence of scientific literacy among media had long-term ramifications. Media coverage of the entire British nuclear tests including the Vixen B plutonium tests at Maralinga took place in two distinct eras: the first during the time of the tests and later when the Australian media rediscovered the nuclear test series and re-opened it for enquiry. The strong contrasts that emerge in Australian media output at the time of the tests, from 1952 to 1963, compared with the later era of media rediscovery from 1978 to 1993, suggest that between the eras the media came to develop greater capacity to undertake informed and investigative coverage of complex science-based topics and therefore were able to report fully on the tests only in the later era. The case study supports the argument that scientifically literate "fourth estate" journalists are an indispensable element of democracy. If such media capacity does not exist, the resulting lack of public understanding about events such as those at Maralinga inevitably leads to unaccountable government and undemocratic practices.

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Obertová, Pavla. « Britský appeasement ve 20. letech 20. století ? Analýza britské zahraniční politiky vůči Německu od konce první světové války po velkou hospodářskou krizi prostředniczvím konceptu appeasementu ». Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-415078.

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This diploma thesis deals with the analysis of British foreign policy towards Germany since the end of the first world war until the outbreak of Great Depression through the policy of appeasement. Theoretical part presents various understanding of the concept of appeasement and identifies several criteria of appeasement based on which the British policy towards Germany is subsequently assessed during defined historical period. The main part of the thesis contains a description and analysis of the attitude of the Great Britain towards Germany in selected foreign policy events through the concept of appeasement. The main goal of this thesis is to answer the research question whether Great Britain applied a policy of appeasement towards Germany already during the 1920s.

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Makin, Michael Philip. « An analysis of South Africa's relationship with the Commonwealth of Nations between 1945 and 1961 ». Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17305.

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This thesis provides a survey and an analysis of South Africa's relations with the British Commonwealth (Commonwealth of Nations) between the years 1945 and 1961. It outlines and explains the deterioration of this relationship in the context of the crisis in South Africa's foreign relations after World War II. Documentary evidence is produced to throw more light on the relationship with Britain and, to a lesser extent, other Commonwealth countries. This relationship is analysed in the context of political, economic and strategic imperatives which made it necessary for Britain to continue to seek South Africa's co-operation within the Commonwealth. This thesis also describes how the African and Asian influence began to be felt within the Commonwealth on racial issues. This influence was to become particularly important during the crucial period after the Sharpeville incident. The attitudes of Britain and other Commonwealth countries at the two crucial conferences of 1960 and 1961 are re-examined. The attitude of extra-parliamentary organisations in South Africa towards the Commonwealth connection is an important theme of this thesis in addition to the other themes mentioned above. It is demonstrated how Indian and African opinions became increasingly hostile towards what was seen as British and "white" Commonwealth "appeasement" of South Africa. These attitudes are surveyed in the context of an increasing radicalisation of black politics in South Africa. The movement by English and Afrikaans-speaking white South Africans toward a consensus on racial and foreign policy is also examined. Finally, the epilogue to this thesis discusses the return of South Africa to the Commonwealth in 1994. It includes a brief survey of developments in the Commonwealth attitude to South Africa since 1961.
History
D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

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Mischke, Carl. « Discourses of silence : judicial responses to industrial action as an archaeolgy of juridification ». 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17462.

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A study of silences: as a metaphysics of the law, juridification silences the text of the law in order to enable an allegorical reading of the law. This silencing of the legal text can only be avoided through a non-metaphysical archaeological reading. Similarly, the programme of comparative labour law is silent at its most pivotal points, leaving some concerns of the programme indeterminate and indeterminable. As context, the dominant discourses of the labour law systems of the Federal Republic of Germany (Tarifautonomie), Great Britain (collective laizzesfaire) and South Africa (fairness) are identified and the agents of the jurisprudence (the courts) are briefly outlined. The silence operating within the phenomenology of the labour judiciary and the concept of a 'court' is also examined. The study then proceeds to read, in an archaeological manner, the industrial action jurisprudence in Germany, Great Britain and South Africa, such readings again yielding silences within the discourse of the law. The silences occurring throughout (and the resulting normative breaches in the rationality of the legal discourse) are the prerequisites for juridification, a process in terms of which the metajuridical standard is imported into the legal normative system and thereby rendered part of the archival discourse of the law.
LL.D.

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