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1
SUONPÄÄ, MIKA. « FINANCIAL SPECULATION, POLITICAL RISKS, AND LEGAL COMPLICATIONS : BRITISH COMMERCIAL DIPLOMACY IN THE BALKANS, c. 1906–1914 ». Historical Journal 55, no 1 (10 février 2012) : 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000537.
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ABSTRACTBefore 1914, a more intimate relationship started to develop between overseas commercial activity and foreign policy. This occurred as a consequence of the politicization of international business relations that came about when other great powers began increasingly to challenge Britain's global commercial, political, and imperial supremacy. Britain had traditionally followed alaissez-faireline when it came to supporting or protecting British overseas business enterprise. In the mid-1880s, Britain was compelled to review its policy. After this, the British government was prepared to offer limited assistance to British firms, but this often took place only in regions which were significant in terms of overall policy interest, including Turkey, Iran, and China. This article examines British commercial diplomacy in the Balkans, a region which has not received much attention from historians in this framework. British commercial diplomacy there followed the general line of limited intervention and support was offered mostly on legal grounds. Local political troubles and great power politics also played a role in diplomatic decision-making as did negative cultural perceptions, but to a considerably lesser degree. In most cases, the British government refrained from supporting British business enterprise in the Balkans on account of fears about financial speculation.
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Grossman, Richard S. « The Shoe That Didn't Drop : Explaining Banking Stability During the Great Depression ». Journal of Economic History 54, no 3 (septembre 1994) : 654–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700015072.
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This article attempts to account for the exceptional stability exhibited by the banking systems of Britain, Canada, and ten other countries during the Great Depression. It considers three possible explanations of stability—the structure of the commercial banking system, macroeconomic policy and performance, and lender of last resort behavior—employing data from 25 countries across Europe and North America. The results suggest that macroeconomic policy—especially exchange-rate policy—and banking structure, but not lenders of last resort, were systematically responsible for banking stability.
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Cuenca-Esteban, Javier. « Statistics of Spain's Colonial Trade, 1747–1820 : New Estimates and Comparisons with Great Britain ». Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 26, no 3 (2008) : 323–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900000379.
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AbstractNew estimates of Spain's current-account balance with the «Indies» add new perspectives to the recent debate on the aims and results of Spanish commercial policy. At the height of «comercio libre» in 1784–92, Spain's private commercial interests appear to have drawn larger financial returns from the Indies than did their British counterparts from wider colonial engagement. On this as on other scores, by the eve of the French wars the Spanish empire appears to have become a sounder economic proposition than might be inferred from recent pessimistic views. The empire's subsequent demise may have involved a greater degree of geographical and dynastic accident than is seemingly apparent.
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Devereux, David R. « State Versus Private Ownership : The Conservative Governments and British Civil Aviation 1951–62 ». Albion 27, no 1 (1995) : 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000018536.
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Studies of post-1945 Britain have often concentrated upon political and foreign policy history and are only just now beginning to address the question of the restructuring of the British economy and domestic policy. Civil aviation, a subject of considerable interest to historians of interwar Britain, has not been given a similar degree of attention in the post-1945 era. Civil aviation policy was, however, given a very high priority by both the 1945-51 Labour government and its Conservative successors. Civil aviation represented part of the effort to return Britain to a peacetime economy by transferring resources from the military into the civil aircraft industry, while at the same time holding for Britain a position of pre-eminence in the postwar expansion of civil flying. As such, aviation was a matter of great interest to reconstruction planners during World War Two, and was an important part of the Attlee government's plans for nationalization.Civil aviation was expected to grow rapidly into a major global economic force, which accounted for the great attention paid it in the 1940s and 1950s. Its importance to Britain in the postwar era lay in the value of air connections to North America, Europe, and the Empire and Commonwealth, and also in the economic importance of Britain's aircraft industry. In a period when the United States was by far the largest producer of commercial aircraft, the task of Labour and Conservative governments was to maintain a viable British position against strong American competition. What is particularly interesting is the wide degree of consensus that existed in both parties on the role the state should play in the maintenance and enhancement of this position.
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Becuwe, Stéphane, Bertrand Blancheton et Christopher M. Meissner. « The French (Trade) Revolution of 1860 : Intra-Industry Trade and Smooth Adjustment ». Journal of Economic History 81, no 3 (septembre 2021) : 688–722. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050721000371.
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The Cobden-Chevalier treaty of 1860 eliminated French import prohibitions and lowered tariffs between France and Great Britain. The policy change was largely unexpected and unusually free from direct lobbying. A series of commercial treaties with other nations followed. Post-1860, we find a significant rise in French intra-industry trade. Sectors that liberalized more experienced higher two-way trade. Our findings are consistent with the idea that trade liberalization led to “smooth adjustment” that avoided costly inter-sectoral re-allocations of factors.
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Vasileva, Anna Y. « On the issue of the British presence in Egypt : the business of “Thomas Cook and Son” in the assessment of contemporaries (the last third of the 19th century) ». Tambov University Review. Series : Humanities, no 191 (2021) : 224–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2021-26-191-224-232.
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The purpose of the study is to determine how the development of the tourism business of Thomas Cook and Son in the Nile Valley influenced the perception and assessment of contemporaries of the British presence in Egypt at the end of the 19th century. The relevance of the analyzed problem lies in the fact that the study of the history of tourism in the era of New imperialism allows us to supplement our understanding of the representations of the empire and private busi-ness and their mutual influence. It is substantiated that, according to the views of contemporaries, the activities of the company contributed to the creation of conditions for the economic develop-ment of Egypt, opened these territories to the world, providing free movement along the Nile, and contributed to the spread of the English language, making this country more “civilized” in the eyes of Europeans. We conclude that, at the same time, the handbooks of the company broadcasted the achievements of the imperial policy of Great Britain, reinforcing the idea of the positive conse-quences of the British occupation for Egypt. It is concluded that the commercial success of private business became a visible manifestation of the success of the England’s civilizing mission. The research materials can be used to further study the relationship between the development of mass tourism and the colonial policy of Great Britain.
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Leboissetier, Léa. « ‘Johnny Onions!’ : Seasonal Pedlars from Brittany and their Good Reputation in Great Britain (1870s–1970s) ». Journal of Migration History 7, no 2 (23 août 2021) : 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00702001.
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Abstract The Onion Johnnies were a group of French seasonal migrants and door-to-door traders who travelled to Britain from the mid-nineteenth to the late twentieth centuries. This article explores their surprisingly good reputation among the British population and authorities: while pedlars were often conflated with tramps, suspicious aliens or disreputable individuals by the police, the Johnnies’ reliance on established familial and commercial networks meant they benefited from a positive stereotype. While hawking was generally perceived as an anachronistic and unrewarding occupation, French onion sellers were exoticised by the British population, who celebrated they rural roots. The seasonal, semi-sedentary and ‘picturesque’ aspect of the onion trade enabled them to reverse the stigmas associated to itinerant trading, their doorstep performance becoming their selling point. The case study of the Johnnies helps us understand the stereotypes linked to peddling in late modern Britain and to go beyond the narrative of decline surrounding this occupation.
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Mergel, Thomas. « Americanization, European Styles or National Codes ? The Culture of Election Campaigning in Western Europe, 1945–1990 ». East Central Europe 36, no 2 (2009) : 254–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633009x411520.
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AbstractThe culture of election campaigning in postwar Western Europe allegedly has been shaped by a process of Americanization. In terms of political communication, Americanization has four distinct features: proximity of political marketing to commercial marketing, personalization and professionalization of campaigns, and media centered strategies. Based on an analyses of some European cultures of electioneering – Germany, Great Britain, and Italy – the main thesis of the paper is that the shared features are only to a smaller degree the results of American influences, but rather parallel trends due to structural commonalities like being medialized democracies in welfare and consumer societies, politically shaped by the Cold War context. The 1980s, however, meant a threshold: private media have risen across Europe and policy issues from the “new social movements” were pressured into the policy agenda. Although this has furthered the “Americanization” of European electioneering styles, at the same time several European elections point to an increased Europeanization of electioneering. On the whole, however, different national political cultures continue to modify and change American and European influences, creating local variations of campaigning.
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Gordon, Leonard H. D. « Taiwan and the Limits of British Power, 1868 ». Modern Asian Studies 22, no 2 (mai 1988) : 225–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00000950.
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When the treaty system between the western powers and China was firmly established in 1860, a new ‘cooperative’ approach emerged in Great Britain's commercial and diplomatic transactions. British authorities believed that a conciliatory manner would bring greater gain in fostering British commercial and developmental interests in China rather than aggressive demands. The treaty system, they envisioned, would bring stability and reason to what had been an arbitrary and often combative relationship. After nearly a decade of trial under the new system, two disturbing incidents occurred on Taiwan which severely tested the treaty system and the cooperative policy and revealed a limitation of Britain's ability to control the use of force and maintain adherence to established policy by practitioners in the field. Moreover, an early consideration of British predominance on Taiwan came to an end.
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Gosseye, Janina. « The Janus-Faced Shopping Center : The Low Countries in Search of a Fitting Shopping Paradigm ». Journal of Urban History 44, no 5 (1 avril 2016) : 862–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144216641374.
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When in the mid-1950s, the shopping center typology reached the Low Countries, it confronted governments, policy makers, architects, and planners with the question of how to introduce and adapt this novel commercial typology to the local context. To respond to this question, several “missions” were organized to study this phenomenon abroad. The conclusion was that two distinct shopping center paradigms existed: the American model, as it could be observed in the United States and Canada, and the European model, as it had emerged in Sweden, France, and Great Britain. This article investigates what these missions identified as the distinctive characteristics of these two shopping center models, and which specific recommendations regarding urban and suburban retailing and distribution were derived from them. Finally, the article examines how these suggestions were implemented in or translated into the first shopping center designs in the Low Countries: “Shopping 1” in Genk (Belgium) and Amstelveen shopping center in the Netherlands.
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Miloiu, Silviu-Marian. « Editorial foreword ». Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no 2 (15 décembre 2010) : 127–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_1.
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This issue of Revista Română pentru Studii Baltice şi Nordice [The Romanian Journal of Baltic and Nordic Studies, RRSBN] crowns a year of steady progress in terms of number and quality of the programs and actions run by The Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies (ARSBN). The highlights of this year have been the first international conference for Baltic and Nordic Studies in Romania entitled Romania and Lithuania in the Interwar International Relations: Bonds, Intersections and Encounters, the opening of the exhibition dedicated to the 90th anniversary of the establishment of the Romanian-Finnish diplomatic relations (exhibition which has travelled since its first opening about 850 miles) and of the first Lithuanian exhibition displayed in a Romanian art gallery and the awarding of the title of Doctor Honoris Causa of Valahia University to Dr. Vladimir Jarmolenko, the Ambassador of Lithuania to Bucharest and Honorary Chairman of our Association. Besides, the members of the Association have been involved in research whose results have been disseminated in books, international and national conferences, thus contributing to the spreading of knowledge and the encouragement of debates on subjects close to its aims. The second issue of RRSBN also brings a novelty in the meaning that 2010 is the first year when the journal is published biannually as it will appear henceforth. Having been projected at the end of 2008, its first volume was published in November 2009. The articles published in this issue bring forth new documentary evidences and fresh interpretations upon a variety of topics regarding the history, the history of international relations or the history of commercial bonds of Baltic and Nordic European nations, in some cases in connection to the developments in the Black Sea area. In spite of the array of topics, some sections can be however distinguished. The first one encompasses the two articles signed by Costel Coroban and Veniamin Ciobanu regarding the role of Sweden in the international relations at the beginning of the 18th and of the 19th centuries when this power had to cope with its declining role in the international relations. After its defeat in the Battle of Poltava, Sweden gradually came to be regarded as the minor actor in the international diplomatic game in comparison with its more powerful neighbors of Britain, Russia or Napoleon’s France. The first article describes how Sweden tried to rise again to the status of Great Power with the financial support of the Jacobites and what were the international implications of the plot in which Swedish emissaries have allowed themselves to be engaged in Britain. Integrating a number of nine important archival documents, the second article proves the wide interest of Sweden regarding the international circumstances leading to the downfall of Imperial France in its attempt to adopt a wise foreign policy to compensate through the annexation of Norway for the loss of Finland to Tsarist Russia in 1809. Thus, Sweden was also looking to the developments of the Eastern Question and to the policies of Britain, France and Russia with regard to the Ottoman Empire.
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Podolsky, Vadim. « History of the social policy in the United Kingdom ». Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennost, no 5 (2021) : 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086904990016102-4.
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In the XVII century Great Britain became the first country in the world with a full-scale system of social support, which was regulated at the state level. The “Old Poor Law” of 1601 and the “New Poor Law” of 1834 are well-studied in both foreign and Russian science, but the solutions that preceded them are less known. The aim of this study is to describe the development of social policy in Great Britain up to 1834, when the system of assistance to people in need was redesigned according to the liberal logic of minimal interference of the state. The article is based on comparative and historic approach and analysis of legal documents. It demonstrates the evolution of institutions and practices of social support in Great Britain. In this country social policy grew from church and private charity and developed at local level under centrally defined rules. Consistent presentation of social policy history in Great Britain is valuable for studies of charity, local self-government and social policy.
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İlqar oğlu İlyasov, Mirpaşa. « Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period ». SCIENTIFIC WORK 77, no 4 (17 avril 2022) : 232–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/77/232-236.
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Bu məqalədə XXI əsrdə Böyük Britaniyanın xarici siyasətində strategiyaları, əsas istiqamətləri, siyasi arenada fəaliyyəti analiz ediləcək. Böyük Britaniyanın qarşısına qoyduğu məqsədlər, Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması prosesi, xarici siyasəti ilə bağlı yanaşmalar və xarici siyasətdə dövlətlərlə olan əlaqələrinin təhlil olunması aparılacaq. Brexit-ə səbəb olan amillər, Böyük Britaniyanın Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması və Brexit-nin səbəb olduğu reaksiyaların analizləri öz əksini bu yazıda tapacaq. ABŞ və Rusiya ilə olan münasibətləri, gələcək geosiyasi mənzərəsi, marağı və əməkdaşlıq etmək istədiyi regionlar haqqında məlumatlar əks olunacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın təhlükəsizlik və müdafiə məsələlərindən, təhlükəsiz enerji mənbələri və dövlətlərlə iqtisadi-ticari əməkdaşlıqdan danışılacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın köhnə müstəmləkələri ilə olan əlaqələri və bu əlaqələrin gələcək perpektivləri nəzərdən keçirilib analiz ediləcək. Hazırkı dövrdə Ukrayna məsələsi ilə bağlı Böyük Britaniyanın mövqeyi təhlil olunacaq.Müasir dövrdə Böyük Britaniyanın aktiv rolunun artması və faəliyyətinin əsas prioritet istiqamətləri bu məqalədə təhlil olunub, ümumiləşdiriləcək. Açar sözlər: siyasət, strategiya, BREXİT, inteqrasiya, maraqlar, suverenlik, beynəlxalq nizam, müttəfiqlik, ABŞ, Rusiya Mirpasha Ilgar İlyas Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period Abstract This article is about the XXI century of the United Kingdom. will analyze the foreign policy strategies, main directions and activities in the 20th century. The goals set by the United Kingdom, the process of leaving the European Union, its approaches to foreign policy and relations with states in foreign policy will be analyzed. The factors leading to Brexit, the UK's departure from the European Union and the analysis of the reactions caused by Brexit will be reflected in this article. Information about relations with the United States and Russia, the future geopolitical outlook, interests and regions with which it wishes to cooperate will be reflected. Britain's security and defence, secure energy sources and economic and commercial cooperation with states will be discussed. The relations with the former British colonies and the future prospects of these relations will be discussed and analyzed. At this time, the UK's position on Ukraine will be analysed. The growth of the UK's active role in modern times and the main priorities of its activities will be analyzed and summarized in this article. Key words: politics, strategy, BREXIT, integration, interests, sovereignty, international order, alliance, USA, Russia
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Peden, G. C., Alan Booth et Melvyn Pack. « Employment, Capital and Economic Policy : Great Britain, 1918-1939. » Economic History Review 39, no 3 (août 1986) : 474. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596365.
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Miller, A. « Rupert Brooke and the Growth of Commercial Patriotism in Great Britain, 1914-1918 ». Twentieth Century British History 21, no 2 (12 avril 2010) : 141–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwq001.
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Boyer, George R. « The Evolution of Unemployment Relief in Great Britain ». Journal of Interdisciplinary History 34, no 3 (janvier 2004) : 393–433. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219504771997908.
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The history of unemployment relief in Britain from 1834 to 1911 was not a “unilinear progression in collective benevolence,” culminating in unemployment insurance. The combination of poor relief and private charity to assist cyclically unemployed workers from 1834 to 1870 was more generous, and more certain, than the relief provided for the unemployed under the various policies adopted from 1870 to 1911. A major shift in policy occurred in the 1870s, largely in response to the crisis of the Poor Law in the 1860s. Because the new policy—a combination of self-help and charity—proved unable to cope with the high unemployment of cyclical downturns, Parliament in 1911 bowed to political pressure for a national system of relief by adopting the world's first compulsory system of unemployment insurance.
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Turner, Ian. « Great Britain and the Post-War German Currency Reform ». Historical Journal 30, no 3 (septembre 1987) : 685–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0002094x.
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British policy towards Germany during the period of occupation aimed at preventing a resurgence of German military might in the future, whilst ensuring stable economic conditions in the short term. By mid 1946, however, the scale of the economic problems confronting the occupying powers in Germany had already manifested itself in the reduction of food rations and the consequent falling off in the output of Ruhr coal. The fragile economy was to suffer an even greater setback during the cruel winter of 1946/7. The immediate restoration of economic activity became imperative, not least because the dollar cost of sustaining the British Zone with imported grain weighed heavily on the British exchequer.
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Khodarkovsky, Michael. « The Great Game in the North Caucasus ». Canadian-American Slavic Studies 49, no 2-3 (2015) : 384–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04902017.
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Bolshakov, A. « Regulatory Autonomy of Great Britain : Problems and Perspectives ». World Economy and International Relations 65, no 7 (2021) : 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-7-71-79.
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Sovereignty does not imply regulatory autonomy. After Brexit, the UK should align its regulatory policy with European norms, if it is interested in close partnership with the EU. Compromises must be made by both sides in order to ensure stability of the partnership. The EU will have to acknowledge the UK’s right to diverge from European rules. Britain will have to partly accept the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice. The structure of dispute settlement mechanism which will be created under the partnership agreement should be a product of a compromise. The present study shows that optimal structure of dispute settlement mechanism must include two different procedures: one for political issues and the other for commercial issues. The central role for the European Court of Justice must be envisaged as a part of politically oriented procedure. There must be no role for the European Court of Justice or any Union to set the pace of political communication. The latter reflects the interest of Great Britain to simplify economic relations, which means that, firstly, disputes are resolved by independent arbiters; secondly, the EU acknowledges the UK’s right to diverge from European regulations; and thirdly, the UK accepts the EU’s right to impose countervailing duties to compensate for adverse effects of divergence on competition. This article also examines the main problems of future British regulatory policy, especially in the field of state aid. Boris Johnson’s government has decided not to form a full-fledged regulatory regime in the area of state aid. Its stance is politically appropriate since Conservative party manifesto for the 2019 general election promised to support local industries without limitations. But that decision created a great deal of economic risk. Firstly, the absence of a domestic subsidy control regulator can cause chaos within regulation system because workable norms and rules can only be sustained by a tight enforcement mechanism. Secondly, the EU can cite lack of subsidy control as an obstacle for British business to have unrestricted access to the European market.
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Leach, Christopher. « Uniforms and Commercial Culture : Constructing a Vision of Warfare in Pre-Great War Britain ». Cultural History 10, no 1 (avril 2021) : 31–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2021.0230.
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Uniforms carry cultural meaning shaped by their interaction with military realities. They can communicate tradition but also anticipate change. Prior to the Great War, British Army uniforms had developed from the familiar red tunic to khaki, but the manner of their representation in the mass culture confirmed a continuity and correctness of the British way of war that ran against the emerging industrialization of warfare. Wearing familiar uniforms linked to the past and concurrently fighting what seemed like anachronistic ‘small wars’ in empire as reported in the press, what awaited the volunteers of 1914–15 could not have been anticipated by those consumers of the commercial culture. This article uses a variety of sources, from the illustrated adult and juvenile press, paintings, and toys, to reveal the link between uniforms and the representation of warfare in the fifty years prior to the Great War. In that representation we see not just the glorification of war that cultural historians attach to gendered, imperialist, or nationalist meanings. This article argues that the role of uniforms in the representation of warfare was a means by which to make it knowable and worthwhile for the consumer public. But by representing past and contemporary uniforms quite accurately, the writers and artists imposed a sense of military continuity at a time when war was changing.
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SCHUI, FLORIAN. « PRUSSIA'S ‘TRANS-OCEANIC MOMENT’ : THE CREATION OF THE PRUSSIAN ASIATIC TRADE COMPANY IN 1750 ». Historical Journal 49, no 1 (24 février 2006) : 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05005157.
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In 1750 Frederick II of Prussia created a new trade company in Emden. Diplomats, merchants, and other observers in Britain, France, the Netherlands, and Hamburg reacted with great concern to this Prussian bid to join the world of overseas commerce. These concerns were not unfounded. Frederick pursued his goal with great determination. The article explains why Prussia embarked on this ultimately unsuccessful venture and why established commercial powers such as Britain or the Netherlands felt threatened by the new competitor. In this context the article explores an international debate about political economy that was associated with the creation of the Prussian trade company. This debate took place in Britain, the Netherlands, Hamburg, and Prussia. The case of the Prussian Asiatic trade company suggests that the concepts of Oceanic and Atlantic history need to be extended beyond the narrow stretch of coastal regions. In the Prussian case the drive to join the world of overseas commerce originated from the inland and from a country that had traditionally been oriented towards overland commerce and European expansion. The study of the events and debates associated with the creation of the trade company also suggests a partially new perspective on Prussia's economic policies in the period.
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Jacobson, Charles D., et Joel A. Tarr. « Patterns and Policy Choices in Infrastructure History : The United States, France, and Great Britain ». Public Works Management & ; Policy 1, no 1 (juillet 1996) : 60–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1087724x9600100107.
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The United States, England, and France have used a variety of forms to deliver urban services and infrastructures over time. Historically, government has been the dominant factor in the delivery of infrastructures for which no user fee is charged, whereas a variety of forms have been followed when there are user fees. This article examines changing forms of service delivery systems in the areas of water supply, mass transportation, and electrical supply in the three nations. Alterations in the form of delivery have been shaped by institutional and cultural factors and unique national styles. All three nations have moved in the direction of privatization of service delivery, but their experience shows that although privatization can reduce government's role in areas where it is poorly suited, proper oversight and maintenance of competition are vital functions.
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Wei, Jia. « Maritime Trade as the Pivot of Foreign Policy in Hume’s History of Great Britain ». Hume Studies 40, no 2 (2014) : 169–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hms.2014.0020.
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Whatmore, Richard. « Vattel, Britain and Peace in Europe ». Grotiana 31, no 1 (2010) : 85–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187607510x540231.
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AbstractThis paper underlines Vattel's commitment to maintaining the sovereignty of Europe's small states by enunciating the duties he deemed incumbent upon all political communities. Vattel took seriously the threat to Europe from a renascent France, willing to foster an equally aggressive Catholic imperialism justified by the need for religious unity. Preventing a French version of universal monarchy, Vattel recognised, entailed more than speculating about a Europe imagined as a single republic. Rather, Vattel believed that Britain had to be relied upon to prevent excessive French ambition, and to underwrite the independence of the continent's smaller sovereignties. Against those who saw Britain as another candidate for the domination of Europe, Vattel argued that Britain's commercial interests explained why it was a different kind of state to the great empires of the past. The paper goes on to consider the reception of Vattel's ideas after the Seven Years War. Although further research is required into readings of Vattel, especially in the smaller states of Europe in the later eighteenth century, the paper concludes that by the 1790s Vattel was being used to justify war to defeat the gargantuan imperialist projects of newly republican France, in order to maintain Europe itself, and the smaller states within it.
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Hrubinko, Andrii. « Great Britain in European External and Security Policy : Review of Western Historiography ». European Historical Studies, no 8 (2017) : 8–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.08.8-38.
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The article analyzes the achievements of Western historical science in research of the problem of Britain’s participation in the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy. The author classified scientific publications into three groups: 1) general works on the history of formation the EU’s CFSP; 2) publications on the history of participation the United Kingdom in European integration as a direction of European foreign policy of the state; 3) works, which devoted specifically to the topic of British participation in European foreign and security policy. The results of monitoring the leading foreign scientific publications, the most frequently published materials on European integration and European policy of the United Kingdom are presented. A list of leading scientific centers for the research of the identified issues is also presented. The historical experience of British involvement in the formation and implementation of the EU’s CFSP in Western historiography is mainly covered in general context of the British government’s position on European integration. It was stated that the United Kingdom’s participation in the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union was included in the list topics of research of European (including British) and American scientists, but remains poorly developed. Major scientific developments by European continental and British researchers are presented. Instead, in American historiography, these issues, especially Britain’s role in the CFSP, haven’t been adequately researched. In British historiography, there is a marked opposition between the “Euro-skeptic” and “Euro-optimistic” (pro-European) paradigms. In the published works the analysis of theoretical and conceptual principles, strategic approaches of British governments to the foreign policy component of European integration prevails at different stages of its development. In all three historiographic groups preference is given to research the history of military-political cooperation within the EU, development of ESDP / CSDP. The issues of British participation in the EU CFSP in the period of D. Cameron’s government (2010-2016), practical foreign policy activities of the Community remain insufficiently researched. The topics of the role of British governments in shaping and developing the Eastern European policy of the EU and the Neighborhood policy remain though basically unexplored.
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Yakovleva, N. M. « Argentina vs Great Britain : the trajectory of one conflict ». Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 10, no 3 (19 janvier 2023) : 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-3-123-135.
Texte intégralRésumé :
40 years ago, on April 2, 1982, Argentina made a failed attempt by military means to establish sovereignty over the archipelago in the South Atlantic, which was under the jurisdiction of Great Britain. The war was the result of a two-century dispute over the ownership of the islands. Upon joining the UN in 1945, Buenos Aires loudly announced its claims to the Falkland Islands (Malvinas) and began to seek from the international community to recognize its claims as legitimate. Since then, the problem has been a red thread through the history of the country. The policy of the Argentine authorities on the issue of disputed territories developed with a pendulum dynamic. Periods of de-escalation of the conflict and the development of cooperation with Great Britain, coupled with a friendly attitude towards the islanders, were replaced by phases of the dominance of irreconcilable discourse with a strong demand for the “termination of the colonization policy” by the British authorities. Relations between Argentina and Great Britain after the end of hostilities can be divided into several stages. Regardless of the direction of the course of the next government, the issue of sovereignty over disputed territories has never been removed from the agenda. The Argentine side certainly used the “Malvinas question” as an instrument of domestic policy. Currently, the conflict is in a latent phase with no prospect of an early resolution.
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Goldstone, Jack A. « Urbanization, Citizenship, and Economic Growth in the Long Run ». International Review of Social History 65, no 1 (11 février 2020) : 109–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859020000048.
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AbstractMaarten Prak argues that urban citizen associations remained vigorous in the West from the Middle Ages through the Industrial Revolution, and that their support for commercial activity helped bring about that Revolution. That is half correct. During the two thousand years from 300 BC to 1750 AD, numerous societies had similar peaks of urbanization, commercial activity, and per capita income (often approaching, but never exceeding, a “peak pre-industrial income” level of roughly $1,900 in 1990 international dollars.) Vigorous urban societies produced repeated episodes of comparably high incomes, not ever-escalating levels of GDP/capita. What produced the breakthrough of the Industrial Revolution was a particular manifestation of urban citizenship that occurred only in Great Britain – the victory of Parliament over royal authority creating exceptional religious and intellectual freedom and institutionalized pluralism. This was not common to urbanized, commercial societies except in rare periods; only in Britain did urban associations and culture blend with scientific culture, producing a broad surge of scientific and technical activity that overcame the prior limits on organic societies.
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Savelyev, Mikhail, Mikhail Kozyrev, Andrey Savchenko, Vladimir Koretsky et Rail Galiakhmetov. « Macroeconomic signs of an innovative economy by the case of Great Britain ». SHS Web of Conferences 116 (2021) : 00072. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202111600072.
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By the case of the economic development of Great Britain, the hypothesis was verified that innovations at the macroeconomic level should accelerate economic growth and at the same time reduce development risks, stabilizing this growth, reducing its fluctuations under the influence of market factors. The economic development of Great Britain is investigated in 25 economic cycles for the period from 1830-2020. Economic development was investigated according to the parameters of economic growth and development risk in each of the considered cycles. Four types of economic development policy are theoretically described in terms of the dynamics of changes in growth and risk between the previous and subsequent cycles including progressive, regressive, aggressive and conservative. In relation to the identified periods of progressive development policy in Great Britain, the institutional innovations that led to this type of development were investigated. Among them was the great economic reform of the early Victorian era, the course of social or new liberalism and the popular budget before the First World War, the activities of the first Labor government immediately after this war, economic recovery after World War II in combination with the Marshall plan and nationalization, the era of the Conservatives and the politics of New Labor at the end of the 20th century. The study showed that the implementation of authentic national culture and institutions complementary to the existing authentic culture institutions of institutional innovations leads to a simultaneous decrease in the risk of development and acceleration of economic growth, which can be considered the most favorable policy of macroeconomic management of entrepreneurial activity in order to accelerate the application of technical and commercial innovations.
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PHIMISTER, IAN. « Foreign Devils, Finance and Informal Empire : Britain and China c. 1900–1912 ». Modern Asian Studies 40, no 3 (juillet 2006) : 737–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x06002174.
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‘An imperial policy is essentially a commercial policy’(Charles Addis, 1905)‘Look at the way we have swindled the Chinese in the case of the Pekin Syndicate and still worse in the case of the Chinese Engineering and Mining Company’(G.E. Morrison, 1906)
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Racine, Karen. « “This England and This Now” : British Cultural and Intellectual Influence in the Spanish American Independence Era ». Hispanic American Historical Review 90, no 3 (1 août 2010) : 423–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2010-002.
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Abstract This essay argues that Great Britain provided the strongest and most relevant contemporary model for the Spanish American independence leaders. Over the course of two eventful decades, 1808 to 1826, over 70 patriot leaders made the long and difficult journey to London to seek political recognition, arms, recruits, and financial backing for their emancipation movements. Countless others remained at home in Spanish America but allied themselves with Britain through their commercial ventures, their ideological affiliation, or their enthusiastic emulation of British institutions, inventions, and practices such as the Lancasterian system of monitorial education, trial by jury, freedom of the press laws, steam engines, and mining technology. This generation of independence leaders carried on a purposeful correspondence with famous British figures such as abolitionist William Wilberforce, prison reformer Elizabeth Fry, utilitarian philosophers Jeremy Bentham and James Mill, scientist Humphrey Davy, and vaccination proponent Edward Jenner. Their conscious choice to draw closer to Great Britain, rather than Napoleonic France or the early republican United States, reveals much about the kind of cultural model the Spanish American independence leaders admired and their vision of the countries they wanted to create.
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Jackson, Peter. « Great Britain in French Policy Conceptions at the Paris Peace Conference, 1919 ». Diplomacy & ; Statecraft 30, no 2 (3 avril 2019) : 358–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2019.1619039.
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Redvaldsen, David. « The Role of Britain in Late Modern Norwegian History : A Longitudinal Study ». Britain and the World 9, no 1 (mars 2016) : 10–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2016.0212.
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Concentrating on the strength of the mutual relationship, this article examines crucial periods in Anglo-Norwegian history since 1814. In the November Treaty (1855) Britain and France guaranteed the Swedish-Norwegian union's territory against Russian encroachment. Britain was not supportive of Norwegian independence in 1905, though she had wanted better terms for Norway within the union. From a Norwegian perspective, Britain was the most important signatory to the Integrity Treaty (1907) whereby the great powers guaranteed her territory. Due to her neutrality Norway could not openly support Britain, but many events prior to 1940 showed that she oriented her foreign policy primarily towards London. The German invasion and Norway's subsequent entry into the Second World War on the side of the Allies, fostered much warmer Anglo-Norwegian relations. These were cemented by the creation of NATO in 1949, in which both nations participated. In the 1950s even British officials occasionally described the ties as a ‘special relationship’. In that decade and in the 1960s, Britain preferred to work with the Scandinavian nations in multilateral organizations such as UNISCAN and EFTA. In 1973, however, Britain entered the EEC, whereas the Norwegian people had voted to reject the membership their government was recommending. The great power's interests shifted away from Scandinavia towards mainland Europe. Consequently, relations with Norway became more distant. Norway's second stalled bid to enter the EU in 1994 underlined that the two countries have drifted apart. The article nevertheless argues that Britain was Norway's lodestar between 1905 and 1973.
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Yerokhin, Vladimir. « CELTIC FRINGES AND CENTRAL POWER IN GREAT BRITAIN : HISTORY AND MODERNITY ». Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no 1 (49) (26 mai 2020) : 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2020-49-1-226-244.
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The article deals with history of interrelations between political centre and Celtic fringes of Great Britain in modern and contemporary times. As soon as nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active from the mid 1960s, the need appeared to analyze the history of interrelations between central
power and Celtic regions in order to understand causes of Celtic people’s striving for obtaining more rights and even state independence. The article ascertains that attitude of central power to Celtic fringes was complicated by ethno-cultural differences between Englishmen and Celtic people, which resulted in discrimination of Scotland, Wales and Ireland by London's policy towards Celtic regions. Since British industrialization evolved the central power in Great Britain, it created conditions for balanced comprehensive
development of industrial economy only in English counties, whereas Celtic regions were permitted to develop only branches of economic activity which were non-competitive to English business. The level of people’s income in Celtic fringes was always lower than in English parts of Great Britain. There was an
established practice that English business dominated in Celtic regions and determined the economic development of Celtic regions. The English as distinct from Celts had prior opportunities to be engaged on more prestigious and highly paid positions. Celtic population’s devotion to preservation of their culture
and ethno-cultural identity found expression in religious sphere so that Nonconformity and Presbyterianism accordingly dominated among Welshmen and Scotsmen. Political movements in Celtic fringes put forward ethno-cultural demands
rather than social class ones in their activities.
During the first half of the XX century the opposition between Celtic fringes and central power in Great Britain showed that in parliamentary elections Celtic population gave their votes mainly for the members of Labour Party. From the mid-1960s nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active. They began to make slogans of political independence. The author of the
article comes to conclusion that interrelations of central power in Great Britain towards Celtic fringes can be adequately described by notions of I. Wallerstein’s world-system analysis and M. Hechter's model of internal colonialism.
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RIZAS, SOTIRIS. « Geopolitics and Domestic Politics : Greece's Policy Towards the Great Powers During the Unravelling of the Inter-War Order, 1934–1936 ». Contemporary European History 20, no 2 (8 avril 2011) : 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777311000038.
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AbstractThis article examines the evolution of Greece's foreign policy from a position of relative detachment to an increasing involvement in international affairs that eventually led to the country's realignment with Britain during the Abyssinian crisis. It is argued that Greece's foreign policy shift was a result of an interplay between a perceived threat of Italian revisionism, Britain's reappearance in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Abyssinian crisis and domestic political dynamics that led to the defeat of Eleftherios Venizelos who favoured a foreign policy detached from combinations of great powers.
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Totten, Robbie. « National Security and U.S. Immigration Policy, 1776–1790 ». Journal of Interdisciplinary History 39, no 1 (juillet 2008) : 37–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2008.39.1.37.
Texte intégralRésumé :
An examination of U.S. immigration policy during the early Republic from a security perspective—a common analytical focus within the field of international relations—reveals the inadequacy of traditional economic and ideological interpretations. Security concerns, based on actual threats from Great Britain and Spain, permeated the arguments both for and against immigration. Those in favor of immigration hoped to strengthen the nation, primarily by providing soldiers and money for the military; those opposed to immigration feared that it would compromise national security by causing domestic unrest and exposing the new nation to espionage and terrorism. These issues are not unlike those that beset contemporary policymakers.
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Riall, Lucy. « The Shallow End of History ? The Substance and Future of Political Biography ». Journal of Interdisciplinary History 40, no 3 (janvier 2010) : 375–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2010.40.3.375.
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The “Great Man” tradition of political life-writing in Britain originated in the Dictionary of National Biography (which commenced publication in 1882) and continues to this day in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. The commercial popularity of the genre has persisted despite the challenges of post-structuralism and the rise of cultural and gender history. Contemporary political biographers who wish to incorporate new methodologies in their work, however, could approach the lives of Great Men through a study of how they acquired their reputations, thereby helping to explicate not only the importance attached to political heroes in history but also the creation of political biography itself. One case in point is my biography of Giuseppe Garibaldi, which analyzes the construction of, and political strategy behind, the remarkable fame and popularity of this revolutionary leader.
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Fuller, Howard. « Great Britain and Russia’s Civil War : “The Necessity for a Definite and Coherent Policy” ». Journal of Slavic Military Studies 32, no 4 (2 octobre 2019) : 553–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518046.2019.1683976.
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Sterkhov, Dmitrii. « The Hanoverian Question and Prussian Foreign Policy in the Early Nineteenth Century (1801–1806) ». Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no 2 (2022) : 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018318-7.
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This study explores the significance of the Hanoverian Question for Prussian foreign policy in the early nineteenth century. The author looks at the origins of the Hanoverian Question and analyses Prussian motives for annexing Hanover in the first part of the article. Special attention is paid to the relationship between Prussian foreign policy and Prussian domestic stability. The political system in Prussia was severely unbalanced by the capture of vast swathes of Polish territory to the east, populated mostly by Catholics. To restore the balance, the Prussian state badly needed a German-speaking and Evangelical province to the west, and only the Electorate of Hanover met these requirements. The Hanoverian Question went hand in hand with the neutrality policy pursued by Prussia between 1795 and 1806. After the unsuccessful occupation of Hanover in 1801, Prussian King Friedrich Wilhelm III committed himself solely to the peaceful annexation of the Electorate, which had to be recognised internationally, above all by France, Great Britain, and Russia. Forced to manoeuvre between Napoleon and the Anti-French Coalition, Prussia eventually gained possession of Hanover, but found itself at war with both Great Britain and France. Thus, the delicate Hanoverian Question paved the way for the War of the Fourth Coalition of 1806–1807, which ended in Prussia's worst defeat. One can conclude that Prussia failed to resolve the Hanoverian Question satisfactorily, yet this diplomatic setback was instrumental in changing Prussian foreign policy. After 1806 Prussia finally abandoned its policy of neutrality and manoeuvring appeared more willing to use force to achieve its goals.
39
Grampp, William D. « How Britain Turned to Free Trade ». Business History Review 61, no 1 (1987) : 86–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3115775.
Texte intégralRésumé :
British free trade has been variously attributed to the importuning of business interests, to the advanced state of manufacturing, to politicians acting on improper or unworthy motives, or to imperialism. Professor Grampp examines a critical event in the history of free trade: Parliament's declaration in 1820 that future commercial policy should be guided by that principle. By 1850, all major restrictions had been abolished. The decision of 1820, according to Thomas Tooke, a principal in the event, was made by the Tory Government with the concurrence of the Whig Opposition, both of which had come to believe free trade would increase per capita real income: that is, both acted in what they and others since have understood to be the public interest.
40
Smith, Sherry. « Comments : Native Americans and Indian Policy in the Progressive Era ». Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 9, no 4 (octobre 2010) : 503–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400004230.
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For years, scholars of Native American history have urged U. S. historians to integrate Indians into national narratives, explaining that Indians' experiences are central to the collective story rather than peripheral to it. They have achieved some successes in penetrating and reworking traditional European-American dominated accounts. Nowhere is this better demonstrated than in the field of colonial history. In fact, for several decades now colonialists have placed Native Americans at the center, seeing them as integral to imperial processes and as forces that simply can no longer be ignored. To omit them would be to leave out not only crucial participants but important themes. Native people occupied and owned the property European nations coveted. They consequently suffered great losses as imperialists bent on control of land, resources, cultures, and even souls applied their demographic and technological advantages. But conquest did not occur overnight. It took several centuries for Spain, France, the Netherlands, Russia, Great Britain, and eventually the United States to achieve continental and hemispheric dominance. Nor was it ever totally achieved. That 564 officially recognized tribes exist in the early 2000s in the United States demonstrates that complete conquest was never realized.
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Storey, Taryn. « Devine Intervention : Collaboration and Conspiracy in the History of the Royal Court ». New Theatre Quarterly 28, no 4 (novembre 2012) : 363–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x12000668.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Taryn Storey believes that a series of letters recently discovered in the archive of the Arts Council of Great Britain (ACGB) makes it important that we reassess the genesis of the English Stage Company at the Royal Court. Dating from November 1952, the correspondence between George Devine and William Emrys Williams, the Secretary General of the ACGB, offers an insight into a professional and personal relationship that was to have a profound influence on the emerging Arts Council policy for drama. Storey makes the case that in 1953 Devine not only shaped his Royal Court proposal to fit the priorities of the ACGB Drama Panel, but that Devine and senior members of the ACGB then collaborated to ensure that the proposal became a key part of Arts Council strategic planning. Furthermore, she puts forward the argument that the relationship between Devine and Williams was instrumental to new writing and innovation becoming central to the future rationale for state subsidy to the theatre. Taryn Storey is a doctoral student at the University of Reading. Her PhD thesis examines the relationship between practice and policy in the development of new writing in post-war British theatre, and forms part of the AHRC-funded project ‘Giving Voice to the Nation: The Arts Council of Great Britain and the Development of Theatre and Performance in Britain 1945–1995’, a collaboration between the University of Reading and the Victoria and Albert Museum.
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Morrison, James Ashley. « Before Hegemony : Adam Smith, American Independence, and the Origins of the First Era of Globalization ». International Organization 66, no 3 (juillet 2012) : 395–428. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818312000148.
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AbstractWhile extensive scholarship has shown that it is possible to maintain global economic openness after hegemony, economic liberalization is still thought to be unlikely prior to hegemonic ascent. This assumption is based on the conventional narrative that Great Britain began lowering its trade barriers in the 1820s as it began its hegemonic ascent. This article shows that Britain began pursuing an open trading structure in the 1780s—in precisely the multipolar world that hegemonic stability theorists claimed would be least likely to initiate the shift. This change in commercial strategy depended crucially on the intellectual conversion of a key policymaker—the Earl of Shelburne—from mercantilist foreign economic policy to Adam Smith's revolutionary laissez-faire liberalism. Using the case of “the world's most important trading state” in the nineteenth century, this article highlights the importance of intellectuals—as well as their ideas—in shaping states' foreign policy strategies. It also provides further evidence of key individuals' significance and their decisions at “critical junctures.”
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Earle, Thomas Blake. « ‘A sufficient and adequate squadron’ : The navy, the transatlantic slave trade, and the American commercial empire ». International Journal of Maritime History 33, no 3 (août 2021) : 509–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08438714211037680.
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From its creation, the Africa Squadron, although tasked with suppressing the slave trade, did more to defend American sovereignty and expand American commercial access along the west coast of Africa. In both of these regards, Great Britain and the British Navy were the most prominent obstacles in the way of the United States achieving its goals. These tasks were among the most important imperatives that drove American foreign relations during the antebellum era. Thus the Africa Squadron is best understood as a case study of the vital role the navy played in not just conducting but also shaping American diplomacy. This article examines the circumstances surrounding the creation of the Africa Squadron, concluding that the flotilla was less concerned with actually ending the transatlantic trade in humans than with serving as a check on British power at sea.
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Davison, Roderic H. « Britain, the International Spectrum, and the Eastern Question, 1827-1841 ». New Perspectives on Turkey 7 (1992) : 15–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/s0896634600000479.
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We commemorated in 1988 the sesquicentennial of the Convention of Balta Limani, the ground-breaking Ottoman-British commercial agreement that set a pattern for Ottoman agreements with other powers in the years immediately following. The Convention sprang from British interests and from Ottoman needs during the 1830s in the Near East. My function is to sketch the general international background for the Convention, to look at the situation of the Ottoman Empire, at British foreign policy in the early nineteenth century, and in particular at the development of British policy in the Near East in the years from 1827 to 1841. A subtitle indicating the desirable breadth of view might read “From Navarino (1827) to Nezib (1839), and from Hercules’ Pillars to Hormuz and Herat.”
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Gorfin, Vladislav L., et Alexander M. Rybakov. « RUSSIA’S ROLE IN THE STRUGGLE FOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES ». Historical Search 2, no 2 (25 juin 2021) : 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2021-2-2-5-12.
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In the article the authors show the place of Russia in the struggle for the independence of the United States. They reveal the concept of «military neutrality», its essence and content. They define the basic principles of the world colonial system in the XVIII century, the foundations of interrelation between world powers and their colonies. They identify the priorities and interests for the development of foreign policy relations. They establish causal links between the war of the North American colonies of Great Britain for their independence and the policies of a number of European powers (Russia, Great Britain, France), as well as the consequences to which it led.
The article considers the history of the struggle for independence and the formation of a new state of the United States of America, the development of foreign policy relations. The authors focus on the history of Russian-American relations in the second half of the XVIII century in the political aspect, and emphasize the increasing penetration of Russia’s influence in the scientific and cultural spheres which directly influenced and enriched the two countries. The relations between Russia and the United States and their history are studied. The history of relations between Russia and Great Britain is shown. The authors analyze the history of attempts to involve the Russian Empire in the war on the side of Great Britain, the position of the Russian government and Catherine II, as well as their attitude to these attempts.
The authors give prominence to a number of world political figures and note their personal contribution to the process of struggle for independence and the further development of the United States of America. Unknown moments of their biographies are revealed.
Conclusions are drawn about the role and the place of the leading countries of the period under study in the struggle for freedom and independence of the future superpower.
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Karužaitė, Daiva. « Higher Education Changes in Great Britain in XX–XXI centuries ». Pedagogika 117, no 1 (5 mars 2015) : 16–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15823/p.2015.064.
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The article reveals development and essential changes of higher education in Great Britain in XX–XXI centuries.
During last century Great Britain higher education system has changed dramatically – from elite higher education in the beginning of XX century, which was available for very small part of society, to mass higher education with variety of institutions and education programs. Nowadays there is almost half of Great Britain population (of certain age group) obtaining higher education certificate or diploma.
The junction of XX and XXI centuries was signed with significant shift in the gender structure of higher education students: more women obtained fist university degree than men. Ten years later the same was recorded in higher degrees.
The intense change of Great Britain higher education from elite to mass inevitably influenced the higher education finance sector. Great Britain used to cover all expenses of higher education from the budget. However, the financial crises occurred in the last decade of XX century, and the government was forced to seek for new financing models of higher education. First time in Great Britain higher education history the tuition fee was introduced. Striving to ensure the higher education accessibility for all social groups in Great Britain, the tuition fees were complemented with the grants and loans with special repayment (or without) conditions. Nevertheless, the financial reform, started in 1998, already was changed several times and has raised lots of critics.
Along with the financial reform Great Britain deals with the higher education quality issues. There was no essential discussions about higher education quality in the beginning of the XX century as it was elite higher education. Moving to the mass higher education with variety of institutions and dramatically growing student number, the quality question becomes relevant. Despite the owning the largest number of worldwide level elite universities in Europe, Great Britain seeks to ensure the quality in all higher education institutions in the country. Therefore the Quality Assurance Agency for Higher Education was established. The Agency puts students and the public interest at the center of everything they do. Great Britain higher education quality policy is implemented basing on the Quality Code for Higher Education.
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Ageeva, Elena, Natalia Alekseeva, Georgii Bernatskii, Sergei Borodin et Victoria Kalinovskaya. « British citizenship : a history of reform in the 20th century ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, no 5-1 (1 mai 2022) : 229–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202205statyi12.
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The article examines the development of citizenship legislation in Great Britain from the 20th century to the present day. The authors analyze the influence of the historical context and political events on the formation of the current system of categories of British citizenship and on changes in the legislation on citizenship. Special attention is paid to understanding the institution of citizenship in the context of contemporary social cultural problems of British society, migration policy and the formation of national identity.
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Metz, Karl H. « From Pauperism to Social Policy ». International Review of Social History 37, no 3 (décembre 1992) : 329–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000111320.
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SummaryThe first part of this paper establishes the outlines of social policy in the course of the nineteenth century using Great Britain, Germany and France as examples, with particular emphasis on the differences arising from the varying political cultures of these countries. In the second part the paper attempts to establish comparisons for a generalized framework, also covering developments into the twentieth century. ‘Social policy’ in this instance means all state measures to safeguard the physical and social existence of employed workers on the basis of a criterion of fairness which is derived from their citizenship, it is political in other words. Safety ar work is as much a part of this as protection during illness, old age or unemployment. This study as a whole sets out to achieve some standardizations which will be useful in the analysis of the history of social policy and may also be helpful in the discussion of current socio-political problems.
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ROSE, EDWIN D. « PUBLISHING NATURE IN THE AGE OF REVOLUTIONS : JOSEPH BANKS, GEORG FORSTER, AND THE PLANTS OF THE PACIFIC ». Historical Journal 63, no 5 (14 avril 2020) : 1132–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x20000011.
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AbstractThe construction and distribution of books containing large copperplate images was of great importance to practitioners of natural history during the eighteenth century. This article examines the case of the botanist and president of the Royal Society Sir Joseph Banks (1743–1820), who attempted to publish a series of images based on the botanical illustrations produced by Georg Forster (1754–94) on Cook's second voyage of exploration (1772–5) during the 1790s. The analysis reveals how the French Revolution influenced approaches to constructing and distributing works of natural history in Britain, moving beyond commercial studies of book production to show how Banks's political agenda shaped the taxonomic content and distribution of this publication. Matters were complicated by Forster's association with radical politics and the revolutionary ideologies attached to materials collected in the Pacific by the 1790s. Banks's response to the Revolution influenced the distribution of this great work, showing how British loyalist agendas interacted with scientific practice and shaped the diffusion of natural knowledge in the revolutionary age.
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Melling, Joseph, et Desmond King. « Actively Seeking Work ? The Politics of Unemployment and Welfare Policy in the United States and Great Britain. » Economic History Review 48, no 4 (novembre 1995) : 844. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2598163.
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