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1
Davydov, Andrey. « US - Great Britain Economic Relations ». Russia and America in the 21st Century, no 5 (2023) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760028381-6.
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This article covers the major trends of United States and Great Britain economic relations. Economic cooperation between these countries is closely connected with the phenomenon of “special relationships” in the political field. Sources and main points of the “special relationships” are being analyzed in the article. British departure from the European Union created possibilities to develop further economic cooperation between the United States and the United Kingdom. Negotiations on free trade agreement started under Donald Trump administration but were frozen under current US administration. In the result UK proved to be between Scylla and Charybdis. The article covers major trends of structural changes in mutual trade and investment flows during last decade. Statistical analysis shows that oil and natural gas are the major articles of US export to Great Britain. United Kingdom is exporting transport equipment, chemicals and different types of machinery. Different services (professional, business, finance and science) are also important for mutual cooperation. Current investment positions of both countries are being analyzed. Great Britain is interested to get American direct investment in different fields. UK big holding companies are the major target of US direct investors. British equities are also in great demand on the global financial market. Most of British capitals are invested in manufacturing companies of the US. Current situation with free trade negotiations is being analyzed. President John Baiden administration realizes conservative economic policy. US conservative policy is aimed to support national producers. In view of the above it is highly likely that trade negotiations between US and UK will not be in progress for a long period.
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Makarchuk, K. O., et M. V. Shuba. « Ukraine and Great Britain Trade Cooperation : The Current State and Prospects ». Business Inform 12, no 515 (2020) : 65–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.32983/2222-4459-2020-12-65-71.
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The article is aimed at determining the current state and prospects for the development of trade cooperation between Ukraine and Great Britain. For Ukraine, cooperation with the the United Kingdom as one of the world’s trade leaders can be a promising direction. The dynamics of foreign trade in goods and services of Ukraine with Great Britain are provided. The increase in Ukrainian exports of goods may continue after the Great Britain leaves the EU, as, unlike other EU countries, Great Britain pursues a less protectionist policy on agricultural products. The commodity structure of exports and imports, as well as changes in the structure of foreign trade in the services of Ukraine and Great Britain over the past 5 years are analyzed. The main commodities exported by Ukraine are ferrous metals, grain crops, fats and oils of both animal and vegetable origin. The structure of British imports of goods is dominated by goods with high added value. Great Britain is one of Ukraine’s main foreign trade partners in the trade in services. A positive process for Ukraine is the increase in the share of services exports in the sphere of telecommunications, computer and information services. It is determined that trade cooperation between Ukraine and Great Britain during the researched period is characterized, in general, by positive dynamics. Positive changes include a gradual reduction in the negative balance of Ukrainian trade with great Britain due to faster growth of Ukrainian exports. At the same time, the unresolved problem remains low-diversified exports of Ukraine with low added value. Prospects for further trade cooperation between Ukraine and Great Britain in the context of signing the Agreement on Political Cooperation, Free Trade and Strategic Partnership between Ukraine and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland are examined.
3
O'Brien, Patrick K., et Geoffrey Allen Pigman. « Free trade, British hegemony and the international economic order in the nineteenth century ». Review of International Studies 18, no 2 (avril 1992) : 89–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500118807.
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The theory (or rather the notion) that the international economy functioned more or less effectively for roughly a century down to 1914 because Great Britain provided the ‘public goods’ required for the smooth operation of the ‘liberal international order’ has become a textbook generalization. That notion emerged quite recently and can be traced to Kindleberger's attempt to explain the pronounced cyclical fluctuations experienced by the world economy during the interwar years 1919–39, as well as the severity and duration of the Great Depression from 1929–33 in terms of the American failure to sustain conditions necessary for the financial stability of an interdependent global economy. In Kindleberger's view, Britain, which had acted as a hegemonic power before 1914, lacked the resources to continue with its historic role after the Great War, while the United States (which by 1918 enjoyed a position in the world economy of arguably greater weight and significance than the United Kingdom had ever possessed during the long nineteenth century) commanded neither the knowledge nor the political will to replace Britain as the responsible hegemonic power until after the Second World War.
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Becuwe, Stéphane, Bertrand Blancheton et Christopher M. Meissner. « The French (Trade) Revolution of 1860 : Intra-Industry Trade and Smooth Adjustment ». Journal of Economic History 81, no 3 (septembre 2021) : 688–722. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050721000371.
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The Cobden-Chevalier treaty of 1860 eliminated French import prohibitions and lowered tariffs between France and Great Britain. The policy change was largely unexpected and unusually free from direct lobbying. A series of commercial treaties with other nations followed. Post-1860, we find a significant rise in French intra-industry trade. Sectors that liberalized more experienced higher two-way trade. Our findings are consistent with the idea that trade liberalization led to “smooth adjustment” that avoided costly inter-sectoral re-allocations of factors.
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Sokolov, V. « The Disintegration of the British Empire as a Restructuring of the Geoeconomic System (1947-1972) ». Voprosy Ekonomiki, no 8 (20 août 2009) : 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2009-8-96-109.
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The article considers Great Britain as a "country-system" which organizes global economic structures. The article shows how the United Kingdom was gradually losing its exclusive position in the world trade. The high growth rates in the countries of continental Europe enhanced their attractiveness as trading partners and eventually caused Britains reorientation from preferential links with the countries of the Commonwealth to the European economic integration. The article criticizes widespread opinion that the refusal from colonialism and imperial ambitions was the consequence of developing free trade. Using the heritage of the Empire the United Kingdom ensured more favorable position in the world economy than it could get according to the competitiveness of the mother country.
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McDermott, John. « “A Needless Sacrifice” : British Businessmen and Business As Usual in the First World War ». Albion 21, no 2 (1989) : 263–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049929.
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The First World War ended Great Britain's nineteenth-century world economic supremacy, which had been steadily eroded in the decades before 1914. Within Britain, the war also changed the way in which individuals carried on business, the attitudes of the business community toward government, the government's own policies toward trade and traders, and public opinion on these matters, as reflected in the press. Although it is far too simplistic to claim that the war spelled the end of laissez-faire in Britain, state control of the economy did increase in a country whose economic culture was based on free trade and minimal government interference in business. Moreover, before 1914 Britain had to export to pay its way in the world, and its economy, more than that of any other great power, depended upon peace for prosperity. In this setting, Germany was the biggest European customer for British exports, as well as being the source of vital imports, such as aniline dyes, optical, and electrical goods. Thus the application of economic warfare against Germany and its allies deeply affected the British economy and businessmen who were suddenly forced by official edict to relinquish a traditional market in patriotic support of their government's blockade of the German Empire.
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Lammey, David. « The Irish-Portuguese trade dispute, 1770-90 ». Irish Historical Studies 25, no 97 (mai 1986) : 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400025323.
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One dispute in Irish history which has not been given the attention it deserves is that which involved Britain, Ireland and Portugal during the years 1780-87 Authors of outline Irish histories, Lecky, Murray, George O’Brien and McDowell only mention the dispute briefly in their respective narratives, though it is clear they understood its importance to some degree at least. Maurice O’Connell, who has produced the only specialist study for the period in question, makes no reference to the dispute at all. This dispute has indeed been more substantially treated by the British historian, John Ehrman, within the general context of an analysis of the British government’s commercial negotiations from 1783 to 1793. However, the perspective he draws relates purely to Britain and Portugal, which, in itself, narrows the true significance of an episode which was important in that it completely undermined the benefits Ireland hoped to accrue from the free-trade legislation of 1779-80, and also because it raised a number of interesting questions relative to Ireland’s constitutional status vis-à-vis of Great Britain.
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Lim, Kwangsoo. « The Shift of a Dividend Policy and a Leverage Policy during the 2008 Financial Crisis ». International Journal of Finance & ; Banking Studies (2147-4486) 5, no 6 (21 octobre 2016) : 09–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijfbs.v5i6.600.
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This paper investigates how firms shifted their dividend policies and leverage policies in response to the economic shock caused by the 2008 financial crisis. The sample countries are United States, Great Britain, France, Germany, Australia, Japan, China, and Korea. The empirical relationship of firms’ dividend policies with their capital structures and earnings was likely to undergo a major change around the 2008 financial crisis, as firms adjusted their capital structures and dividend policies in response to the extreme credit crunch caused by the financial crisis. The extent and the speed that firms deleverage themselves and reduce their dividends were likely to be influenced by countries’ cultural and social norms. This paper finds a significant reduction in dividends across sample countries except Great Britain and France after the 2008 crisis. This finding supports the free cash flow theory that dividends are paid to dissipate free cash flow to address agency conflicts between managers and shareholders. This paper finds a higher correlation between dividends and leverages before the 2008 crisis, and that it strengthened after the crisis except Great Britain and Korea. This finding is consistent more with the pecking order theory than with the trade-off theory of leverage.
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Dukhnytskyi, Bogdan. « Foreign trade in agri-food products between Ukraine and the United Kingdom of Great Britain ». Ekonomika APK 30, no 3 (26 avril 2023) : 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.32317/2221-1055.202303029.
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Among the most important regional allies of Ukraine, it is worth highlighting the United Kingdom, which first as an EU member state, and then, from 2021, independently, within the framework of a bilateral agreement, contributes in every possible way to the development of free trade, in particular, agricultural, between the two countries. This is evidenced by the constantly growing volumes of exports and imports of agricultural raw materials and food products for Ukraine and the United Kingdom until 2022. The purpose of the study is to examine the dynamics of foreign trade in agricultural and food products between Ukraine and the United Kingdom, including the relationship between the development of mutual trade and the liberalisation of its conditions. Generalisation, analysis, and synthesis, comprehensive assessment, historical, graphic, and tabular methods were used. The general socio-economic characteristics of the UK are given, considering its withdrawal from the European Union and focusing on the current state of trade in agri-food products on the international market. The quantitative and cost indicators of foreign trade in agri-food products between Ukraine and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland since 2012 are analysed, the characteristic features of the commodity structure of export sales and import purchases of Ukraine are considered, including in 2022, the prospects for agricultural trade between the parties in the near future are assessed, in particular, areas for deepening foreign economic cooperation between Ukraine and the United Kingdom are proposed, and groups of products that will remain a priority even in war conditions, considering the needs of internal food markets of both countries are identified. The provisions of the study are aimed at providing information on the possibilities of developing trade in agricultural and food products with the UK for Ukrainian food sector enterprises and public authorities that ensure foreign policy and international cooperation.
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Moretta, Andrew, Steve Tombs et David Whyte. « The Escalating Crisis of Health and Safety Law Enforcement in Great Britain : What Does Brexit Mean ? » International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no 5 (7 mars 2022) : 3134. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19053134.
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This paper explores occupational safety and health regulation in Great Britain following the UK’s exit from the European Union. In particular, the paper focuses on the credibility of regulatory enforcement. The prospects raised by the UK’s exit from the European Union have long been part of a free-market fantasy—even obsession—of right-wing politicians and their ideologues. As the UK’s relationship with the EU is recalibrated, this will present right-wing opportunists with a new rationale for undermining health and safety law and enforcement. The paper uses empirical evidence of Great Britain’s record in health and safety law enforcement to evidence a drift towards an extreme form of self-regulation. It deepens this evidence with a detailed analysis of key international policy debates, arguing that Brexit now raises an imminent threat of the UK entering a ‘race to the bottom’. The paper concludes that the 2021 EU/UK Trade and Co-operation Agreement may enable the UK to evade its formal health and safety responsibilities under the treaty because of the lack of the prospect of significant retaliatory ‘rebalancing’ measures. Should minimal health and safety requirements cease to apply in the post-EU era, then the UK Government will be free to pursue a system of self-regulation that will allow health and safety standards to fall even further behind those of other developed economies.
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Tetiana, Tomniuk. « UKRAINE'S FOREIGN TRADE RELATIONS WITH THE EU AND BRITAIN : PECULIARITIES OF IMPLEMENTATION UNDER MARTIAL LAW ». BULLETIN OF CHERNIVTSI INSTITUTE OF TRADE AND ECONOMICS III, no 87 (30 septembre 2022) : 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.34025/2310-8185-2022-3.87.02.
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The article examines current trends in foreign trade relations between Ukraine, the European Union and Great Britain in the context of the implementation of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement. The publication examines specific features of the Agreement, providing trade facilitation by improving the efficiency of customs procedures and gradual approximation of Ukrainian legislation, rules and procedures (including standards) to EU law, the abolition of most customs tariffs. However, the study found that after the entry into force of the Free Trade Agreement in 2016, trade relations between Ukraine and Europe have not become equal. Analysis of the EU and Ukraine’s foreign trade turnover indicates a constant disproportion between the volume of exports and imports in favor of the EU. This is due to the continued application of both tariff and non-tariff restrictions on Ukrainian goods. Changes in the foreign trade policy between the countries caused by the Russian war in Ukraine have been identified. On the one hand, Ukraine needs support in the fight against the aggressor (including economic), and on the other hand, it showed limited opportunities for food exports from Ukraine due to port blockade and disruption of logistics, and Ukraine's significance as a partner in food security both for Europe and the world. This was an accelerating factor in the abolition of customs and tariff restrictions by European countries. Factors that may limit Ukraine’s export opportunities (continued use of non-tariff barriers by Europe, logistics problems) are identified, and opportunities to minimize their negative impact are identified.
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Teichgraeber, Richard F. « ‘Less Abused than I had Reason to Expect’ : The Reception of The Wealth of Nations in Britain, 1776–90 ». Historical Journal 30, no 2 (juin 1987) : 337–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00021476.
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When Adam Smith set out to re-shape the dominant economic policies and assumptions of his time, he knew success in pressing for ‘free trade’ would depend on his ability to imprint his views on the minds of contemporary statesmen and legislators. But he was never confident that this operation might take place during his lifetime. In the Wealth of Nations, he declared that to expect freedom of trade to be accepted entirely in Great Britain was ‘as absurd as to expect that an Oceana or Utopia should ever be established in it’, and this was by no means an offhand remark. Much of the massive book was coloured by Smith's awareness that liberal economic doctrines, whatever their considerable intellectual merits, ran far ahead of actual political and social attitudes in eighteenth-century Europe. In the first half of the nineteenth century, a variety of political and economic developments of course refuted Smith's view that ‘free trade’ was an unattainable ideal. But the historical verification of his economic thinking was a slow, difficult, and limited process.
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Vujičić, Jovan. « New chapter in EU-UK relations : Ambitious unprecedented partnership or the first trade and cooperation agreement setting barriers and removing freedoms ». Pravo i privreda 59, no 4 (2021) : 540–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pip2104540v.
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In this paper the author analyses the new relationship between the European Union and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Given the scope and complexity of the Trade and Cooperation Agreement, the intention was not to explain in detail all its aspects, but only the basic and most important provisions. First of all, those of the free trade agreement, but also in the areas where ties are being renewed, which would otherwise be interrupted by the withdrawal of the United Kingdom. Although it does not reflect the benefits of EU membership, the agreement certainly limits the negative consequences compared to the situation without it and provides much needed predictability and certainty, allowing Europe to leave Brexit behind and move on.
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Zernetska, O. « The Rethinking of Great Britain’s Role : From the World Empire to the Nation State ». Problems of World History, no 9 (26 novembre 2019) : 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-9-6.
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In the article, it is stated that Great Britain had been the biggest empire in the world in the course of many centuries. Due to synchronic and diachronic approaches it was detected time simultaneousness of the British Empire’s development in the different parts of the world. Different forms of its ruling (colonies, dominions, other territories under her auspice) manifested this phenomenon.The British Empire went through evolution from the First British Empire which was developed on the count mostly of the trade of slaves and slavery as a whole to the Second British Empire when itcolonized one of the biggest states of the world India and some other countries of the East; to the Third British Empire where it colonized countries practically on all the continents of the world. TheForth British Empire signifies the stage of its decomposition and almost total down fall in the second half of the 20th century. It is shown how the national liberation moments starting in India and endingin Africa undermined the British Empire’s power, which couldn’t control the territories, no more. The foundation of the independent nation state of Great Britain free of colonies did not lead to lossof the imperial spirit of its establishment, which is manifested in its practical deeds – Organization of the British Commonwealth of Nations, which later on was called the Commonwealth, Brexit and so on.The conclusions are drawn that Great Britain makes certain efforts to become a global state again.
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Gambles, Anna. « Free Trade and State Formation : The Political Economy of Fisheries Policy in Britain and the United Kingdom circa 1780–1850 ». Journal of British Studies 39, no 3 (juillet 2000) : 288–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386221.
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It is striking that historians of the early nineteenth century have been relatively reluctant to consider relationships between economic policy and the consolidation of the British state. In today's context, the economic and political challenges posed by both European integration and resurgent nationalism have generated hotly contested controversies on the political economy of state formation. From the perspective of the United Kingdom, the prospect of political and administrative devolution has forced us to address the implications of political decentralization for regional economic development (and vice versa) and to consider in turn the impact of these dynamics on the political integrity of a multinational state. For Britain, the period between circa 1780 and 1850 was characterized by unprecedented economic growth, imperial crisis and acquisition, and political consolidation. In a metropolitan sense the most dramatic feature of this process was, of course, the creation of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in 1800. Insofar as historians of early nineteenth-century Britain have examined the relationship between “state formation” and economic policy, however, they have tended to focus on the ideas, politics, and pressures surrounding the retreat of the state from economic intervention. Thus in more general accounts it became axiomatic that the nineteenth-century state shrank progressively from social and economic intervention, liberating commerce, and resting the fiscal system on secure but modest direct taxation.More recently, the relationship between the concept of “laissez-faire” and British state formation has been dramatically revised and refined by Philip Harling and Peter Mandler.
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Bakhturazova, T. V., M. K. Mayorov, N. V. Mayorova et D. A. Edelev. « THREATS TO INDUSTRIAL POLICY, TRADE AND KNOWLEDGE SHARING IN A GLOBAL EMERGENCY ». Vestnik Universiteta, no 4 (29 juin 2020) : 42–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2020-4-42-46.
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The coronavirus epidemic 2019-nCoV in China has already led to a slowdown in the country’s economic growth and the fall of the yuan exchange rate on the stock exchanges. The Russian government has banned visa-free tourist trips between Russia and China and the issuance of work visas to Russia for Chinese citizens; Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Pakistan, and Italy have imposed similar bans. Great Britain, South Korea, Singapore and New Zealand have imposed quarantine for arrivals from China. Military aircrafts of Russia, India and Thailand take their citizens out of China. The US authorities have declared public health emergency and ban on the entry of all foreign citizens who have visited China over the past two weeks. This article gives forecast, how these measures of the governments will affect on global academic mobility and economic growth.
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Rawley, James A. « Richard Harris, Slave Trader Spokesman ». Albion 23, no 3 (1991) : 439–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051111.
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“So little is known of the separate traders,” lamented the historian of the Royal African Company, K. G. Davies, that he was reduced to perceptive speculation about their activity. The authority, Basil Williams, writing about the period 1714–1760, asserted, “The traffic in negro slaves was carried on mainly by the Royal African Company.…“ In actuality a great deal can be discovered about the separate traders and their activity. The papers of Humphry Morice provide a rich source for a merchant who was perhaps London's and Great Britain's foremost slave trader in the 1720s. The assertion that the traffic in Negro slaves was carried on mainly by the Royal African Company is easily refuted by materials in the Public Record Office. London separate traders dominated the trade for the first three decades of the eighteenth century giving way to Bristol traders in the 1730s, who in turn gave way to Liverpool ascendancy in the 1740s.The English slave trade between 1699 and 1729, energized by the end of monopoly and the booming international market for slaves in America, grew prodigiously. In these years England accounted for nearly one-half of all slaves exported from the west coast of Africa. London alone accounted for two-thirds of all slaves delivered by English ships.Although the period falls half a century and more before the classic exposition of the advantages of free trade over monopoly by Adam Smith, an English free trade doctrine had found expression in Sir Dudley North's pamphlet, Discourses upon Trade (1691), and parlimentary proceedings. Interlopers in the slave trade, smugglers in the lucrative Spanish-American trade who opposed parliamentary restriction on their activity, separate traders whose participation in the trade became legalized in 1698, and a variety of commercial, industrial, and planting interests all contributed in their fashion to an outlook favoring free trade in slaves.
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Easton, Brian. « La Nouvelle-Zélande : Vers une nouvelle insertion dans le système alimentaire mondial ». Études internationales 12, no 1 (12 avril 2005) : 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701155ar.
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Agricultural products are the source of 75 % of 'New Zealand's export eanings. During the 1970 's, the decline in New Zealand's terms of trade (prices of exports of wool, meat and dairy products having risen more slowly than those of manufactured imports), the loss of access to the British market, the rise of protectionism (notably in the EEC of which Great Britain is a member) have posed serious adjustment problems for New Zealand agriculture. However, the "Marshallien entrepreneur" that is the New Zealand farmer, backed up by the State (which centralises control of exports and credit), has risen to the challenge : as a result, production is being diversified and this has facilitated a re-orientation of exports toward countries outside the OECD area. It is the view of the author that such a policy in conformity with the concept of free-trade, permits a more optimistic outlook for the 1980 's.
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Dorfner, Thomas. « „Commercium nach dem Sinn Jesu“ ». Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 61, no 1 (25 juin 2020) : 39–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2020-0003.
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AbstractThis paper analyses the market behaviour of the Moravian Church around 1800 as illustrated by the transatlantic trade with Labrador. The pietistic religious community, which originated in Herrnhut/Saxony, founded numerous missionary stations and settlements in the Atlantic world after 1732. In the course of this expansion, a broad range of trade opportunities opened up to the Moravians, which they utilised to finance their exceedingly expensive missionary activities. As this paper sets out, they founded their own Ship’s Company in London in 1770, which imported sought-after raw materials to Great Britain, such as whalebone or fur from Labrador. However, the leadership committee, known as the Unity Elders Conference, imposed strict regulations on the market activities of all Moravians. All trade activities had tobe consistent with biblical standards. This was intended to ensure that the individual merchant or missionary remained free of sin. The Unity Elders considered fair prices tobe of particular importance. This belief also served to distinguish the community from the large number of non-pietistic merchants and their trading practices.
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Rogers, Edmund. « A ‘Small Free Trade Oasis’ ? : agriculture, tariff policy, and the Danish example in Great Britain and Ireland, c. 1885–1911 ». Scandinavian Journal of History 38, no 1 (février 2013) : 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468755.2012.741532.
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ZABARA, Ihor, et Kateryna RASHEVSKA. « THE ROLE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE POLITICAL, FREE TRADE AND STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND AND UKRAINE IN THE PROMOTION AND PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN UKRAINE ». Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. International relations, no 1 (57) (2023) : 98–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2292.2023/1-57/98-102.
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As of today, foreign trade agreements are an important vehicle for development and promotion of human rights. This effect can be achieved by including in the text of such an agreement a human rights clause, a special provision which contains a number of international human rights standards, compliance with which must be guaranteed by the contracting States. The article focuses on a specific example of these agreements, namely the Political, Free Trade and Strategic Partnership Agreement between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. To that end, the article first examines the general development and the importance of bilateral trade between States, as this, in turn, affects its potential in the human rights, humanitarian and security areas. Then the authors outline specific provisions of the Agreement in the context of the topic of the article and analyzes the possible consequences of their implementation, namely due to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. The role and significance of the established monitoring bodies and the mechanism for responding to human rights clause violations have been studied separately. The article contains elements of a combinatorial approach, as the analysis of the Political, Free Trade and Strategic Partnership Agreement is carried out, where possible, through comparisons with the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union. Thus, the authors trie to find out which of the two agreements has the greatest potential for the development of the human rights system in Ukraine.
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Frangakis-Syrett, Elena. « Implementation of the 1838 Anglo-Turkish Convention on Izmir'S Trade : European and Minority Merchants ». New Perspectives on Turkey 7 (1992) : 91–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/s0896634600000510.
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In the last decades of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, Izmir experienced tremendous economic growth, mainly as a result of growth in the world economy. In addition, the French Revolution and the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars resulted in the collapse of French economic domination in the area. As a result, Ottoman minority merchants experienced an equally tremendous economic growth (Frangakis-Syrett, 1987, pp. 73-86). Britain replaced France as the principal trading partner of Izmir, while the economic growth of the port-city as well as that of the minority merchants continued strong. It was in this period of increasing commercial activity that the Anglo-Turkish Convention was signed between Great Britain and the Ottoman Empire on 16 August 1838 to come into effect in western Anatolia on March 1839. The Treaty, which subsequently was signed by all the European States as well as the United States and the Ottoman Empire, aimed at removing obstacles to free trade in the Empire for the merchants of these states. It was to achieve that by removing an array of local or additional duties paid for the export of Ottoman goods or the import and circulation of all other goods, manufactured or otherwise, and by setting a fixed rate of five percent duty on imports and twelve percent on exports—nine percent on purchasing at the place of growth and three percent on exportation.
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Tebinka, Jacek. « Gdańsk in British Diplomacy, 1945–1989 ». Studia Historica Gedanensia 13 (2022) : 251–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23916001hg.22.016.17436.
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Great Britain participated in the decision at the Potsdam Conference to hand over to Poland the territory of the former Free City of Danzig. The area was not recognized as part of Germany by the Great Powers. The aim of the article is to analyze the role that Gdańsk played in British policy towards Poland from the end of the Second World War to the fall of communist rule. It is based on archival research in the National Archives, Kew, supplemented by published British and Polish diplomatic documents, diaries and academic literature on the subject. Based on these sources, the author argues that the importance of the city of Gdańsk in British policy toward the region of East Central Europe diminished during the Cold War in comparison to the city’s role as the Free City of Danzig 1919–1939. However, its place was dynamic as Gdańsk became an important center of protests against the communist authorities in the 1970s and 1980s. The city played a special role since the strikes in August 1980, becoming the center of activity of the Solidarity Trade Union. The culmination of British interest was Margaret Thatcher’s visit to Gdańsk in 1988.
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Gogaev, Sanal Igorevich. « The role of Thomas Jefferson's political activity in the history of American statehood. » Genesis : исторические исследования, no 1 (janvier 2023) : 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2023.1.37249.
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The subject of the study is the results, results and consequences of the political activity of Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826). Jefferson was the author of the Declaration of Independence and the third president of the United States, considered one of the founding fathers of the United States. The first American president to hold the posts of Secretary of State, Vice President and President of the United States successively. The article examines the political ideas of Jefferson, who was one of the first political figures who spoke and justified the idea of separating its North American colonies from Great Britain. His political ideas and decisions as a statesman and politician were timely and brought much benefit to his country. As the author of the Declaration of Independence of the United States, he made a huge contribution to the creation of the United States. Its adoption meant the formation of a new state - the United States. For him, the principles of the declaration were to create a free American state based on the principles of democracy and civil liberty. The Declaration defined the social and legal status of a person in society. Declaring the people the only source of power, she put them on a par with the great ideologists of the Enlightenment. As Ambassador to France, he managed to secure a number of trade agreements with European countries. His merits as president undoubtedly lie in the acquisition of Louisiana and the establishment of diplomatic relations with Russia, as well as the pacification of relations with Great Britain.
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Troitiño, David Ramiro. « The British Position towards European Integration : A Different Economic and Political Approach ». Baltic Journal of European Studies 4, no 1 (1 juin 2014) : 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2014-0007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The United Kingdom has had an important position in Europe for centuries. Often it is seen as an anti-European country, or as being anti-integration in Europe but it is just defending its own interests, which in many cases hare differed from other members of the European Communities. The UK policy towards European cooperation has been influenced by the particular interest of the country, but there has always been a strong relation between the British and Europe. Great Britain had the biggest empire in human history spread all over the globe, and hence its interest was global rather than limited to local European states. The UK was a victorious country in the Second World War, the only Western European state that participated actively in Nazi defeat. As an important consequence, British nationalism was seen as a positive force to unite all the British against an external threat. During centuries, the British economy has been based on trade, and internationally the government supported and expanded the free trade idea in the world economy to European trade relations. This paper analyzes the main issues that explain the special relations between the EU and the UK. The paper is developed from a historical point of view with a methodology’ based on the critical review of historical facts from a global perspective of the whole traditional approach of the UK towards European integration.
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Khakhalkina, E. V. « “HOW GRAND IS OUR DESIGN FOR EUROPE?” : INTEGRATION PLANS OF THE GREAT BRITAIN IN THE LATE OF 1950S ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 4(49) (28 août 2016) : 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-4-49-58-68.
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The UK European Union membership referendum 2016 and its results actualized the study of the British initiatives in the sphere of integration before the entry into the European Economic Community in 1973. The article is devoted to the little-known in Russian historiography "Grand Design"of H. Macmillan, nominated in the wake of the failure of the Suez operation against Egypt in 1956. Plan with such bright and eye-catching name suggested the creation of a broad integration group in Europe as alternative with Britain as a leader to the preparing for the establishment of projects of the European Economic Community and the European Atomic energy community. The project was designed to restore the prestige of the Conservative Party and to strengthen the shaky position of Britain in NATO and European affairs after Suez Crisis. At the same time the emergence of the plan reflected the desire of the Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan to weaken the struggle inside political establishment between supporters and opponents of the country's full-fledged participation in the European integration and take the lead in the integration movement from France. Analysis of the content of the project and attempts to implement it within the framework of a Free Trade Area (FTA) reveals the essence of the "special position" of the UK towards supranational integration and the British vision of the future of European integration. Modern United Kingdom appeared in the new European realities after the Referendum on the country’s membership in the European Union and returns to the starting point on the path of supranational integration and to the search for its place in Europe. In these circumstances, the ideas expressed by British politicians more than half a century ago, may again prove to be demanded and relevant.
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Persky, Joseph. « AMERICAN POLITICAL ECONOMY AND THE COMMON SCHOOL MOVEMENT : 1820–1850 ». Journal of the History of Economic Thought 37, no 2 (juin 2015) : 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837215000073.
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Classical political economy in Great Britain was broadly supportive of education, but limited government’s role to modest assistance for charitable schools. The early classical economists in the United States, men like Thomas Cooper and Francis Wayland, in addition to supporting free trade, took this classical position with respect to education. But a more aggressive democratic claim was being advanced by the American common school movement and its supporters among Whig protectionists. The early economic tracts of William Jennison, Willard Phillips, Calvin Colton, and Henry Carey envisioned a larger role for government and advocated support for publicly financed common schools. Most notably, the leader of the common school movement, Horace Mann, built a defense for public financing based on a radical theory of property, derived from distinctly Puritan economic doctrine. If his radical positions received little support from post-Civil War mainstream economists, Mann’s practical advocacy of public taxation for public schools very much carried the day.
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Surachman, Agus. « POLITIK HUKUM SUMBER DAYA AIR DI ERA GLOBALISASI ». DE'RECHTSSTAAT 3, no 1 (1 mars 2017) : 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.30997/jhd.v3i1.711.
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Great mercy and infinite value has been given by God for the creatures on earth, one of which is water, water is basic need for humans because water is the source of life for all living things. Water should be used excessively let alone become a commodity economics without limits, because the water supply is limited, but people often use them without limit, greed and lust enrich themselves lead to exploration of a large scale that makes the damage and loss of balance of natural resources. Globalization has swept across the world, insulation-partition the country into a vague, with free trade seemed about the welfare of the world, though many will doubt it. Britain exit (Brexit) case and the election of Donald Trump as the new President of the United States is reason to question the success of globalization. For that legal arrangements of water resources or the so called “constitution of water resources“, that the law governing resources must not conflict with article 33 paragraph 3 of the 1945 constitution, said, “the resources of the earth’s natural land, water and natural resources contained therein controlled by the state for the welfare of the people“. Means that water should not be controlled by private for trade to seek maximize profit.
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Gallagher, Brigid. « Father Victor Braun and the Catholic Church in England and Wales, 1870–1882 ». Recusant History 28, no 4 (octobre 2007) : 547–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200011663.
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Nineteenth century London, like many towns and cities in Britain, experienced phenomenal population growth. At the centre of the British Empire, and driven by free trade and industry, it achieved extraordinary wealth, but this wealth was confined to the City and to the West End. East London, however, consisted of ‘an expanse of poverty and wretchedness as appalling as, and in many ways worse than the horrors of the industrial North’. There was clear evidence of the lack of urban planning, as factories were established close to the immense dock buildings constructed near Stratford. Toxic materials such as paint and varnish were produced in large chemical works owned by the German chemist, Rudolf Hersel, as were matches by the firm Bryant and May, and rubber, tar and iron for the building trade by various industrialists. Social historians have viewed the poverty of mid-nineteenth century London's East End as a symbol of urban disintegration in which skilled artisans were reduced to sweated, lowly-paid, labourers. Their homes, built close to the industrial sectors, were erected hastily and cheaply, and lacked proper hygienic and sanitary facilities, so that slum conditions prevailed. Moreover, this housing had to be demolished frequently to make way for new roads and railways, thus creating great hardship for an already destitute people.
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Qiong, Yu. « Trade and Diplomacy : The Failure of Preparing for the Chinese Exhibition in the Crystal Palace in 1851 ». Britain and the World 15, no 2 (septembre 2022) : 168–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2022.0391.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article explores British efforts to organize a Chinese section for the famous Great Exhibition of 1851. It details the difficult negotiations and compromises that took place among British administrators, Chinese imperial authorities, and local merchants in order to secure a Chinese display that promoted the imagined virtues of free trade. The article argues that Britain’s failure to solicit the active support of Chinese elites reflected the strained commercial and political relations in the period between the two Opium Wars. By probing the global origins of Great Exhibition, the article provides a more comprehensive picture of Sino-British encounters in the mid-nineteenth century.
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Galbraith, John S. « Britain and American Railway Promoters In Late Nineteenth Century Persia ». Albion 21, no 2 (1989) : 248–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049928.
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Within the last generation there has been a vast outpouring of scholarship on the characteristics of British imperial policy in the latter half of the nineteenth century. The older orthodoxy that the mid-Victorian years were dominated by a commitment to laissez faire and free trade has been demolished. In the new era scholars quarrel over how “imperial” was “informal empire.” This article is not intended to add to this controversy, but rather to provide insight into the character of British policy in one area, Persia, during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, with particular emphasis on American efforts to build railways and British responses to this attempted intrusion into an exclusive British-Russian sphere of influence.For both Russia and Britain Persia had great strategic significance. Like Afghanistan, “the walls of the Indian garden,” Persia was important primarily in relation to the defense of the Indian Empire. Russian expansion to the borders of Persia, a weak state, posed the threat that the country would fall under Russian influence and what had been a buffer would become a menace.British interest in Persia thus involved a strong strategic component which affected economic policy. Unlike Afghanistan it was seen as a promising market for British goods, particularly if transportation to the interior of Persia could be opened up on the Karun River and if British capital could be attracted to build a network of railways which could be a further basis for controlling the Persian economy and thus contributing to British influence at the Persian court. At the same time Britain was determined to thwart Russian plans for railways in the north which could be used to transport troops to the borders of Persia and eventually beyond. Each power assumed the malevolent intent of the other and each was determined to frustrate these foul plans.
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Chatelet, Luc. « Het Humanitaire Optreden van Leopold II in Kongo-Vrijstaat. De Anti-Slavernijconferentie van Brussel (1889-1890) ». Afrika Focus 4, no 1-2 (15 janvier 1988) : 5–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0040102002.
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The Humanitarian Action of Leopold II in Congo Free State. The Antislavery-Conference of Brussels (1889-1890). Already from the time he was a crown prince Leopold II dreamt of acquiring a colony. He firmly believed in the economic importance for the motherland of overseas territories. However, when he appeared on the African scene he presented himself as a champion of the struggle against slave trade. This disinterested humanitarian image was meant as a means of bypassing Belgian indifference towards colonization and also the foreign rivalry. But in Africa he was forced into an opportunist policy. A total lack of means left him no other choice but resorting to political and economic collaboration with the Arabs, who played a major role in the slave trade. It was at the moment when the European colonization met the Arabic resistance in East-Africa that Cardinal Lavigerie’s campaign called for renewed public interest in the struggle against the Arabic slave trade. Great Britain asked Belgium to summon a diplomatic conference on the subject, In 1889 seventeen nations gathered to discuss a whole range of measures to limit slave trade on land and sea, arms trade and liquor traffic. The hottest issue on the agenda was the imposition of import duties in the Congo bassin. The main obstacle to the introduction of these taxes was the Dutch opposition against the changing of the terms of the Berlin Act (1885). The General Brussels Act did not include import tax regulations. These were the subject of a separate declaration, which Leopold however managed to connect to the General Act in such a way that neither could be ratified singly. Hence, the customs committee, convened after the Brussels negotiations to define more clearly the import duties, was an essential factor in the Antislavery Conference. It was not until 1892 that all obstacles were overcome and the final discussions rounded off. The Brussels Antislavery Conference did not induce Leopold to come to grips with slave trade and did not alter his Arabic policy. For the sovereign the conference was primarily a matter of economy and taxes. He wanted his colony to have more promising financial prospects. His attitude was conditioned by the precarious budget of the Congo Free State. The conference fitted in his new economic policy which consisted in carrying out his domanial projects.
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Hendrix, Melvin K. « Africana Resources in the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, England ». History in Africa 14 (1987) : 389–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171852.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Beginning in the latter part of the sixteenth century British naval and shipping interests gradually emerged as one of the major maritime forces operating in African waters and, by the end of the eighteenth century, British shipping dominated the export slave trade. The establishment of colonial plantation economies in the Americas, the global expansion of British political and commercial interests resulting from the Napoleonic Wars, and the anti-slave trade suppression campaign in the first three-quarters of the nineteenth century all brought British seafarers into intimate association with African peoples. This relationship became more intense with the scramble for colonial territories throughout the continent in the late nineteenth century.As a direct consequence of this extensive political and economic relationship a voluminous amount of documentary material exists. One of the principal depositories of this material is the National Maritime Museum (NMM) of Great Britain located in Greenwich, southeast of Central London. This essay reviews some of the documentary holdings found in the Library of the NMM, resources that scholars might find useful in reconstructing British maritime activities in relation to peoples of African descent. Located within the Museum its holdings include printed books and other printed materials, maps and atlases, rare and original manuscripts, ship's plans and drawings, collections on shipwrecks, piracy, and boats, together with various photographic and art collections. While the Library is free and open to the public, it is helpful to contact the Secretary of the NMM with a letter of introduction prior to a first visit.
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Joiner, Claire, Mickael Teixeira Alves et Birgit Oidtmann. « Shedding of Viral Haemorrhagic Septicaemia Virus (VHSV) from Rainbow Trout, Oncorhynchus mykiss, and Quantification in Waste from Processing Preclinical Fish ». Transboundary and Emerging Diseases 2023 (28 septembre 2023) : 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2023/5534720.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Viral haemorrhagic septicaemia virus (VHSV) is a fish disease notifiable to the World Organisation for Animal Health. The United Kingdom is currently free from VHSV, and the introduction and onward spread of this disease could cause major economic losses in aquaculture facilities. Legislation in Great Britain requires that imports of live fish for aquaculture purposes into declared disease-free areas are of equivalent disease-free status. However, conditions on fish products are less stringent, whereby eviscerated fish or fillets can be transported from areas with disease to areas declared disease-free. Market-size rainbow trout were experimentally infected with VHSV to investigate two important factors relevant for pathogen introduction and transmission: (1) VHSV shedding, quantified by daily assessment of viral titres in tank water samples, and (2) VHSV concentrations in liquid and solid processing waste. Evisceration and filleting preclinical fish, maceration, and wastewater separation processes within a facility were mimicked, and VHSV was quantified in each fraction of the wastewater. Shedding was detected 25 hr post-challenge. Levels increased daily to peak on day 5 post-challenge, with a calculated average titre of 1.35 × 103 TCID50 mL−1 kg−1 fish, 1 day before clinical signs of disease. Preclinical fish contained virus levels in their kidney, skin, and muscle >107 TCID50 g−1. The fish had significantly higher levels in the kidney, and evisceration led to higher VHSV concentrations in the waste compared to filleting. However, there was no significant difference in levels in wastewater released from the two processes after the removal of solids, even when macerated; average titres were >104 TCID50 mL−1. The quantities of VHSV from shedding and processing can be utilised when modelling transmission and undertaking more accurate risk assessments for imports and processing of commodities, with the ultimate aim of reducing the global risk of disease from international trade and processing.
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Asaturov, Sergey, et Andrei Martynov. « Trends in international relations in the Indo-Pacific region ». ScienceRise : Juridical Science, no 1(19) (31 mars 2022) : 70–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15587/2523-4153.2022.254248.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The global Indian and Pacific region is playing an increasing role in modern international relations. At the beginning of the XXI century, this region is a crossroads of different interests of great powers. The United States continues to play a leading role. The Pentagon introduced the concept of the Indo-Pacific region. From a military-strategic point of view, this concept is a symbol of American-Chinese competition. This process intensified under the Trump administration in 2017-2020. The Biden administration is consolidating regional democracies. Australia, India and Japan play a key role in this process. The European Union promotes the values and ideas of democracy in the Indo-Pacific region. China is an important trading partner of the EU. The intensification of the Sino-US confrontation in early 2022 has blocked the entry into force of the China-EU Free Trade and Investment Agreement. In early 2022, the United States, Great Britain and Australia announced the creation of a military alliance. India and Japan are concerned about China's growing military power. The Republic of Korea has a similar position. Hotspots of confrontation in the region are Taiwan, the Korean Peninsula, the disputed Spratly Islands. The Indo-Pakistani conflict around Kashmir destabilizes regional security. The Indo-Pacific region is an example of a complex multipolar system of international relations. This system is more risky in terms of security. The functioning of internal regional and interregional communication networks is complicated by military-technical, environmental, demographic, socio-cultural, interstate contradictions. The formation of a regional security system is limited by political problems. Post-modern democracies, such as Australia, India, Japan and the modernized Chinese autocracy and the North Korean Stalinist dictatorship, coexist in the Indo-Pacific region. The balance of interests is maintained by the United States and the European Union. This balance is volatile and unpredictable
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Khamidah, Wanda, et Retno Sugiharti. « Faktor yang Mempengaruhi Nilai Tukar Rupiah Terhadap Dolar Amerika, Euro dan Poundsterling ». Ecoplan 5, no 1 (29 avril 2022) : 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.20527/ecoplan.v5i1.425.
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The currency exchange rate is a macro indicator that reflects the strength of the economy as a result of the global economy. With the existence of currency exchange rates, it can facilitate international trade transactions with currency agreements that will be used by the two countries. The exchange rate system used in Indonesia is a free-floating exchange rate system since 1997, all of which are left to the market. This study aims to analyze the effect of the money supply, inflation and foreign exchange reserves on the rupiah exchange rate of against the US dollar (USD), euro (EUR), and pound sterling or Great Britain Pound (GBP). The ECM (Error Correction Model) the analysis method is the method used in this study. The results of the research that has been carried out are both in the long term and in the low term, the money supply, inflation and foreign exchange reserves have a significant influence on the exchange rate of the rupiah against the US dollar (IDR/USD). The money supply and foreign exchange reserves and in the short term have a significant effect on the rupiah exchange rate against the euro (IDR/EUR), while only the money supply in the long term has a significant effect on the rupiah exchange rate in the euro (IDR/EUR). Foreign exchange reserves in the short term have a significant effect on the rupiah exchange rate against the pound sterling (IDR/GBP), while only the money supply in a long term has a significant effect on the rupiah exchange rate against the pound sterling (IDR/GBP).
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Nolutshungu, Sam C. « Beyond the gold standard ? : the idea of a (post-apartheid) university ». Journal of Modern African Studies 37, no 3 (septembre 1999) : 373–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x99003080.
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We cannot do better than Marcello Cecco's (1984: 1) concise definition of an international gold standard: it exists ‘when gold is the effective numeraire in most countries, and/or when the other means of payment used as monetary numeraire in those countries are readily redeemable in gold at their bearers' request’. Such a standard existed from the mid-1890s to 1914, even though Britain went on the gold standard much earlier than that, in 1816, and Germany a little over a half century later, in 1871. The Latin Union in Europe (France, Belgium, Switzerland and Italy) did not join effectively until 1900 (Mertens 1994). Many claims were, and are still made for the system: that it facilitated international trade by providing a uniform standard of value; and as an automatic adjustment system, it freed markets from the (nationalistic) interference of public authorities while it created price equalisation in traded goods and ensured, over a protracted period, price stability.The ‘Gold Standard’ in the title of this talk refers to the ‘academic gold standard’ invoked by Lord Ashby (1964; see also Austin 1980), one time Master of Clare College, Cambridge, a British educationist who was deeply involved with the development of universities in the later years of colonial rule in British West Africa. Although the University of the Witwatersrand and the city of Johannesburg owe a great deal to the gold industry, my talk is not about money or the metal's place in it. It is about the metaphorical ‘academic gold standard’.
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Hopkins, A. G. « The United States, 1783–1861 : Britain's Honorary Dominion ? » Britain and the World 4, no 2 (septembre 2011) : 232–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2011.0024.
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This essay reinterprets the evolution of the United States between 1783 and 1861 from the perspective of imperial history. The established literature on this period focuses on the national story, and particularly on the struggle to achieve liberty and democracy. Historians of empire, however, routinely distinguish between formal and effective independence and evaluate the often halting progress of ex-colonial states in achieving a substantive transfer of power. Considered from this angle, the dominant themes of the period were the search for viability and development rather than for liberty and democracy. The article illustrates this proposition by re-evaluating the political, economic, and cultural themes that are central to the history of the period. The argument in each case is that the United States remained dependent on Great Britain to an extent that greatly limited her effective independence. The standard controversies of domestic political history, notably the battle between Hamiltonian and Jeffersonian visions of the state, are recast as differing strategies for achieving real and permanent independence. Strategies for achieving economic development made practical politics of competing arguments for protection and free trade, but failed to release the economy from its dependence on the British market and British capital. Attempts to create an independent national identity were compromised by the continuing influence of British culture and by the related notion of Anglo-Saxonism, on which prevailing policies of assimilation relied. In all these respects, the United States was an unexceptional ex-colonial state, and indeed closely followed the trajectory of other colonies of white settlement that were classified as dominions within the British Empire. The United States, however, was a dependent state that failed in 1861, and its struggle for independence had to be renewed after the Civil War.
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Yakovenko, Natalia. « Ukrainian-British diplomatic efforts amidst the ruscist aggression ». Diplomatic Ukraine, no XXIV (2023) : 165–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2023-8.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract. The article explores the strengthening of Ukrainian-British diplomatic relations over the course of the ruscist aggression against Ukraine. The author argues that diplomacy has become an efficient asset that can play a crucial role in assuring Ukraine’s victory in the struggle against the aggressor. The study focuses on the consistent and effective support for Ukraine extended by the United Kingdom and the latter’s unyielding opposition to russia’s aggressive expansionist policy. The article highlights the rapid development of Ukrainian-British relations, referring to the signing of agreements on political cooperation, free trade, and strategic partnership between the two countries in October 2020. The United Kingdom seeks to form alliances with like-minded countries to support Ukraine. Specifically, the author mentions the initiative to establish a trilateral alliance between Ukraine, the UK, and Poland to enhance security and foster economic cooperation. Additionally, he emphasises the importance of intensive diplomatic contacts and visits by Boris Johnson to Kyiv, which bolstered the coordination in providing support and assistance to Ukraine. Moreover, the paper references the notable Ukraine Recovery Conference in London, highlighting the pivotal role of the international community in supporting and rebuilding Ukraine. Overall, the article underscores that the United Kingdom remains one of Ukraine’s closest friends that promotes the expansion and enhancement of support from other Western partners. While the author acknowledges the presence of diverse political stances on the issue within British society, he concludes that Ukraine will undoubtedly continue to play a prominent role in the United Kingdom’s foreign policy, cementing the latter’s role in the fight for European and transatlantic security. Keywords: Ukraine, Great Britain, diplomacy, Ukrainian-British diplomatic relations, ruscist aggression.
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Zueva, K. « Current French–US Partnership ». World Economy and International Relations 59, no 11 (2015) : 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-47-55.
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The article examines US–France relations, in particular within the NATO framework, as well as positions of France in the Alliance, its participation in NATO operations and its desire to play a more active role in this organization. The pilot of American interests in the Asian-Pacific region and events in Ukraine revive aspirations of Europeans for more active building of the “European defense”. The France-Britain military collaboration is developing intensively. However, France considers the formation of the “European army” as a question of a very long-term perspective. The article also examines the stance of France on the free trade zone between the EU and the U.S. The Atlantic solidarity is one of the most important directions in the French foreign policy. In power, Francois Hollande continues his predecessor's policy in this sphere. Nowadays, France demonstrates the accordance with the US almost in all international issues from Syria to Ukraine. France has shown its dependence on the US policy in such questions as “Mistrals” delivery to Russia and the attitude to the Ukrainian crisis. The scandal around the American ANB spying after French political and business elite did not destroy this dependence. The participation of France in NATO is the most important format of transatlantic relations. The French expert association and opposition forces constantly criticize the transatlantic direction of Hollande's foreign policy. The greater and greater part of French elite stands for the returning of an independent voice of France in international affairs. The great anxiety in French society is provoked by the U.S. pulling into the crusade against Russia. However, in the present situation, French leaders are not going to spoil relations with their transatlantic partner, because they believe that only together with the U.S. they can counter contemporary challenges of the modern world.
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Квеліашвілі, І. М. « Brexit : signs of disintegration of the EU customs union under the conditions of globalization ». PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION ASPECTS 7, no 4 (23 mai 2019) : 52–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/151923.
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The processes of changing the world's space, turning it into a single zone, the unimpeded movement of goods, services, information, capital are aspects of the globalization of world economies. In this space, ideas that contribute to the development of relevant institutional formations and form their communicative connections are more freely distributed. Ukraine is on the way to solving the European integration tasks defined in the Association Agreement with the EU, the implementation of customs legislation, the purpose of which is not only the establishment and existence of a free trade zone, but also a more in-depth integration. The purpose of the article is to review possible scenarios concerning the conditions of movement of goods across the customs border, in the event of a final decision on the withdrawal of Great Britain from the EU Customs Unio Today, it has already been recognized that the integration persistence of the EU Customs Union was threatened by the name Brexit. This phenomenon, as a challenge to integration in a globalized world, gives impetus to a moderate choice of concept and form of integration for the future perspective of economic development of the member countries and candidate -countries for membership in the Community. The European integration policy of Ukraine's economic policy, along with urgent issues requiring a priority solution and fulfillment of obligations, should also be considered under the criterion of probable risks and threats to national interests. The article gives moderate arguments from UK analysts regarding the UK's exit from the EU, the urgent issues regarding the varied prospects of customs relations between the European Union and the UK, as well as the EU Customs Union. Influence of possible scenarios of "soft Brexit", "hard Brexit" on foreign economic activity of the country and its activity.
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Danylenko, Yevhen S. « Analyzing the Features of the Activities of the Regulatory Authorities of the Market for Sales of Passenger Cars in Ukraine and the World ». PROBLEMS OF ECONOMY 2, no 56 (2023) : 4–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.32983/2222-0712-2023-2-4-15.
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The article analyzes the regulatory bodies of the market for sales of passenger cars in Ukraine and some countries of the world. The role and functions of the authorities regulating the market for sales of passenger cars in different countries are examined. The article contains a list of bodies of the State regulation of the the market for sales of passenger cars in Ukraine and some other countries, such as Germany, France, Slovakia, Poland, Great Britain, the Netherlands, Austria, Spain, Estonia, China, Japan, India, the USA, Canada, and others. This article examines examples of countries where regulatory bodies play an important role in ensuring road safety and consumer protection, as well as countries where such authorities play a less significant role. The main tasks of the regulatory authorities of Ukraine and some other countries responsible for ensuring free and competitive trade in cars are determined. The importance of regulatory authorities in ensuring the safety and quality of cars, as well as consumer protection, is outlined. It is determined that the main reasons for the State intervention in the market for sales of passenger cars are price regulation, quality control, support for domestic producers, reduction of environmental impact, and consumer protection. The problems and shortcomings of the activities of regulatory bodies are highlighted and recommendations for improving their work are provided. Problems in regulating the market for sales of passenger cars in Ukraine are presented. In particular, this concerns insufficient effectiveness of control, corruption issues, insufficient qualifications of employees, etc. An idea of how different countries regulate the market for sales of passenger cars is provided, which helps to understand what measures can be useful for improving the regulation of this market in Ukraine.
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Share, Michael. « GHOSTS OF AN EMPIRE : BRITISH LEGACIES IN ASIA ». Journal of International Analytics, no 1 (28 mars 2018) : 45–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2018-0-1-45-51.
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One hundred years ago, the British Empire controlled a quarter of the world’s area and population. Today only a dozen tiny islands remain of this once great empire. However, the British left a huge and permanent legacy behind in terms of the English language, a rule of law, banking, Protestantism, team sports, and parliamentary institutions. While some historians, notably Niall Ferguson, hold that the British legacy was a positive one, most historians believe the legacy was a negative one. Instead of being liberal and democratic, the British Empire was anti-democratic. Instead of fostering free trade, the Empire was protectionist toward the outside world. Notions of class and hierarchy were crucial. This article examines the British legacy in two former colonies in Asia--one huge and one tiny: India and Hong Kong. While in Hong Kong, Britain’s legacy has been fairly positive, in India it is quite negative. The British Empire was not a prelude to a modern 21st century Western world of democracy, multiculturalism, and liberal economics. The British Empire was something different– snobbery, hierarchy, and individualism, and must be understood on its own terms.
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Senchenko, Mykola. « Book trade bibliography of Great Britain ». Вісник Книжкової палати, no 12 (11 décembre 2020) : 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.36273/2076-9555.2020.12(293).3-9.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article highlights the historical stages of development of the book trade bibliography and Books in Print systems in Great Britain.
It is noted that the first and most famous attempt to compile a book trade catalog dates back to the end of the XVI century and belongs to the englishman E. Montsell, who prepared and published the "Catalog of English Printed Books", which became a model of cataloging for many subsequent authors of bibliographic works.
It was found that the industrial revolution and the rapid development of industrial centers in the XVIII century, caused a rapid increase in the number of printing houses, publishing and book trade firms, thanks to which the book trade bibliography of Great Britain received a new quality — a stable periodicity of preparation and publication of bibliographic materials, as well as placement of bibliographic information on periodicals. Numerous samples of the book trade bibliography in chronological section are considered in detail, as well as the activities of the most famous companies in the production of Books in Print catalogs.
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Grampp, William D. « How Britain Turned to Free Trade ». Business History Review 61, no 1 (1987) : 86–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3115775.
Texte intégralRésumé :
British free trade has been variously attributed to the importuning of business interests, to the advanced state of manufacturing, to politicians acting on improper or unworthy motives, or to imperialism. Professor Grampp examines a critical event in the history of free trade: Parliament's declaration in 1820 that future commercial policy should be guided by that principle. By 1850, all major restrictions had been abolished. The decision of 1820, according to Thomas Tooke, a principal in the event, was made by the Tory Government with the concurrence of the Whig Opposition, both of which had come to believe free trade would increase per capita real income: that is, both acted in what they and others since have understood to be the public interest.
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Varlamova, M. « Cross-cultural aspects of business negotiations ». Galic'kij ekonomičnij visnik 72, no 5 (2021) : 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.33108/galicianvisnyk_tntu2021.05.103.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The features of conducting business negotiations with foreign partners, taking into account the influence of cultural factors are investigated in this paper. The systematization of approaches to understanding business negotiations is performed and it is determined that business negotiations are bilateral or multilateral processes of communication, as a result of which a joint decision concerning business interests realization is made. Scientific approaches to the cultures grouping by certain features, particularly, E. Hall, G. Hofstede and R. Lewis, Florence Clachon and Fred Strodbeck, D. Pinto, R. Gesteland, F. Trompenaars and C. Hampden-Turner are considered. Analysis of the manifestation of certain cultural features in relation to the representatives of the countries with which Ukraine currently has the most developed trade and economic relations is carried out. Accordingly, the probability of the need to negotiate the foreign economic activity implementation is rather high. The following countries are selected among them according to 2020 statistics: China, Poland, India, Spain, Italy, Russia, Belarus, Egypt, the Netherlands, Germany, Romania, Turkey, Hungary, USA, Belgium, Israel, Indonesia, Iraq, Moldova, Saudi Arabia, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, France and the Czech Republic. Using Hert Hofstede's approach and his theory of cultural dimensions for the listed countries, the indicators characterizing the manifestation of the distance of power, individualism, masculinity, avoidance of uncertainty, long-term orientation and indulgence are analyzed. The countries which cultures are the closest to Ukraine’s one are identified according to the above mentioned methodology, and, consequently, the construction of communications with their representatives is more understandable and is characterized by lower probability of misunderstandings due to cultural factors. For other countries the cultural features similar and different from Ukraine ones are defined. Taking into account these features, recommendations for planning and conducting business negotiations with representatives of other countries, aimed at increasing the benefits and opportunities for Ukraine in the process of making joint decisions with partners are given.
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Jureńczyk, Łukasz. « The United Kingdom’s Trade Relations with Kenya in the Context of Brexit ». Świat Idei i Polityki 18, no 1 (31 décembre 2019) : 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip201905.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The subject of the article is trade cooperation between Great Britain and Kenya in the context of the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union. The article characterizes the commercial cooperation of Great Britain and Kenya and discusses the trends existing in this field in recent years. The main threats to this cooperation that Brexit brings are presented, as well as the actions that states must implement to counteract the negative consequences of Brexit and the opportunities that Brexit potentially gives to deepening trade cooperation between countries. In addition, the political climate change that has occurred between countries in recent years, which has a significant impact on the implementation of economic cooperation, including trade, has been outlined. The purpose of the article is to present and evaluate the challenges that the countries face in the context of Brexit, which they must overcome in order to maintain and deepen trade cooperation. The main research problem is whether Brexit will weaken or accelerate trade relations between Great Britain and Kenya? The main hypothesis of the article is that Brexit causes great uncertainty about the future of trade cooperation between Great Britain and Kenya. However, it gives the opportunity to dynamize this cooperation, and Kenya can become a model partner for the United Kingdom within the concept of „Global Britain” promoted by London. Kenya’s positive development trends make it an increasingly attractive trading partner for Great Britain. However, Kenya wants to take advantage of the UK’s search for trading partners outside the European Union.
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Gillmor, Desmond A., J. T. Coppock et Desmond A. Gillmor. « The cattle trade between Ireland and Great Britain ». Irish Geography 5, no 2 (4 janvier 2017) : 320–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.55650/igj.1965.1036.
Texte intégral
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HUZZEY, RICHARD. « FREE TRADE, FREE LABOUR, AND SLAVE SUGAR IN VICTORIAN BRITAIN ». Historical Journal 53, no 2 (27 avril 2010) : 359–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000051.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ABSTRACTThis article reconsiders the sugar duties controversy in early Victorian Britain. Rather than representing the defeat of abolitionism by free trade zeal, the sugar question was a contest of two varieties of anti-slavery thought which had previously co-existed: one believing that slavery's immorality was accompanied by its productive inferiority to free labour and the other asserting that slavery's profits in this world were punished outside the marketplace. West Indian decline after the end of protection led to a revision of free labour superiority, with providential externalities replacing marketplace competitiveness. The episode demonstrates how little most Britons understood the welfare of black freedmen to be connected to anti-slavery after emancipation. A fuller appreciation of the slave sugar debate furthermore recovers an important abolitionist strand in the new ‘human history’ of free trade.
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Chibani, Daniel. « Great Britain’s Ulterior Motives in Abolishing Ottoman Slavery ». General : Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 7 (11 avril 2022) : 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/tg.v7i1.3653.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This essay seeks to provide an alternative perspective of Great Britain’s involvement in the abolition of the Ottoman slave trade during the 19th and 20th centuries. Contemporary scholars often cite Britain’s involvement in the abolition of Ottoman slavery as a means of establishing moral superiority on the world stage. While there is some validity to this, a critical analysis of Britain’s motives towards abolishing the Ottoman slave trade reveals Britain’s vast economic, political, and territorial interests obtained from Ottoman abolition. Britain conquered vast regions in East and North Africa such as Egypt and Sudan which justified these conquests as necessary in the fight against slavery while simultaneously profiting from these regions through colonization and legitimate trade. Not only would Britain hinder the Ottoman slave trade through such territorial acquisitions, but they would simultaneously control and monitor strategic economic zones such as the Red Sea, Tunisia, the Persian Gulf, and the Gulf of Aden. While Britain is often portrayed as the morally superior emancipator and the Ottomans as the inferior enslavers, Britain’s facade of moral superiority is tainted when considering their ulterior motives.