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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Great Britain – Foreign relations – 18th century"
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Labutina, Tatyana. « Great Britain and Russia on the Way to Restoring Diplomatic Relations (1720–1731) ». Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no 4 (2021) : 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016152-5.
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The article deals with the process of restoring diplomatic relations between Great Britain and Russia in the first third of the 18th century. England was the first country with which Russia established diplomatic relations 465 years ago. During this time, the countries have passed a difficult and thorny path of interaction. Often there were open military conflicts between them, and sometimes it simply came to the severance of diplomatic relations. One of these events occurred in the reign of Peter I on 14 December in 1720 year. Although diplomatic relations were interrupted, trade between the states continued to develop. The trade volume was reduced due to political tensions, which caused significant damage to the economy of England. In this regard, the British began to take active steps to establish diplomatic relations. The analysis of the correspondence between two British diplomats, T. Ward and C. Rondeau, and the Secretary of State of Great Britain, first undertaken in historical science, the author concludes that it was England that initiated the restoration of diplomatic relations, primarily to strengthen the position of the English merchants in Russia. The analysis of the ambassadors' dispatches gives valuable insights as to the strategy and tactics of the British Foreign Office in relation to Russia during the reign of Anna Ioannovna, as well as the motives that guided the diplomats involved in the preparatory process of establishing relations between the countries. The correspondence of the diplomats provides an opportunity to get acquainted with both their official and “secret” intelligence activities, which allows the author identify the true intentions of British diplomacy: to comprehensively study a potential rival which the British imagined Russia to be. It is also of great interest to learn more about how their mission went, what impressions they got from their visit to our country, what assessments they made about the top officials in the administration of the Russian Empire, as well as about the Russian people in general.
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Petrova, Maria. « Behaviour Strategies of the Foreign Diplomats at the Perpetual Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in the 18th Century ». ISTORIYA 12, no 12-1 (110) (2021) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018149-2.
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The article analyses the changes that took place in the official diplomatic communication of European rulers after the Thirty Years' War and the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which affirmed a number of sovereign rights to the Estates of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation (and former vassals of the emperor), including the right to send and receive ambassadors. The new sovereigns, primarily the princes-electors, began to fight for the so-called royal honours (honores regii), which were de facto expressed in a certain set of ceremonies in relation to the ambassadors of the crowned heads and republics assimilated to them. The arena of the struggle for the royal honours was the Imperial Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in Regensburg — a general assembly of all Imperial Estates (in the middle of the eighteenth century — their representatives), by which since the end of the 17th century foreign diplomats had been accredited (first France, a little later — Great Britain, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, in the middle of the eighteenth century — Russia). Having declared their representatives in 1702 as the ministers of the first rank, the electors tried for a century to force the “old” monarchs to send ambassadors to the Diet, and they, by custom, were sent only to the sovereigns. Comparing the various ways out of the ceremonial impasse, the author comes to the conclusion that the struggle for elusive precedence, which foreign diplomats of the second rank (envoys or ministers plenipotentiary) waged with the representatives of the electors at the Imperial Diet, was a deliberately unwinnable strategy, leading either to their isolation or to the recall from their posts. A much more effective strategy that did not damage state prestige was to send to Regensburg so-called ministers without character or residents, who occupied a less honorable position in comparison with ambassadors and envoys, but according to their status were freed from the opportunity to compete with them and, as a result, to come into conflict.
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Kurylev, Konstantin P., et Nickolay P. Parkhitko. « Russian Policy in the Mediterranean : Historical Continuity and International Context ». Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no 4 (27 décembre 2021) : 609–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-609-624.
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The article considers the main directions of the Russian Federations foreign policy in the Mediterranean region in the period from 2015 to autumn 2021. The authors present a historical analysis of Russias military presence in the Mediterranean Sea since its first deployment in the 18th century and separately during the Cold War, since the key strategic goals and operational-tactical tasks facing the 5th Soviet Navy operational squadron in those years, as a whole, remained unchanged. Only their scale was adjusted. Three key aspects that determine the need for Russias presence in the Mediterranean are researched. These are the military, political and economic (raw) components that form the determinant of Russian foreign policy in the region. The expansion of the military activity of NATO countries - in particular, the United States, Great Britain and France - in the Mediterranean Sea and the Middle East, especially since the beginning of the civil war in the Syrian Arab Republic in 2011, requires an asymmetric response from Russia in the context of protecting its national interests. As far as geopolitics is concerned, Russias return of at least partial of those Soviet influence in the region also contributes to strengthening our countrys international positions. Finally, Russias presence in a part of the world, which is a natural logistics hub in the context of both world trade and energy supplies, conceptually complements the military-political agenda. The authors use the methods of historical and political analysis and practical systematization in order to formulate the main hypothesis of the study and come to scientific and theoretical conclusions. The main hypothesis is that the expansion of Russias military, political and economic presence in the Mediterranean will be intensified as the countrys economic potential grows. The authors suggest the following order as tools for implementing the strategy: speeding up efforts to ensure the permanent military presence of the Russian Navy in the Mediterranean, deepening bilateral ties with Syria and conducting a pragmatic economic policy towards Turkey, which claims to be an important actor in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East as a whole.
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Apryshchenko, V. Yu, et N. A. Lagoshina. « Features of State Institutions of Ireland of XVIII Century ». Nauchnyi dialog, no 6 (29 juin 2020) : 386–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-6-386-400.
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The expansion of Great Britain in the 18th century greatly strengthened its influence both on the European continent and throughout the world. The nearby existence of Catholic Ireland, which had developed trade and socio-political ties with European countries, threatened the national security of Great Britain and determined the religious orientation of restrictive politics. In the first half of the 18th century, political, economic and religious struggles both within Ireland and between the British and Irish led to the fact that Ireland actually turned into an English colony. There are still disputes among foreign scholars about the status of Ireland in the 18th century, since the powers of the parliament in Dublin were limited, and most of the country's population did not have civil and political rights. Nevertheless, in the 1760s, the Irish parliament implemented a number of bills in the field of social policy and local self-government, which indicates the significant independence of this legislative body. The legal status of the Irish state in the 18th century, its powers are compared with some widespread definitions of the term state are examined in the article.
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İlqar oğlu İlyasov, Mirpaşa. « Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period ». SCIENTIFIC WORK 77, no 4 (17 avril 2022) : 232–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/77/232-236.
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Bu məqalədə XXI əsrdə Böyük Britaniyanın xarici siyasətində strategiyaları, əsas istiqamətləri, siyasi arenada fəaliyyəti analiz ediləcək. Böyük Britaniyanın qarşısına qoyduğu məqsədlər, Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması prosesi, xarici siyasəti ilə bağlı yanaşmalar və xarici siyasətdə dövlətlərlə olan əlaqələrinin təhlil olunması aparılacaq. Brexit-ə səbəb olan amillər, Böyük Britaniyanın Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması və Brexit-nin səbəb olduğu reaksiyaların analizləri öz əksini bu yazıda tapacaq. ABŞ və Rusiya ilə olan münasibətləri, gələcək geosiyasi mənzərəsi, marağı və əməkdaşlıq etmək istədiyi regionlar haqqında məlumatlar əks olunacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın təhlükəsizlik və müdafiə məsələlərindən, təhlükəsiz enerji mənbələri və dövlətlərlə iqtisadi-ticari əməkdaşlıqdan danışılacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın köhnə müstəmləkələri ilə olan əlaqələri və bu əlaqələrin gələcək perpektivləri nəzərdən keçirilib analiz ediləcək. Hazırkı dövrdə Ukrayna məsələsi ilə bağlı Böyük Britaniyanın mövqeyi təhlil olunacaq.Müasir dövrdə Böyük Britaniyanın aktiv rolunun artması və faəliyyətinin əsas prioritet istiqamətləri bu məqalədə təhlil olunub, ümumiləşdiriləcək. Açar sözlər: siyasət, strategiya, BREXİT, inteqrasiya, maraqlar, suverenlik, beynəlxalq nizam, müttəfiqlik, ABŞ, Rusiya Mirpasha Ilgar İlyas Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period Abstract This article is about the XXI century of the United Kingdom. will analyze the foreign policy strategies, main directions and activities in the 20th century. The goals set by the United Kingdom, the process of leaving the European Union, its approaches to foreign policy and relations with states in foreign policy will be analyzed. The factors leading to Brexit, the UK's departure from the European Union and the analysis of the reactions caused by Brexit will be reflected in this article. Information about relations with the United States and Russia, the future geopolitical outlook, interests and regions with which it wishes to cooperate will be reflected. Britain's security and defence, secure energy sources and economic and commercial cooperation with states will be discussed. The relations with the former British colonies and the future prospects of these relations will be discussed and analyzed. At this time, the UK's position on Ukraine will be analysed. The growth of the UK's active role in modern times and the main priorities of its activities will be analyzed and summarized in this article. Key words: politics, strategy, BREXIT, integration, interests, sovereignty, international order, alliance, USA, Russia
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Kolesnikov, Ilya, Marianna Dahrendorf et Inna Ovanesyan. « Diplomatic relations between the Russian Empire and Great Britain in the first half of the 18th century ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2019, no 12_2 (1 décembre 2019) : 69–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii201912statyi30.
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LINKOVA, Elena. « “CHARLEMAGNE’S EUROPE” AND “PETER THE GREAT’S EUROPE” : RUSSIAN CONSERVATIVE THINKERS’ PERSPECTIVES ON RUSSIA’S INTERNATIONAL POSITION IN THE EARLY 18th CENTURY ». Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no 4 (27) (2021) : 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2021-4-26-35.
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The international situation of Russia and its foreign policy were a subject of discussions within the framework of various currents of public thought in the 19th century. However, Russian conservatives, concerned about the future of the country in a changing world, paid special attention to these issues. The conservative concept emerged and evolved in the course of reflections and polemics on Russia's place in the world and the relationships between foreign policy and domestic development. The emphasis in such discussions was placed on the era of Peter the Great, when Russia had become part of the system of international relations, declared its geopolitical interests and begun to implement them consistently. In fact, in Peter's time, the Westphalian system, in which Russia was assigned a clearly peripheral role, was replaced by a new European order based on the Congresses in Utrecht, Rastatt and BadenЯ(1713-1714), on the results of the Great Northern War (1700-1721) and the Treaty of Nystad (1721). Under these new conditions, Peter the Great showed not only continuity with his predecessors' policies but also outlined the main foreign policy vectors, which Russia followed throughout the 18th century and, as conservative thinkers pointed out, the whole of the 19th century.
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Sawicki, Mariusz. « Warfare in Livonia at the beginning of the 18th century in relations of English ambassador Philippe Plantamour from Berlin ». Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no 2 (30 avril 2019) : 40–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2019-2-40-46.
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An important element in current historical research is the analysis of diplomatic relations focusing on the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. They show the history of the Polish-Lithuanian state, its internal and foreign policy from a different historical perspective. In 1700, the Great Northern War broke out and changed the political power system in Central and Eastern Europe for the next decades. Diplomats from foreign courts were interested in this war, including Philippe Plantamour, secretary of the British embassy in Berlin. He sent his reports to the British Isles in which he posted information on warfare in Livonia. The aim of the article will be to analyze diplomatic reports that can help us answer the question of how the Great Northern War was seen in London. The method used is a critical analysis of the manuscript. The research will explain what information was included in Philippe Plantamours reports and whether they were true.
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Gmurczyk-Wrońska, Małgorzata. « France in International Relations of the Second Half of the 20th Century and the Early 21st Century – Priorities in Foreign Policy ». Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 4, no 44 (31 décembre 2014) : 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2014.44.03.
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After the Second World War France lost temporarily her position as a decision-maker in international relations. Soon enough, though, her diplomacy adapted to a bipolar system. Her foreign policy was to manoeuvre between the USSR, the United States and Great Britain, and to jointly create the structures of future European Union. It was in the EU that France has found the place to strengthen her role of mediator and arbiter. Nowadays, the foreign policy of France has numerous continuities originating from the 19th century and the years of 1918 – 1939, but also some modifications related to new directions in French foreign policy and to the adaptation of its tactics to main purposes in order to secure France’s security, her strong position in the EU and in the world.
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Gorfin, Vladislav L., et Alexander M. Rybakov. « RUSSIA’S ROLE IN THE STRUGGLE FOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES ». Historical Search 2, no 2 (25 juin 2021) : 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2021-2-2-5-12.
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In the article the authors show the place of Russia in the struggle for the independence of the United States. They reveal the concept of «military neutrality», its essence and content. They define the basic principles of the world colonial system in the XVIII century, the foundations of interrelation between world powers and their colonies. They identify the priorities and interests for the development of foreign policy relations. They establish causal links between the war of the North American colonies of Great Britain for their independence and the policies of a number of European powers (Russia, Great Britain, France), as well as the consequences to which it led.
The article considers the history of the struggle for independence and the formation of a new state of the United States of America, the development of foreign policy relations. The authors focus on the history of Russian-American relations in the second half of the XVIII century in the political aspect, and emphasize the increasing penetration of Russia’s influence in the scientific and cultural spheres which directly influenced and enriched the two countries. The relations between Russia and the United States and their history are studied. The history of relations between Russia and Great Britain is shown. The authors analyze the history of attempts to involve the Russian Empire in the war on the side of Great Britain, the position of the Russian government and Catherine II, as well as their attitude to these attempts.
The authors give prominence to a number of world political figures and note their personal contribution to the process of struggle for independence and the further development of the United States of America. Unknown moments of their biographies are revealed.
Conclusions are drawn about the role and the place of the leading countries of the period under study in the struggle for freedom and independence of the future superpower.
Thèses sur le sujet "Great Britain – Foreign relations – 18th century"
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Szpakowicz, Błażej Sebastian. « British trade, political economy and commercial policy towards the United States, 1783-1815 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610189.
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Karges, Caleb William. « "So perverse an ally" : Great Britain's alliance with Austria in the War of the Spanish Succession ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11687.
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The War of the Spanish Succession saw the culmination in the development of European warfare during the “Military Revolution” period, which saw European states fielding larger armies with geographically more ambitious strategies under the umbrella of the nascent eighteenth‐century phenomenon of the “Fiscal‐Military State.” By investigating the Austro‐British alliance at the diplomatic, strategic, logistical, and operational levels during the war, greater insight can be gained into the mechanics of alliance warfare and how two allies reconcile independent war strategies in order to achieve a common goal. This is done in particular by exploring British attempts to influence Austrian war strategy through the tools of diplomacy and logistics in order to bring it more in line with British war strategy, particularly in the region of southern Europe. The chronological approach adopted by this thesis will demonstrate how the course of a war can influence strategy and, in turn, facilitate or impede allied collaboration. The early years of the war saw unsuccessful attempts at Austro‐British collaboration due to the distance between the two allies and the limited contact between them. The 1703 crisis of the Austrian monarchy following financial collapse, rebellion, and a hostile Bavaria forced a dramatic revision of British strategy, culminating the Blenheim campaign of 1704. The expansion of the war into Iberia saw a broadening of Austro‐British military contacts, and the strategic situation in Italy was the source of greater collaboration. However, this expanded collaboration could prove diplomatically damaging when strategic or operational goals diverged. The later years of the war saw Austro‐British collaboration reach its peak, but Austria had to sacrifice much of the direction of its own war effort in the Mediterranean to Britain as the price for British support. The final years of the war saw British and Austrian war strategies diverge in light of the death of Joseph I.
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Coudray, Pierre Louis. « Mourir à la guerre, survivre à la paix : les militaires irlandais au service de la France au XVIIIe siècle, une reconstruction historique ». Thesis, Lille 3, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LIL3H010/document.
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Cette thèse est une étude chronologique de la présence militaire irlandaise en France sous l’Ancien Régime associé à une analyse du mythe de la Brigade Irlandaise au XVIIIe siècle. En s’appuyant sur des sources primaires, dont certaines sont inédites, les quatre premiers chapitres proposent un cadre historique de la communauté militaire irlandaise et de l’acculturation progressive, mais parfois difficile, de ses membres. Le premier chapitre se concentre sur les écrits de l’élite française et de la littérature populaire d’Angleterre face aux Irlandais lors de la « Guerre des trois rois », tandis que le deuxième se penche sur l’image des soldats irlandais dans la presse des deux côtés de la Manche à la même période. Le troisième explique comment ces hommes sont devenus au fil du temps une troupe reconnue par ses pairs dans l’armée royale, tandis que le quatrième explore les stratégies mises en place par les militaires irlandais et leurs familles pour intégrer la société d’accueil. Ces deux chapitres montrent également le déclin de la présence effective d’Irlandais dans la Brigade. La question de la mémoire de la bataille de Fontenoy est au coeur du cinquième et du sixième chapitre qui étudient minutieusement la part des Irlandais dans la journée du 11 mai 1745 et le rôle des écrits du XIXe siècle dans la naissance d’une identité militaire proprement irlandaise. L’étude se focalise sur des sources contemporaines des faits pour le premier et des documents anglais, français et irlandais datant du XIXe siècle pour le secondThis PhD is a chronological study of the military presence of Irishmen in Franceunder the Ancien Regime linked to an analysis of the myth surrounding the Irish Brigade in the18th century. Based on primary sources, some of which have been hitherto unpublished, the firstfour chapters propose an historical framework of the Irish military community and thesometimes difficult but progressive acculturation of its members. The first chapter focuses onthe writings of the French elite as well as popular literature from England about the Irish in the“War of the three kings”, while the second one is about the image of the Irish soldiers in thepress on both sides of the Channel during the same period. The third one explains how thesemen came to be recognised by their peers as a valuable unit in the French royal army and thefourth one explores the tactics used by Irish militarymen and their families to integrate intoFrench society. These two chapters also show the gradual decline of the actual presence ofIrishmen within the ranks of the Brigade. The question of the memory attached to the battle ofFontenoy is at the very core of the fifth and sixth chapters where the part played by Irishmenon the 11th of May 1745 is minutely studied. The birth of a distinct Irish military identity in19th century writings is also discussed. The study focuses on 18th century sources for the fifthchapter and 19th century sources from France, England and Ireland for the sixth
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Walsh, Sebastian John. « Britain, Morocco and the development of the Anglo-French entente ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610042.
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Shen, Peijian. « Steps on the road of appeasement : British foreign policy-making, 1931-1939 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14262.
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This thesis studies the step-by-step process of foreign policy making within the British Government from 1931 to 1939. It aims to pin-point the origin, evolution and nature of appeasement, the principal policy-makers' viewpoints and activities in policy formulating and their responsibility for encouraging the aggressive powers. In the Introduction, the subjective and objective roots of appeasement are explored, and the Author examines the reasons why it was pursued for nine years without change. Highlighting the shortcomings in the past and current research on the subject, a summary of the approaches used in the thesis is given. The First Chapter surveys policy-making during the Manchurian crisis of 1931, not only a starting point for appeasement, but also to a large extent the main reason for the European appeasement. The Second Chapter shows how the British Government appeased Mussolini in the Italo-Abyssinian conflict of 1935-36, and how appeasement in the Far East started to cause appeasement in Europe. Chapters Three, Four and Five indicate the development of appeasement policy towards Germany during 1936 - 1939, namely, how it was hatched during the Rhineland crisis of 1936, and how it was, through the Anschluss, brought to a climax at Munich in 1938. Chapter Six analyses the policy of the guarantee to Poland and of the Three Power conversations in 1939 with the observation that these represented the Chamberlain Government's efforts to change their policy within the scope of appeasement, but that appeasement led to their failure. In the Conclusion, the various arguments in favour of appeasement are criticised and lessons drawn from that disastrous age.
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Talbot, Michael. « British diplomacy in the Ottoman Empire during the long eighteenth century ». Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.645966.
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Khan, Gulfishan. « Indian Muslim perceptions of the West during the eighteenth century ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:dacf23d8-28f4-40da-b781-4e7cb940828b.
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The present thesis, entitled "Indian Muslim Perceptions of the West during the Eighteenth century", deals with Muslim images of the West at the turn of the eighteenth century as they were formulated in the minds of Indian Muslim intellectuals. It examines the modalities of experience and categories of knowledge of the West as they were perceived by Muslim scholars who had come into contact with the contemporary West. The main purpose of the present enquiry is to analyze the origins and the nature of such perceptions as were articulated in their writings. With the expansion of British political power in the sub-continent in the late eighteenth century Britain came to be identified with Europe as a whole in the minds of our intellectuals. The Indian intelligentsia's experience of the contemporary Western civilization became in fact its experience of the British society and culture. Extensive quotations from the writings of the authors under consideration are often used to illustrate the principal arguments in this essay. The thesis is based on relatively unexplored source-material which comprises Persian manuscripts in the Bodleian Library in Oxford and the British Library in London. Our writers' perceptions of the Western civilization concentrate on various aspects of European and, particularly, British culture such as social life, religion, political ideas and institutions and scientific and technological developments. The present study also attempts to assess the impact of an alien culture on various socio-economic levels in Indian society, especially since Muslims had largely lost a centralised political control over India. The declining Muslim intelligentsia accepted uncritically the impact of the new and powerful culture but the new knowledge presented in their writings was not significantly implemented in their society; rather, the indigenous society was overwhelmed by the new culture that was imposed upon it and gave in to it and its attraction.
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Marcuzzi, Stefano. « Anglo-Italian relations during the First World War ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2e1d8ba7-53eb-4c29-8974-d1fa0e36cc65.
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This thesis examines how the newly-born Anglo-Italian alliance operated during World War I, and how it influenced each of Britain's and Italy's strategies. It argues that Britain was Italy's main partner in the conflict: Rome sought to make Britain the guarantor of the London treaty, which had brought Italy into the war on the side of the Allies, as well as its main naval and financial partner within the Entente. London, for its part, used its special partnership with Italy to reach three main objectives. The first was to have Rome increasingly involved in the Entente's global war, thus going beyond the national dimension of the 'fourth war of independence' against Austria-Hungary. Britain aimed in particular to complete the blockade of the Central Powers by securing the Mediterranean. This result was achieved slowly - Italy declared war on Turkey in autumn 1915 and on Germany in summer 1916 - and not without contradictions, such as Italy's persistently self-reliant trade policy. The second British goal was to keep Italy in the war when the Caporetto crisis hit: British financial, commercial and military support was crucial to restore Italian forces and morale, and allow Rome to pursue to fight. Finally, in a wider geo-political sense, Britain took advantage of its good relations with Italy to balance French influence in the Mediterranean and the Middle East. London acted as a mediator in the controversies between Rome, Petrograd and Paris, taking upon it the task of keeping the alliance together. Anglo-Italian relations worsened in 1918. Britain's leadership within the Entente declined and was gradually replaced by American leadership. President Wilson's 'politics of nationalities' produced a significant revision of the London pact: Italy felt betrayed by its main partner, Britain, and this caused a long-lasting resentment towards London which had far-reaching consequences in the post-war period.
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Nanson, Steffanie Jennifer. « Fleet Street's dilemma : the British press and the Soviet Union, 1933-1941 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14303.
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British press opinion concerning the Soviet Union in the 1930s contributes to an understanding of the failed cooperation, prior to 1941, between the British and Soviet Governments. During the trial of six British engineers in Moscow in 1933, the conservative press jingoistically responded by demanding stringent economic action against the Soviet Union and possibly severing diplomatic cooperation. The liberal and labour press expected relations to improve to prevent similar trials of Britons in the future. Despite the strain in relations and ideological differences, between 1934 and 1935, Britain and the USSR worked for collective security. The quality conservative press was willing to support a closer relationship, though popular conservative newspapers remained anti-Soviet. The liberal and labour press, though hoping for more, expressed relief that Britain was improving relations with the Soviet Union. The Spanish Civil War led the conservative press to resume its non-collective beliefs and to become ideologically critical of the Soviet Union. The provincial conservative newspapers were the exceptions. Liberal and labour papers were annoyed with the British refusal to cooperate with the USSR over Spain and became disappointed by the Government's decision to support appeasement rather than collective action. While the British Government reviewed the benefits of collective security, the Moscow show trials damaged Britain's belief in the stability of the USSR. All papers realised there was something seriously wrong in the Soviet Union. The conservative press advocated avoiding cooperation with a country weakened by purging. The liberal and labour press, though concerned about the image of the USSR, realised that Britain required an East European ally and called for an improvement of existing relations. In 1939 nearly every newspaper demanded the British Government form an alliance with the USSR against Hitler's aggression and criticised both governments for wasting time. Condemnation of the Soviet Union's signing of the Nazi-Soviet pact and role in the partition of Poland was relatively limited as hope remained that Britain and the USSR would collaborate to defeat Hitler. However, the Winter War strained these hopes and led to intense press condemnation of the Soviet attack on Finland. Nevertheless, in July 1940 newspapers became interested in the emerging conflict of interests between Germany and the USSR. Despite criticism of Soviet expansion in Eastern Europe, the press accepted that Britain's security depended on the Soviet Union. All newspapers welcomed the alliance in 1941 and ignored ideological issues.
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Gioe, David Vincent. « The Anglo-American special intelligence relationship : wartime causes and Cold War consequences, 1940-63 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708484.
Texte intégralLivres sur le sujet "Great Britain – Foreign relations – 18th century"
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Parliament and foreign policy in the eighteenth century. Cambridge, UK : Cambridge University Press, 2004.
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Foundation, Voltaire, dir. Cultural transfers : France and Britain in the long eighteenth century. Oxford : Voltaire Foundation, 2010.
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Black, Jeremy. America or Europe ? : British foreign policy, 1739-63. London : UCL Press, 1998.
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M, Devine T., dir. Scotland and the Union 1707-2007. Edinburgh : Edinburgh University Press, 2008.
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Black, Jeremy. America Or Europe ? London : Taylor & Francis Inc, 2004.
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America Or Europe ? London : Taylor & Francis Group Plc, 2004.
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Szechi, D. The Jacobites, Britain and Europe, 1688-1788. Manchester [Eng.] : Manchester University Press, 1994.
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Boyce, David George. Decolonisation and the British Empire, 1775-1997. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Macmillan Press, 1999.
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translator, Rothschild Jon, dir. The immobile empire. New York : Vintage Books, A Division of Random House, Inc., 2013.
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The immobile empire. New York : Knopf, 1992.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Great Britain – Foreign relations – 18th century"
1
Frei, Gabriela A. « Conclusion ». Dans Great Britain, International Law, and the Evolution of Maritime Strategic Thought, 1856–1914, 201–6. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198859932.003.0009.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Custom, state practice, and codification provided important reference points for the legal framework governing international relations in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The Conclusion explores the shifts from custom to codification in international maritime law. It also outlines how Great Britain used international maritime law as an instrument in foreign policy to protect its economic and strategic interests as a sea power. This last chapter then discusses how international maritime law in turn affected visions of future warfare. Great Britain’s neutrality policy, and in particular the Foreign Enlistment Act, shaped the country’s state practice in the second half of the nineteenth century, and the conclusion discusses the importance of state practice in foreign policy at the time.
2
Robak, Piotr. « Rola i miejsce Afryki w angielskim handlu zewnętrznym (i kolonialnym) w XVIII wieku ». Dans Afryka i (post)kolonializm. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/8088-260-7.03.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Western Africa was a very important feature of the Euroatlantic trade system created by England, and later by Great Britain, from the second half of the 17th century. The factories, founded here on the Atlantic coast (or taken away from the Dutch and French colonial area) together with Portugeuse trade settlements (thanks to the peace treaty from 1703) existed in the scheme of socalled Atlantic triangle. The merchandises were exported from the British Isles to Western Africa where these were exchanged for the local materials (especially gold and ivory). These materials were transported (legally or not) to both Americas. The slave trade was also the very important element of this exchange system in the period. The British trade with Western Africa was initially organized by trade companies. The individual tradesmen, however, took part in this commercial traffic in the 18th century (especially in the slave trade) to the significant degree. These individual commercial activities disorganized earlier created Euroatlantic mercantile system of British foreign (and colonial) trade. It is necessary to stress here that the direct trade exchange between Western Africa and Great Britain was developing at that time together with the British reexport of tropic merchandises on European markets. In spite of it, the African market played the smaller role in the British system of foreign trade than the American and Asian markets. The African market, however, developed its position to the significant degree in the Atlantic trade sphere in the 18th century.
3
Murray, Michelle. « Recognition and Rapprochement ». Dans The Struggle for Recognition in International Relations, 167–90. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190878900.003.0007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter explores how the United States’ growing power and expansionist foreign policy came to be viewed as legitimate, thereby constructing its peaceful rise to world power status. It argues that the acts of recognition that emerged during the Venezuelan Crisis expressed a normative acceptance of American power and were routinized so as to structure Anglo-American relations at the turn of the twentieth century. Specifically, during the Spanish–American War British leaders—drawing from the recognitive speech acts that defined the Anglo-Saxon collective identity—restrained the European great powers from becoming involved in the war, enabling the United States to establish a sphere of influence in the Caribbean and an imperial presence in the Pacific. Likewise, the negotiations between Britain and the United States over the Isthmian Canal highlight the importance of mutual recognition in sustaining a peaceful power transition. The chapter shows how acts of recognition contributed to the social construction of the United States as a legitimate power, despite its aggressive and expansionist foreign policy.
4
Forró, Lajos, et Srđan Cvetković. « The Birth of Modern Serbia (1804–2004) : Integration, concepts, ideas, and great powers ». Dans The Development of European and Regional Integration Theories in Central European Countries, 113–35. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.mgih.doleritincec_6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter follows the origin and development of the modern Serbian state in the last two centuries. At the crossroads of great empires, the Serbian state ascended in the 19th century. The national program formed in the first half of the 19th century as the basis of its foreign policy meant gathering the Serbian national corps into one state. It was gradually realized by maneuvering between the great powers, but also through conflict with them. In the 19th century, Serbian politics was most often correlated or in conflict with the interests of Austria, Russia, and Turkey. During Yugoslavia’s time in the first half of the 20th century, France, Britain, and Germany took over, while in Socialist Yugoslavia during the Cold War, relations with the US, the USSR, and some non-aligned countries prevailed. In the post-communist era, the main problems in Serbia’s foreign policy were its relationships with the US and NATO and with the EU and Germany. Geostrategic interests and Serbia’s position meant that it was exposed to severe exclusions and numerous wars with both its neighbors and the great powers.
5
Smirnova, Irina. « The Athos Question in the Context of European Diplomacy in the Second Quarter of the 19th Century ». Dans 1821 in the History of Balkan Peoples (On the 200th anniversary of the Greek Revolution), 123–42. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences ; Hellenic Cultural Center, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/0469-5.08.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The chapter touches upon issues related to the history of Athos and the position of Orthodox monasticism in the second quarter of the 19th century, when, after the Greek war for independence from the Ottoman Empire, Athos begins to be perceived by the great powers as an important Orthodox outpost in the Christian East. Particular attention is paid to such little-studied issues as the role of European diplomacy in the normalization of the situation on the Holy Mountain after the Greek Revolution of 1821, the Russian-Turkish war of 1828/1829, the recognition of the independence of Greece (1830); the reaction of European diplomats to the growth of Russian monasticism on Athos; “British” factor in the development of Russian-Greek relations. The author traces the measures of the British government and the public organizations for the study of Athos, indicating that starting from the 1830s the Holy Mountain was perceived in British political circles as an important strategic foothold, which was associated with the inclusion of Mount Athos in the general naval strategy of Great Britain in the Eastern Mediterranean. Russian-British foreign policy rivalry, which led to confrontation in the ecclesiastical sphere, characterizes the policy of Britain in relation to the Ecumenical Patriarchs, which is shown by the example of the activities of Constantinople Patriarchs Constanty I (1830–1834) and Gregory VI (1835–1840) and the participation of the latter in the “case Ionian Islands”, when British patronage over the Ionian Islands was used as a pretext for the intervention of British diplomats in the affairs of Orthodox Athos. These facts indicate that the “ecclesiastical” vector of the foreign policy of the great powers in the Eastern Mediterranean leads to the need to consider the “Athos question” in the context of the Eastern question as an important and organic component of it.
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Teschke, Benno. « Capitalism, British Grand Strategy, and the Peace Treaty of Utrecht : Towards a Historical Sociology of War- and Peace-making in the Construction of International Order ». Dans The Justification of War and International Order, 107–28. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198865308.003.0006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Benno Teschke offers a specific focus on the historical sociology of normative change in the transition from early modernity to modernity in Europe. How can we explain international diplomacy and peace accords from within critical International Relations (IR) Theory? Teschke addresses this question by focusing on the Peace of Utrecht (1713) that concluded the War of the Spanish Succession. It tracks the relations between the domestic sources of the rise of Britain as a great power, the revolutionary transformations of its post-1688 foreign policy institutions, the formulation of a new British grand strategy—the blue water policy—in the context of the War of the Spanish Succession, and its strategic ability to impose through coercive and secret diplomacy a new pro-British ‘normative’ set of rules for post-Utrecht early modern international relations during the ‘long eighteenth Century’ (1688–1815). This British-led reorganization of early modern international order cannot be captured through prevailing IR concepts, including automatic power-balancing, off-shore balancing, hegemony, international society, formal or informal imperialism, or collective security.
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Beinart, William, et Lotte Hughes. « Oil Extraction in the Middle East : The Kuwait Experience ». Dans Environment and Empire. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199260317.003.0020.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Oil has been the lubricant of international relations and industry since the turn of the twentieth century. The fabulous wealth it has generated for a clutch of individuals, states, and corporations has skewed global politics, fed human greed, fuelled conflict, and brought as much destruction as delight in its wake. The struggle for access to and control over oil was central to the final stages of imperial expansion, and the Middle East saw a regional equivalent of the ‘scramble for Africa’. European powers sought to carve up the area as the twentieth century turned, their eyes fixed on oil as the main prize. Central to our argument is that empire followed natural resources, in unpredictable ways. It created commodity frontiers that had enormous implications for routes of expansion and relations with local societies. The future of the Middle East, then under the sway of the crumbling Ottoman Empire, was already of great concern to Britain at the beginning of the twentieth century. But oil provided a new urgency, and shaped patterns of intervention; the history of the Middle East over the next century would have been profoundly different without it. Although capital became more mobile from the late nineteenth century, some of the most valuable natural resources in the twentieth-century Empire proved to be rooted to specific regions. In this sense, oil as a natural resource shaped the geography of empire, as had fur and forests before it. But the specific character of oil and of imperialism in the region (our focus is on Kuwait), resulted in rather different outcomes for local societies than those experienced on some other earlier commodity frontiers. Although the oil companies were largely foreign-owned, Middle Eastern people were, to a much greater degree, beneficiaries of resource extraction. In this respect, there are parallels with Malaysia. An important concern in this chapter is to chart the impact of oil on Bedouin pastoralists in Kuwait, their use of the desert, and its environmental implications. We also explore briefly other environmental impacts of oil exploitation. These are issues less frequently rehearsed than the political and economic consequences. The energy needs of the metropolitan world led to increasing demands for oil as the twentieth century advanced.