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1
Szpakowicz, Błażej Sebastian. « British trade, political economy and commercial policy towards the United States, 1783-1815 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610189.
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2
Bisson, Douglas Ronald. « The Merchant Adventurers and the Tudor commonwealth : the formulation of a trade policy, 1485-1565 / ». The Ohio State University, 1987. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487335992905996.
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3
Chalmers, Malcolm G. « Nuclear weapons and British defence policy : an examination of nuclear aspects of British foreign and defence policy 1940-1990 ». Thesis, University of Bradford, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4220.
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This thesis is an attempt to understand the role of nuclear weapons in Britain's defence and foreign policies. It works from the assumption that decisions in relation to nuclear weapons, can only be understood in the context of a broader overview of the British state's policies since the 1940's. In turn Britain's nuclear policies have made a decisive impact on defence policy as a whole and have had an important effect on international developments. It is hoped that this thesis will contribute to a better-understanding of the causes and effects of the nuclear weapons policies adopted by the UK since the 19401s. The thesis will focus on the politics and political economy of nuclear weapons and British defence policy. This central concern has required that a number of other important aspects of the subject have been given only peripheral consideration. The thesis does not attempt to provide a detailed technological history of Britain's nuclear force. Nor is it intended to provide particular new insights on the nuclear decisionmaking process. Rather it seeks to explore the underlying factors which have shaped both the technology and the perceptions of decision-makers. There is no shortage of historical accounts of Britain's nuclear force. The unique contribution which it is hoped that this thesis makes, however, does not lie so much in its subject matter as in the way that this subject matter is approached. In my view that approach is sufficiently different from those of previous works in this area as to be both original and of some interest to other scholars in this field.
4
Horne, Fiona. « Explaining British Refugee Policy, March 1938 - July 1940 ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. History, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1043.
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The twentieth century has aptly been referred to the century of the refugee.1 In the twentieth century, refugees became an important international problem which seriously affected relations between states and refugee issues continue to play an important part in international relations in the twenty-first century. The refugee crisis created by the Nazis in the 1930s was without precedent and the British government was unsure how to respond. British refugee policy was still in a formative stage and was therefore susceptible to outside influences. This dissertation aims to explain the key factors that drove British refugee policy in the period March 1938 to July 1940, and to evaluate their relative significance over time. I divided the period of study into three phases (March-September 1938, October 1938 to August 1939, September 1939 to July 1940), in order to explore how a range of factors varied in importance in a political and international environment that was rapidly changing. In considering how to respond to the refugee crisis, the British government was hugely influenced by concerns over its relations with other countries, especially Germany. There is little doubt that, during the entire period of this study, the primary influence on the formation and implementation of British refugee policy was the international situation. However, foreign policy did not by itself dictate the precise form taken by British refugee policy. The response of the British government was modulated by economic concerns, domestic political factors, humanitarianism, and by the habits, traditions and assumptions of British political culture. Some factors, like anti-Semitism became less important during the period of this study, while others like humanitarianism increased in importance.
5
Fitzgerald, Patrick 1944. « Lost horizons : the British government and civil aviation between the wars, 1919-1939 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22586.
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In the inter-war period Great Britain lost its pre-eminence in aviation. The new industries centered on civil aviation were not appropriately nurtured. The roots of this decline were in policies struck for military considerations in the pre 1914 period. The emergent institution of the war, the Air Ministry, continued the military priority. Civil Aviation was controlled by an essentially military institution. In the immediate post-war period airline development was inadequately subsidized. The government's chosen instrument, Imperial Airways, failed to nurture civil aviation development. Emergent national aspirations within the Empire and hostile and indifferent governments without frustrated airline route growth. Equally hampered by poor government stewardship was the manufacturing aspect of aviation.
6
Alsabah, Mohammad. « Welfare Economics and Public Policy in Early 20th Century Great Britain ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1723.
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The Liberal welfare reforms were a series of bills passed in the British Parliament in the early twentieth-century. Initiated in response to a number of pressing economic and social issues, the Liberal welfare reforms were legislated with the purpose of combating poverty and improving the livelihood of the British working-class citizen. This thesis in economics outlines and examines critically the economic design behind the Liberal welfare reforms between 1906 and 1914.
7
Lawrence, David. « British agricultural policy, 1917-1932 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=55612.
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8
Drolet, Marc 1968. « The anatomy of the British battle cruiser and British naval policy, 1904-1920 / ». Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68084.
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The Battle Cruiser was the result of the naval arms race and the realisation that England's undisputed mastery of the seas was over. The ship was the next logical step in the evolution of the Cruiser. Historians have generally considered this type of warship as an expensive mistake. While it was not as successful as its creators might have hoped, neither was it the disaster claimed by many of its critics. Once the British chose to build these ships, not only did they have no choice but to keep building more of them, but they also had to build larger, more powerful and expensive Battle Cruisers in order to maintain the lead in the arms race with Germany.
9
Makin, Dorothy. « Policy making in secondary education : evidence from two local authorities 1944-1972 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f976f873-c5c2-493a-87ab-1fa7ef8e4e19.
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The 1944 Butler Act laid the legal foundations for a new secondary education system in England, one which would see all children entitled to free and compulsory schooling up to the age of 15. The Act therefore represented a bold step forward in the pursuit of a fairer society: expanding access to training and qualifications, while promoting a more equal distribution of educational opportunities. This thesis explores the process of constructing and delivering secondary education policy in England following the 1944 Butler Education Act. It offers a close examination of two Local Education Authorities- Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire- exploring how they interpreted and implemented 'secondary education for all' after the Second World War. The dissertation is composed of two parts: Part One looks at how selective secondary schooling was developed and operated in the respective areas between 1945 and 1962; Part Two explores the response of both authorities to the prospect of reforming secondary education after 1962. By exploring the process of policy implementation after 1944, Part One of this thesis highlights the problems of delivering secondary education for all in an era of resource constraint. It is demonstrated in this thesis that Local Authority capacity to build new schools was firmly tethered to Ministerial control. The relatively low priority accorded to education created a decade-long delay between the announcement of policy change and its eventual delivery. The implications of this delay at the Local Authority and school level are explored in chapters three and six. Chapters four and seven question how resources were distributed between selective and non-selective school sectors, while chapters five and eight evaluate the treatment of selective education within each authority, asking how policy makers conceived of, and operated, the grammar school and secondary modern sectors. Part Two of this thesis turns to the question of secondary organisation. Debates surrounding the question of comprehensive rather than selective systems of secondary schooling dominated discussions about secondary education policy in the later twentieth century. When it came to comprehensive re-organisation, Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire opted for different paths: Oxfordshire adopted comprehensive schooling relatively early with a remarkable degree of county-wide consensus, while Buckinghamshire fiercely resisted external and internal pressure to reform. Chapter ten of this thesis is devoted to identifying the drivers of comprehensive reform in Oxfordshire. Chapters eleven and twelve explore the Buckinghamshire story establishing how and then why this county successfully held-out against wholesale policy change.
10
Mansfield, Malcolm Richard. « Organising the labour market : unemployment and policy in Great Britain and France 1880-1914 ». Thesis, University of Bristol, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.265500.
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11
Tabet, Marie-Christine. « Household labour supply in Great Britain : can policy-makers rely on neoclassical models ? » Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/2358/.
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This thesis empirically examines whether the neoclassical economic model provides an adequate framework to analyse a couple's labour supply behaviour in Britain using recent data from the British Household Panel Survey. The thesis comprises three empirical chapters. The first chapter uses the instrumental variable (IV) estimation procedure to model the hours of work of married couples. This approach allows us to test whether some of the assumptions of the neoclassical model (e.g., income pooling and Slutsky properties) are satisfied by the data. In addition, further variables that have been identified as distribution factors in the literature are introduced to the empirical model to assess whether they play a role in explaining a couple's hours of work. The first chapter only considers couples in which both spouses work. In the second chapter, the sample is amended to include all couples (i.e., those that work and those that do not) and the analysis conducted models a couple's labour market participation decisions rather than their hours of work. After testing for income pooling and the impact of distribution factors, a further variable, the wife's mother-in-law work status when the male spouse was aged 14, is introduced into the model. This is done to determine the effect of 'cultural' variables on labour market decisions. In the last chapter, this issue is explored further by explicitly modelling attitudes to a woman's role in the labour market. This approach uses a bivariate ordered probit model given the ordinal nature of responses to the attitudinal questions and again restricts the analysis to couples only. Finally, gender-role attitudes are introduced to the labour supply framework used in the second chapter in order to evaluate whether beliefs regarding women's role impact on a couple's labour market decisions.
12
Jones, Alexander David. « Pinchbeck regulars ? : the role and organisation of the Territorial Army, 1919-1940 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:38dc5164-f858-4bba-9bfb-a1c4b4a59550.
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This thesis examines how Britain's government and military establishment conceptualised the role of the voluntary Territorial Army (TA) between the World Wars, and explores the relationship with British defence policy during the period. It also evaluates whether or not the TA was capable of carrying out its ascribed role, through a balanced assessment of its organisation, training and military efficiency. It posits that the TA was integral to British defence planning and played a key part in the Army's mobilisation plans, although the priority given to its role shifted throughout the period in accordance with the direction of Britain's strategic focus. Additionally, this thesis will emphasise that the Territorial Army had not one purpose but several. Alongside its central function as the framework for a conscript National Army it held key responsibilities for both home and imperial defence. This thesis examines the TA's role and organisation in a thematic and broadly chronological manner. Part I deals with the TA's expeditionary role and its function as the framework for all future military expansion, as well as its role as a voluntary imperial reserve for any medium scale wars conducted without resorting to conscription. Part II focuses on the Territorial Army's home defence responsibilities, in particular its domestic role in aiding the civil power and its contribution to Britain's increasingly important air defence capabilities.
13
Needham, Duncan James. « UK monetary policy from devaluation to Mrs Thatcher ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648616.
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14
Wright, Dalena. « British foreign policy and the return of Hong Kong to China ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648667.
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15
Sundaram, Chandar S. « [A] grudging concession : the origins of the Indianization of the Indian Army Officer Corps, 1817-1917 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=96152.
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In 1917, a mere thirty years before India gained independence from Britain, Indians were alIowed into the officer corps of the colonial Indian Army, thus initiating its " Indianization ". Yet, as an issue of British military policy, Indianization had been debated for a hundred years before 1917. This thesis delineates the contours of that debate, the myriad schemes for Indianization that it engendered, the reasons for the faHure of each of these, as weIl as the reasons why the bar on Indians in the Indian Army's officer corps was finally broken. In analysing the debate, attention will be paid to factors that influenced and channelled the discussions. The most important of these were: Anglo-Indian strategies of Imperial politics, such as the need to seek out and collaborate with certain sections of Indian society as a means of holding India to the Empire; British ideological and intellectual formulations, such as the "Gentleman-Ideal" and the Martial Races theory; and Indian political developments, such as the emergence of Indian public opinion and nationalism .
16
Cramsie, John R. « Crown finance and governance under James I : projects and fiscal policy, 1603-1625 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14268.
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This thesis is a fundamental reassessment of Jacobean crown finance and its importance in the early-modern English polity. The concurrent focuses are the Jacobean conceptualization of crown finance in terms of projects and the analysis of fiscal policy. Fiscal policy was dominated by attempts to balance the consumptive demands of the patronage culture with the fiscal needs of meeting the state's responsibilities of governance. The introduction describes the origins of projects and their relationship to the Jacobean patronage culture; it also discusses the importance of fiscal policy as a jumping-off point for a reassessment of the Jacobean polity. The structures of policymaking are examined in Chapter 1 with special emphasis on the process of counsel and the central role of James I in the responsibilities of governance. The conceptualization of crown finance in terms of entrepreneurial-like projects is fully explored in chapter 2 as is the importance of the doctrine of necessity in fiscal policy. Chapter 3 examines the nature of projects using a case-study of fishing fleet initiatives. The most significant challenge to the project basis of finance occurred in the parliament of 1621; the consequences of these events, long misunderstood as an attack on monopolies, are re-examined in Chapter 4. Origins of opposition to projects in popular culture, among James' ministers, and in parliament preface this chapter. The three chapters making up section II of the thesis seek to rehabilitate fiscal policy with a focus on policymaking and governance. Robert Cecil's project for fiscal refoundation would have established a precedent of public taxation to support the crown. Its collapse is subjected to a reinterpretation in Chapter 5 which challenges Revisionist orthodoxy on Jacobean parliamentary politics and political philosophy. Chapter 6 examines a number of attempts through conciliar policymaking (1611-1617) to meet ongoing financial challenges which ultimately influenced fiscal policy for the rest of James' reign. The concluding chapter recreates Lionel Cranfield's formulation and application of the abstract ideal of the public good in fiscal policy. Cranfield represents the sharpest Jacobean example of a minister seeking to balance the demands of serving the king and the state in their own rights; and the challenges of so doing. The conclusion places the thesis into a wider perspective of early- modern governance and our understanding of the Jacobean polity.
17
Mackenzie, Angus. « West of Scotland industrial and commercial elites and their social, political and economic influence in the inter-war years ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2013. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5033/.
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Scotland struggled to come to terms with the collapse in the heavy industries in the early 1920s and the prolonged period of economic dislocation which followed. The pervasive sense that this was a nation in decline sapped self-confidence. This thesis examines the response of the leading West of Scotland industrialists to the extended inter-war trade depression. Focusing on their championing of a series of self-help initiatives firmly rooted in Scotland itself, the thesis reimagines Graeme Morton’s work on Unionist Nationalism for the more challenging conditions of 1930s Scotland, introducing a much stronger economic dimension to Morton’s original argument. Echoing Morton, the rationalisation of the staple industries and the creation of new institutions to aid recovery owed much to the associational culture of West of Scotland business. The Scottish National Development Council and the Scottish Economic Committee - two significant stepping-stones in the rise of corporatist planning - represented a confident assertion of a distinctly Scottish voice and provided a link between business and the increasingly autonomous Scottish Office. The explicit articulation of a Scottish national interest within the parameters of the existing union and imperial relationships sat easily with the progressive, pro-statist views of many inter-war Unionists, helping to consolidate the consensus within ‘middle opinion’. The thesis focuses on the actions of a trio of West of Scotland industrialists: Lord Weir of Eastwood, Sir James Lithgow and Sir Steven Bilsland. It will be suggested that their advocacy of Scottish solutions for Scottish problems represents a more muscular and far-reaching economic Unionist Nationalism which transcends the narrow vision of Morton’s nineteenth century urban Scotland, but also questions Colin Kidd’s dismissal of early twentieth century unionism as ‘banal’.
18
Vo, Quyen. « The scope of British refugee asylum, 1933-93 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609586.
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19
Pagedas, Constantine Anthony. « Great Britain, the United States and the Western Alliance : Anglo-American reactions to De Gaulle's NATO policy, 1960-1963 ». Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243800.
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20
Moffatt, Rowena. « An appeal to principle : a theory of appeals and review of migration status decision-making in the United Kingdom ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:95a2afbc-835e-4de9-84b4-2e65598bfd4b.
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The question asked by this thesis is when and why, as a matter of principle, should there be judicial scrutiny on the merits of administrative decisions on migration status ('migration status decisions') in the United Kingdom? It argues that this is a moral question, engaging concerns of fair treatment. The first two chapters examine the question theoretically. It is argued that access to justice is not a gift of citizenship and that migration status decision-making should be reviewable on the merits to avoid the appearance and/or occurrence of injustice in the light of the effects of migration control on individual migrants and the nature of migration status decision-making as 'very imperfect procedural justice' (save where a decision is not based on the judgment discretion of an administrator). The latter five chapters apply the normative claims to the United Kingdom constitutional context, including the relevant European regimes (European Convention on Fundamental Rights and European Union). First, as background to the argument, a history of recourse from migration status decision-making in the UK from the initial establishment of a review system in 1905 is sketched out. The history demonstrates the absence of a coherent or principled account of migration status appeals. The history is followed by a three-part critique of the current system of recourse in the UK. First rights of appeal in three case studies (deportation, offshore visitors and students) are examined. Secondly, the three standards of review available under judicial review (rationality, anxious scrutiny and proportionality) are critiqued, and thirdly, the contribution of European and international norms is considered. In general terms the thesis concludes that the current UK system of recourse is deficient in certain respects and suggests reform to the current appeals system.
21
Murray, Scott W. « The origins of an illusion : British policy and opinion, and the development of Prussian liberalism, 1848-1871 ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28832.
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The massive historiography dealing with the problem of Germany's development in the first half of twentieth century has been strongly influenced by the notion that certain peculiar national characteristics led Germany down a Sonderweq, or "special path," which diverged from that of other Western European nations. However, by helping to focus scholarly attention on various political, social and intellectual developments which took place in Germany in the nineteenth century, the Sonderweq thesis has distracted scholars from examining more closely the possible impact which the interplay of international relations had on Germany's development during this pivotal period. The present study examines the extent to which British foreign policy affected the growth of authoritarianism and the decline of liberalism in Prussia during the period 1848-1871, and how certain Intellectual currents in England at the time affected both the formulation and the expression of British policy regarding Prussia.
By examining both the policies pursued by British statesmen at certain key points during the period 1848-1871, and the views expressed by a group of highly idealistic British liberal commentators who watched affairs in Prussia closely during this period, I have attempted to demonstrate the following: firstly, that existing interpretations of British policy regarding Prussia have overemphasized the role of liberal idealism in the calculations of British policy-makers, who appear instead to have consistently pursued pragmatic policies aimed at a Prussian-led unification of Germany; and secondly that it was this latter group of British commentators who provided policy-makers with a style of rhetoric which obfuscated the pragmatic considerations underlying British policy. Moreover, it was this same corpus of liberal, "Whig" commentary which laid the conceptual foundations for what was to become the standard interpretative approach to German history, particularly amongst Anglo-American historians writing since 1945 - the Sonderweq thesis. Thus, by separating the rhetoric from the actual practice of British policy, and by identifying the liberal biases which pervaded British liberal discourse on Prussia during this period, I have attempted to clarify Britain's role in the important developments taking place in Germany at this time, while broadening our appreciation of how and why subsequent scholarship on the German question has so readily embraced the notion that German history is "peculiar".Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
22
Sanchez, James. « Interests Eternal and Perpetual : British Foreign Policy and the Royal Navy in the Spanish Civil War, 1936 - 1937 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2608/.
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This thesis will demonstrate that the British leaders saw the policy of non-intervention during the Spanish Civil War as the best option available under the circumstances, and will also focus on the role of the Royal Navy in carrying out that policy. Unpublished sources include Cabinet and Admiralty papers. Printed sources include the Documents on British Foreign Policy, newspaper and periodical articles, and memoirs. This thesis, covering the years 1936-37, is broken down into six chapters, each covering a time frame that reflected a change of policy or naval mission. The non-intervention policy was seen as the best available at the time, but it was shortsighted and ignored potentially serious long-term consequences.
23
Redman, Lydia Catherine. « Industrial conflict, social reform and competition for power under the Liberal governments 1906-1914 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708257.
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Brown, Katie Lynn. « “The Bomber Will Always Get Through” : The Evolution of British Air Policy and Doctrine, 1914–1940 ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1308260254.
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25
Rogers, Christopher James. « The politics of economic policy-making under Harold Wilson and James Callaghan and the 1976 IMF crisis ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2793/.
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The thesis examines the politics of economic policy-making during the Wilson / Callaghan administration with a specific focus on the 1976 IMF crisis. It offers a critique of existing accounts that are based on an artificial distinction between state and market, in which there is an assumed power relationship that allows market actors to discipline state managers when policies diverge from accepted principles and norms, and argue that the fall in the value of sterling and IMF conditionality were examples of this disciplinary potential at work during 1976. This thesis presents a substantial, archive-based re-assessment of events from an open Marxist perspective. It argues that the state is an inherent feature of the social relations of capitalist accumulation, and that whilst this means state managers must pursue policies generally favouring the reproduction of the social relations of production, this constraint is not disciplinary or deterministic. The thesis shows that the Labour government had long established preferences for deflationary policies and argues that they were implemented through the politics of depoliticisation. On this basis, the fall in the value of the pound and ultimately, IMF conditionality, are not understood to be the key determinants of policy outputs. Rather, market rhetoric and IMF conditionality are seen to have provided the Labour government with substantial room for manoeuvre to implement policies aimed at creating favourable conditions for accumulation whilst minimising political dissent by acting as a buttress between the government and its policies. The argument is developed in three phases. Firstly, it demonstrates how despite the manifesto commitments of the Labour Party, significant elements of the core executive had consistent and established preferences for the depreciation of sterling, a transfer of resources into the balance of payments, cuts in expenditure, and incomes policies. Secondly, it shows how austerity measures were justified during 1975 and the first half of 1976 by a slide in the exchange rate and expected external financing pressures, despite a wish to see the pound fall. Finally, it shows how in the final quarter of 1976, the core executive delayed taking fiscal action until after the IMF negotiations because of expectations of conditionality, that it broadly agreed with the Fund’s prescriptions, and argued that this course was preferable to an alternative strategy because if an alternative was implemented, financial markets would force an even greater degree of austerity.
26
Balint, Robert. « The ecclesiastical policy of King Henry III of England : episcopal appointments, 1226-1272 ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/16347.
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Knauss, Orlando W. G. « The Foreign Policy of William Gladstone in the 1860s : the Limits of Liberalism in Victorian England ». Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 1989. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1374054945.
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Barry, John Richard. « Overspill and the impact of the Town Development Act, 1945-1982 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709166.
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Sheldon, Nicola. « School attendance 1880-1939 : a study of policy and practice in response to the problem of truancy ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b7dc1538-a888-43b6-99e0-c57ab1567dc0.
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The thesis covers two sides of the truancy problem in the period following compulsory school attendance - the truanting children and their parents, and the local authorities charged with enforcing the law. The introduction covers current concerns about truancy and school attendance, which have increased in prominence since the 1980s. Chapter 2 reviews the historiography, which has mainly debated working-class attitudes towards compulsory schooling in the nineteenth century. This study draws instead on the insights of development economists into household decision-making over children's schooling to investigate the effectiveness of enforcement in several contrasting localities - rural and urban, industrial and agricultural, and in a seaside resort. The thesis brings together evidence to show that local authorities could make an impact on attendance levels, even in unpropitious local circumstances. Chapter 3 considers the success of measures to improve attendance up to 1900. Chapter 4 offers a detailed case study of a sample of truants and their families from Coventry in the period 1874-99. Chapters 5 to 7 cover 1900-39 and demonstrate changes in the enforcement of attendance, within the context of growing local government services related to child welfare and the family. Attendance officers' local knowledge of working-class families supported the delivery of child welfare legislation in the period after 1906, including special education, assessment of families for free school meals, assistance with medical treatment and the policing of restrictions on children's street trading. Attendance officers also supervised children deemed at risk of offending, who were committed to institutions. These additions to the enforcement role led increasingly to a remedial, rather than punitive, approach to truancy during the 1920s and 30s. The conclusion returns to contemporary policy issues over truancy and sets in context the historical reasons why it has proved such a long-standing problem for government and schools.
30
Kanwar, Ranvir Singh. « States, firms, and oil : British policy, 1939-54 ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/55809/.
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New evidence from the records of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (now British Petroleum) and Shell for the period, 1939-45 supplements accounts of British oil relations based on state archives. This historical account demonstrates the continuity between the interwar industry cartel and the Allied wartime collaboration orchestrated through industry committees. The companies made use of their quasi-official position to manage crisis of prewar arrangements aggravated by the war which presaged the rapid expansion of postwar Middle East production. The companies then shaped the Anglo-American Oil Agreements of 1944 and 1945, establishing a basis for remaking their position in the Middle East, expanding the web of interfirm relations. The nationalisation of Anglo- Iranian in 1951 threatened the web and the companies were able to embargo nationalised Iranian oil and thus bankrupt the state. This society of oil majors was constituted by shared understandings and interests cultivated by the companies. Structures of private governance may be quite significant factors for states allied to them. The United Kingdom was more closely tied into the system of private governance that prevailed in international oil in the middle decades of the century than was the United States and consequently was able to call on more resources to resist United States initiatives during this period. British influence persisted in the oil issue-area, in spite of greater United States resources overall, because of this close working relationship between state and companies. Close examination of the relationship reveals the extent of penetration by the companies into both the decision-malting and implementation of foreign relations. The `national' interest was thus articulated through an interplay of Governmental and corporate agendas, and this supports a general argument that `national' power is not exercised solely by the state, but by the state in cooperation with other powerful social institutions. Non-state actors and their archives may enrich the study of foreign relations.
31
Motono, Eiichi. « Chinese-British commercial conflicts in Shanghai and the collapse of the merchant-control system in late Qing China, 1860-1906 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:27ae2da8-a15b-40e1-a0b2-bc33fc8ecbaa.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the 1860s, Chinese merchants reestablished their commercial organizations which are recorded as Guilds (hanghui) in the sources compiled under the guidance of the Qing local government officials. From the decade until the end of the 1880s, English sources emphasized the solidarity of the commercial organizations of Chinese merchants and their superiority to the British mercantile community in the commercial conflicts in which they were engaged. However, from the 1890s, English sources ceased to complain the strength of the commercial organizations of Chinese merchants, and, at the same time, Chinese sources emphasized the existence of a crisis in which Chinese merchants were losing their solidarity. Moreover, the Qing local government officials endeavoured to maintain their control over the commercial organizations of Chinese merchants, an attempt which led to the birth of Chinese chambers of commerce in the early twentieth century. Former studies, which dealt with the superiority of the Chinese merchants' organizations to the British mercantile firms in the 1860s and the 1870s, or the birth of the Chinese bourgeoisie and the activities of their commercial organizations in the early twentieth century, have not been able to reveal what happened in the commercial organizations of the Chinese merchants during the late nineteenth century. The solidarity of the Chinese merchant organizations was maintained by the rule that no one could claim the privilege of doing business without paying the Lijin tax imposed upon it, and the collapse of their solidarity began with when some Chinese compradors and merchants found it possible to do their business without keeping this rule by means of cooperating British mercantile firms, who enjoyed key privi- leges under the Treaties as regards non-payment of the Lijin tax and investment on the basis of limited liability. By intensively analyzing three commercial conflicts between prominent Chinese merchant organizations and British mercantile firms that took place in Shanghai between the end of the 1870s and the end of the 1880s, this study reveals how, and under what conditions some Chinese compradors and merchants could do their business without observing the afore-mentioned rule governing the Chinese merchants' organizations, what happened when British mercantile people became aware what their compradors or cooperative Chinese merchants had doing behind their back, and how these developments contributed to the end of the old-style merchant class, and the beginning of a bourgeoisie. By bringing these facts to the surface for analysis, this study shows a little known aspect of the Chinese society and tries on the basis to re-evaluate an aspect of concept of "China's response to the Western impact."
32
McAllister, John Francis Olivarius. « Civil science policy in British industrial reconstruction, 1942-51 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7132d335-2637-470a-99dd-0e2b4ce3357c.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the Second World War science came to play a large role in the British government's plans for postwar reconstruction of industry. The planners sought to improve industry's labour productivity and capacity for RandD. They drew on the consensus which had developed among scientists, industrialists and politicians favouring a great increase in state aid to universities and industrial RandD and increased government direction of research. The postwar Labour government, impressed with scientists' contributions to the war effort and faced with grave economic difficulties, was eager to enlist science in raising industrial output. By 1951, however, it had implemented few new programmes in this area. More money was being spent on the pre-existing Department of Scientific and Industrial Research and industry's co-operative Research Associations; the universities had doubled their output; the National Research and Development Corporation had begun in 1949; some publicity campaigns had raised public awareness of productivity's significance; and the economy, in the postwar boom, was performing much better than prewar. But overall the Attlee government did much less to raise industry's scientific level than it had planned. Almost every new programme was inadequately funded and staffed, and the few which survived had no realistic chance of reaching into individual factories to achieve the scientific renaissance which was necessary to return Britain to the front rank, by international standards, of innovation and industrial performance. The thesis examines that portion of civil science policy which aimed to improve industrial RandD and productivity, from the planning stage during the Coalition through implementation by the Attlee government. After an introductory chapter, Chapter 2 covers the work of wartime ministerial and official reconstruction committees; party differences and business opposition meant that reforms favouring a greater government role in RandD and industry generally were shelved until postwar. Chapter 3 examines the Attlee government's efforts to improve industrial RandD, particularly the formation of the Advisory Council on Scientific Policy, a failed attempt to create a British MIT, and several schemes, mostly unavailing, to vitalise DSIR, the RAs and private RandD. Chapter 4 examines postwar productivity policy, particularly the work of the Board of Trade, the scientifically-orientated Committee on Industrial Productivity, various government publicity campaigns, and the Anglo-American Council on Productivity. Chapter 5 briefly sketches post-1951 developments and finds that there has been little basic change in the policies suggested for arresting British industry's technical decline relative to its competitors, despite recurrent disappointment with the results of those policies.
33
Rogers, Karen N. « The Indian neutral barrier state project : British policy towards the Indians south and southeast of the Great Lakes, 1783-1796 ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/45925.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Great Britain's policy towards British North America between 1783 and 1796 reflected the confusion caused by the loss of the thirteen Atlantic seaboard colonies. Britain proposed the Indian neutral barrier state project in an attempt to solve post-American Revolution British imperial and Anglo-American problems. According to the plan the American 'Old Northwest' would have become an Indian neutral barrier state between Canada and the United States. With the barrier state project, Great Britain hoped to regain limited control over the vast territory she had ceded to the United States in the Peace Treaty of 1783. Britain desired control over this region for two main reasons: 1) the protection of Canada from both Indian and American raids, and 2) control over the fur trade. This work traces the development of the barrier state project from the conclusion of the American Revolution until the end of the British presence in that region in 1796.
Master of Arts
34
Jenkins, Ellen Janet. « "Organizing Victory:" Great Britain, the United States, and the Instruments of War, 1914-1916 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279079/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation examines British munitions procurement chronologically from 1914 through early 1916, the period in which Britain's war effort grew to encompass the nation's entire industrial capacity, as well as much of the industrial capacity of the neutral United States. The focus shifts from the political struggle in the British Cabinet between Kitchener and Lloyd George, to Britain's Commercial Agency Agreement with the American banking firm of J. P. Morgan and Company, and to British and German propaganda in the United States.
35
Thin, Jeremy. « The Pre-History of Royal Air Force Area Bombing, 1917-1942 ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. History, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1740.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis charts the development of area bombing in British theory and practice before its formal adoption in the Second World War, and seeks to discover where its earliest origins can be located. Area bombing was the official policy of Royal Air Force Bomber Command between 1942 and 1945 in its strategic air offensive against Germany, and involved the bombing of industrial cities with the purpose of breaking down civilian morale and disrupting the German war economy. Most historical accounts present area bombing as a gradual development in bombing policy during 1940 and 1941, forced by a lack of success in destroying precise industrial targets from the air. This was the Air Force’s stated policy during the previous two decades, but it proved impossible to implement under wartime conditions. Area bombing was thus gradually adopted by progressively broadening the definition of targets from individual installations to entire towns and cities. This thesis rejects the traditional view, arguing instead that area bombing was at the heart of British bombing policy as early as the First World War. The legacy of this saw an ‘area bombing mentality’ cemented in the strategy of the Royal Air Force during the interwar period. As it was not possible to openly advocate the bombing of civilians during the 1920s and 1930s, this was shrouded in ambiguous language and kept hidden. However, the roots of area bombing come to the surface several times between the wars, and the speed with which area bombing was adopted in 1940 and 1941 shows that they were never deeply buried. While many historians have uncovered individual details that collectively support this contention, none have traced the development of this thought across the period 1917-42. Using a selection of contemporary documents and a thorough review of the secondary literature, this work shows that far from being an improvisation forced by necessity, the adoption of area bombing was unsurprising and can be traced back to 1917.
36
Sehrawat, Samiksha. « Medical care for a new capital : hospitals and government policy in colonial Delhi and Haryana, c.1900-1920 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670191.
Texte intégral
37
Carver, Michael M. « THE GORDIAN KNOT : AMERICAN AND BRITISH POLICY CONCERNING THE CYPRUS ISSUE : 1952-1974 ». Connect to this title online, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1143491074.
Texte intégral
38
Horni, Hanna í. « British and U.S. post-neutrality policy in the North Atlantic area 09.04.1940-1945 : the role of Danish representatives ». Thesis, Swansea University, 2010. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42732.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Following the German occupation of Denmark on April 9th 1940 Danish representatives were left to their own devices and their positions in their respective host-countries became very much dependent upon the goodwill shown to them by their host-governments and, in the case of the Faroe Islands, Iceland and Greenland, the governments and officials of the occupying forces. With their connections with the Government in Copenhagen severed the main task of the Danish representatives was to secure Danish interests in the North Atlantic Territories as well as elsewhere. The fact that Denmark had not put up a fight to defend her neutrality and the subsequent collaboration of the Danish Government with the German occupiers counted against the Danish representatives abroad. However, the Danes were able to exercise a remarkable level of influence on the British and Americans with regard to their policies towards the North Atlantic Area. The extent of influence was mainly due to the entrepreneurship of each individual, the constitutional status of the territory as part of the Kingdom of Denmark, and also due to strategic importance attached by the occupying forces' governments to the occupied territories in question. This latter point became especially apparent in the power struggle amongst the Danish representatives that emerged from the lack of a Danish Government in exile. It became important to the British and the Americans that it was the Danish representative in their country, who emerged as the victor of this power struggle, because that would help to secure their future interests in the North Atlantic territories. The Danish representatives were thus in some cases shown more goodwill and attention than their Norwegian colleagues, although the Norwegians had put up a brave fight against the Germans and had joined the allied side. The North Atlantic area proved very important to the general war policy of the British and Americans during Second World War. British policies were much dependent upon the Americans and Greenland and Iceland became instrumental in the increased involvement of the Americans in the war.
39
Jayne, Dusti R. « Settling Libya Italian colonization, international competition and British policy in North Africa / ». Ohio : Ohio University, 2010. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1269020385.
Texte intégral
40
McEldowney, Rene P. « A century of democratic deliberation over American and British national health care : extending the Kingdon model / ». Diss., This resource online, 1994. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-06062008-164612/.
Texte intégral
41
Hall-Matthews, David Nicolas John. « Famine process and famine policy : a case study of Ahmednagar District, Bombay Presidency, India 1870-84 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5e072387-d56c-496a-a90a-2ee2f31c29dd.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ahmednagar District, in Bombay Presidency, was affected - along with much of South India - by a major drought in 1876-78, leading to famine relief by the Government of Bombay and considerable emigration and mortality. Recent literature, however, has suggested that famine is a complex, human and long-drawn-out process, rather than a sudden, natural phenomenon. This thesis seeks to identify that process among poor peasants in Ahmednagar between 1870 and 1884. It does so by examining their factors of production - land, capital and, to a lesser extent, labour - as well as markets in credit and the cheap foodgrains they produced, in order to locate both their chronic food insecurity and forces increasing their vulnerability over time. In this context, emphasis is given to the relationship of the British colonial state to the peasantry. The agrarian policies and agendas of the Government of Bombay are explored with regard to peasant vulnerability. It is argued that it failed to invest in production and infrastructure, while forcing peasants into competitive markets in which they were ill-equipped to compete. Despite a laissez-faire philosophy, it intervened to first promote, then penalise, usurious moneylenders, reducing the availability of credit. It also taxed peasants directly through the inflexible ryotwari land revenue system. In the crisis, peasants were not treated as famine victims and discouraged from accepting relief. The state can therefore be said to have contributed to the process of famine. It is argued that the propriety of colonial famine policies - and especially of other policies in the agricultural sector that undermined peasant food security - was widely discussed at different levels within the British state, from assistant collectors in Ahmednagar to secretaries of state in London. Attention is given to the way these debates were conducted and the process of policy-making analysed, concluding that the colonial hierarchy made it difficult for officers to be responsive to local problems.
42
Nicholds, Alyson. « Building capacity for regeneration : making sense of ambiguity in urban policy outcomes ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3495/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
UK regeneration exists amid a ‘burgeoning’ literature which states the ongoing desire to improve the outcomes of urban policy. However, concern about the symbolic nature of regeneration policy and its re-production in the form of ‘linguistic debates’, can latterly be witnessed in the context of more ‘discursive’ concerns rooted in shifting patterns of governance. Drawing empirically from research with fifty UK regeneration professionals and Laclau & Mouffe’s (2001) theory of socialist hegemony to explore reasons for the persistence of such ambiguity, three rival discourses emerge in the form of ‘Building City Regions’; ‘Narrowing the Gap’; and ‘Building Community Capacity’. What a critical analysis suggests is that by ‘deconstructing’ rather than ‘deciphering’ the goals of regeneration policy, a temporary ‘discursive’ form of regeneration emerges in which the contradictions and tensions within the discourse are represented in the form of ‘nodal points and floating signifiers’ and articulated through the notion of lack. This can be linked to the bureaucratic struggles which emerge as a result of a ‘new right’ hegemony, which commodifies all aspects of work and social life to bring market-informed ways of seeing and doing to every aspect of regeneration practice. Actors seek to manage such complexity through emotional investment.
43
Furlet, Brooke (Brooke Gardiner). « The Influence of Naval Strategy on Churchill's Foreign Policy : May - September 1940 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501254/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study examines Churchill's struggle during the summer of 1940 to preserve Britain's naval superiority worldwide, through the neutralization of the French fleet and by securing the active participation of the United States. Sources consulted included autobiographies of the participants, especially those by Churchill, Reynaud, Baudouin, and Weygand, document collections, and British and American official histories. This study is organized to give a chronological analysis of Churchill's efforts from 10 May to 2 September 1940, ending with the United States' acceptance of the destroyers-for-bases agreement. This act committed them to shared strategical responsibilities with Great Britain. The thesis concludes that Churchill's efforts in this period laid the foundation for later Allied victory.
44
Dunn, Nicholas Roger. « The castle, the custom house and the cabinet : administration and policy in famine Ireland, 1845-1849 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e2df9d8d-27b3-4785-afce-453ec8984d21.
Texte intégralRésumé :
It is the contention of this thesis that the activities of, and the influences on, the senior administrators based in the Castle and the Custom House in Dublin during the Great Irish Famine are an essential element to understanding the formulation and execution of Irish Famine relief policy. The principal aim of the study is to articulate the role played by these administrators in the formulation of relief policy. Emphasis is also given to the debates in the Cabinet over Irish relief policy and the influence of the administrators on those debates. The subject of the first chapter is the Science Commission. It examines in turn Peel's motivations for establishing the Science Commission, the chronology of events leading up to its establishment and the activities of the Commissioners both in England and Ireland. The second chapter concerns the Scarcity Commission established by Peel and Graham. It explores the motivations behind the selection of individual Commissioners and the relationships between the Commissioners. It also considers and contrasts the tasks that were officially assigned to the Commissioners and the limited use to which their conclusions were put by the Government. Chapters three and four deal with the Board of Works and in particular its influence on the formulation and administration of relief policy of Richard Griffith, Thomas Larcom, and Harry Jones. The activities of the Commissioners after the reconfiguration of the Board of Works by Act of Parliament in 1846 are examined and the fourth chapter seeks to establish in detail the political context surrounding-the decision to abandon relief by public employment as revealed in the Cabinet discussions at the time. The final chapter examines the actions of Edward Twisleton in Ireland during the Famine and his influence, or lack of it, on the formulation of relief policy. A detailed account is offered of the political context of the Poor Law Extension Act. Twisleton's relationships with both the Treasury and Clarendon, and the motives underlying his resignation in March 1849, are investigated.
45
Wasserman, Justin. « Democracy and disorder : Electoral violence and political modernisation in England and Wales, 1857-1880 ». Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2002. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1642.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis analyses mid-nineteenth century electoral violence in England and Wales in order to contribute to our understanding of the character of Victorian electoral politics, and to assess the pace of political modernization as it has recently been defined. Historians have long acknowledged the presence of physical violence, rioting and intimidation during British elections from at least the Middle Ages to the turn of the twentieth-century, and yet the precise nature, frequency and scale of this phenomenon has remained somewhat obscured by a lack of statistical data on the subject. Therefore, by compiling a numerical sample of violence, based on strict definitional parameters, this research corrects the quantitative void in which discussions of English and Welsh election violence have largely been conducted.
46
Bordiss, Bradley John. « Ideas and power : shaping monetary policy in South Africa 1919-1936 ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1011605.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the concluding paragraphs of Keynes’ General Theory, Keynes suggests that vested interests (power) may dominate in the short term, but that “sooner or later, it is ideas, not vested interests, which are dangerous for good or evil” (Keynes; 1936:384). This dissertation seeks to establish whether this is so, and to what extent, in the period 1919 to 1936, insofar as the shaping of monetary policy was concerned. The context that South Africa found itself in at the time was one in which Britain, the colonising power, was in economic decline. Britain’s real economy had lost its lead in the world in the late 1800s, and by our period, 1919 – 1936, she was now struggling to maintain her dominance of the world’s financial economy. South African gold flows to London, and a South African monetary policy supportive of British monetary policy, became more important than ever to Britain. On the back of its ascendant real economy, the United States of America was fast developing its financial sector as a rival to that centered on London. In the broader monetary policy world, the orthodox monetary regime of the Gold Standard, which had worked so well in the period from 1875 to 1914, was firstly difficult to reestablish, and once established, difficult to maintain. Opinion on what should be done was divided between the majority who favoured a return to the orthodoxy, and a much smaller group, including John Maynard Keynes, who argued that the Gold Standard should no longer be the preferred monetary system. In South Africa, our period starts 17 years after the Second Boer War. Afrikaner nationalists intent on establishing independence from Britain, competed with those, including Jan Christiaan Smuts, who believed that tying our policy up with that of the British Empire was the best for South Africa. It is in this context that a naturalised Briton, which the research shows was a loyal servant of the London power elite, was appointed by the Empire-friendly Smuts government to advise the South African government on monetary policy, the setting up of the South African Reserve Bank, the appointment of its first Governor and other matters in the period up until the fall of this government in 1924. It is also in this context that an American ‘Currency Doctor’ and Professor of Economics at Princeton University, which the research shows was intimately connected with the American government and Benjamin Strong at the Federal Reserve, was appointed by the Pact government later in 1924, and who was anxious to throw off the yoke of British control. The theoretical paradigm of this study is that developed by John Maynard Keynes and after him by the post-Keynesian economists, particularly Basil Moore and Hyman P. Minsky. Instead of considering the theory chronologically, book by book, the theory section deals with the subject matter in the themes which came up in the monetary policy debates of the time, looking at all the theoretical literature that applied to these various themes. Aside from the correction of errors of emphasis and errors of fact dealt with in chapter two, chapter five of the dissertation is where most of the original research is reflected. This is the section which deals in depth with the experts that advised the South Africans at the time, how they came to be appointed, whose interests they served, what theories they used in support of their positions, and what was the decision-making process; from their appointment, until their reports were drafted into the law of the Union of South Africa. While Ally’s work (1994) is accepted as the principal work on the influence of the Bank of England, and Britain’s control of South African gold on South African gold and monetary policy, this dissertation claims legitimacy based on a much closer look at the motives and vested interests of the experts advising the South African government at the time. By the end of this chapter, I believe we are better placed to understand and analyse the relative influence of ideas and power on monetary policy in the period 1919 – 1936.
47
Hátleová, Tereza. « Britská obchodní diplomacie : je Cameronova strategie konkurenceschopná ? » Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-201111.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis is focusing on commercial diplomacy in the United Kingdom of Great Britain during the coalition government of David Cameron between 2010 - 2015. In globalized world, where the commercial diplomacy is done by not only state actors but also private ones, management of commercial diplomacy as well as priorities and strategies play crucial role. The Thesis analyses structure of the system and includes case study of British commercial diplomacy in the Czech Republic. Based on theoretical acknowledgments we can evaluate the of British Commercial Diplomacy in the reporting period which was affected by economic crisis.
48
Breton, Steven Daniel. « Imperial sunset : grand strategies of hegemons in relative decline ». Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26724.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis investigates the economic and military policies hegemons pursue while experiencing relative decline. Based upon the rising costs of leadership associated with hegemony, this thesis establishes that both systemic and domestic environments equally influence the hegemon's policy-making. Furthermore, the paper contends that hegemons do practice strategic planning during relative decline, in an effort to adjust its commitments and resources to the environment. Relative success or failure in maintaining the international system and thus adjusting for decline depends on how decision-makers compensate for two prevailing variables: threat of challengers and availability of allies. This study offers a predictive theoretical model for interpreting the dynamics of grand strategy formulation, compensating for the influences of the domestic environment three historical case studies, the Dutch Republic, Britain and the United States, test the accuracy and validity of the model. This thesis finds that periods of strong leadership, void of threat, while augmented by external balancing best support a hegemon's relative decline.
49
Dyson, Jessica. « Staging legal authority : ideas of law in Caroline drama ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/366.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis seeks to place drama of the Caroline commercial theatre in its contemporary political and legal context; particularly, it addresses the ways in which the struggle for supremacy between the royal prerogative, common law and local custom is constructed and negotiated in plays of the period. It argues that as the reign of Charles I progresses, the divine right and absolute power of the monarchy on stage begins to lose its authority, as playwrights, particularly Massinger and Brome, present a decline from divinity into the presentation of an arbitrary man who seeks to impose and increase his authority by enforcing obedience to selfish and wilful actions and demands. This decline from divinity, I argue, allows for the rise of a competing legitimate legal authority in the form of common law. Engaging with the contemporary discourse of custom, reason and law which pervades legal tracts of the period such as Coke’s Institutes and Reports and Davies’ ‘Preface Dedicatory’ to Le Primer Report des Cases & Matters en Ley resolues & adiudges en les Courts del Roy en Ireland, drama by Brome, Jonson, Massinger and Shirley presents arbitrary absolutism as madness, and adherence to customary common law as reason which restores order. In this climate, the drama suggests, royal manipulation of the law for personal ends, of which Charles I was often accused, destabilises law and legal authority. This destabilisation of legal authority is examined in a broader context in plays set in areas outwith London, geographically distant from central authority. The thesis places these plays in the context of Charles I’s attempts to centralise local law enforcement through such publications as the Book of Orders. When maintaining order in the provinces came into conflict with central legislation, the local officials exercised what Keith Wrightson describes as ‘two concepts of order’, turning a blind eye to certain activities when strict enforcement of law would create rather than dissolve local tensions. In both attempting to insist on unity between the centre and the provinces through tighter control of local officials, and dividing the centre from the provinces in the dissolution of Parliament, Charles’s government was, the plays suggest, in danger not only of destabilising and decentralising legal authority but of fragmenting it. This thesis argues that drama provides a medium whereby the politico-legal debates of the period may be presented to, and debated by, a wider audience than the more technical contemporary legal arguments, and, during Charles I’s personal rule, the theatre became a public forum for debate when Parliament was unavailable.
50
Lemar, Susan. « Control, compulsion and controversy : venereal diseases in Adelaide and Edinburgh 1910-1947 ». Title page, contents and abstract only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phl548.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 280-305). Argues that despite the liberal use of social control theory in the literature on the social history of venereal diseases, rationale discourses do not necessarily lead to government intervention. Comparative analysis reveals that culturally similar locations can experience similar impulses and constraints to the development of social policy under differing constitutional arrangements.