Pour voir les autres types de publications sur ce sujet consultez le lien suivant : Great Britain – Colonies – Canada.
Thèses sur le sujet « Great Britain – Colonies – Canada »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les 50 meilleures thèses pour votre recherche sur le sujet « Great Britain – Colonies – Canada ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Parcourez les thèses sur diverses disciplines et organisez correctement votre bibliographie.
1
Gollannek, Eric Frederick. « "Empire follows art" exchange and the sensory worlds of Empire in Britain and its colonies, 1740-1775 / ». Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company ; downloadable PDF file, 427 p, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1625773591&sid=9&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Texte intégral
2
Babij, Orest. « The making of Imperial Defence policy in Britain, 1926-1934 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fb422556-884e-4d47-9705-92d9ff36181d.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Although the period between 1926 and 1934 was relatively peaceful, Imperial Defence policy-making in Britain focused on threats along the periphery of the Empire. This included a short-lived, but serious concern over Communist expansion in China and Afghanistan and a fear that American naval construction would undermine the Royal Navy's position in the world. The first threat receded by 1928 and the second was met by negotiating the highly successful London Naval Conference of 1930. Throughout these years, the need to reorient the Imperial Defence system to meet a perceived Japanese threat in the Far East, and the Treasury's opposition to the very idea, remained constants within policy-making circles. The world-wide depression led to serious defence cutbacks which the services met largely by cutting back even further on war reserves and mobilization potential. The Japanese assault on Manchuria in 1931, and then in Shanghai in 1932, exposed the inability of the Imperial Defence system to meet a Far Eastern threat. This led to pressure from the navy, in particular, for an increase in service estimates, but the economic situation and the World Disarmament Conference kept the government from agreeing to any significant change in policy. From 1931-193, Imperial Defence concerns were centred on the Far East, but Hitlerâs rise to power in March 1933 turned attention hack toward Europe. Nevertheless, the first large-scale review of Imperial defence deficiencies, the Defence Requirements Sub-Committee, presented a report which balanced the needs of European and Far Eastern defence. In the spring of l934. however, the Cabinet found itself unable to come to a consensus on the DRC's recommendations and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Neville Chamberlain, stepped forward with his own defence vision. He discounted the need for Far Eastern defence and re-oriented defence policy toward homeland defence. It was his intervention that set the tone for British rearmament in the 1930s.
3
Galatas, Steven E. « Political issues and leadership : voting behavior in Canada and Great Britain / ». free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9988661.
Texte intégral
4
Uberoi, Varun. « Multicultural nation-building : a Canadian way to foster unity amongst British citizens ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670077.
Texte intégral
5
Kelly, Saul Mark Barrett. « Great Britain, the United States and the question of the Italian colonies, 1940-1952 ». Thesis, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283688.
Texte intégral
6
Jeppesen, Christopher. « Making a career in the British Empire, c. 1900-1960 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252295.
Texte intégral
7
Lee, Kit-wai, et 李潔慧. « Power politics in post-colonial narrative ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31953591.
Texte intégral
8
Kruer, Matthew 1981. « Red Albion : Genocide and English Colonialism, 1622-1646 ». Thesis, University of Oregon, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10306.
Texte intégralRésumé :
viii, 170 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.This thesis examines the connection between colonialism and violence during the early years of English settlement in North America. I argue that colonization was inherently destructive because the English colonists envisioned a comprehensive transformation of the American landscape that required the elimination ofNative American societies. Two case studies demonstrate the dynamics ofthis process. During the Anglo-Powhatan Wars in Virginia, latent violence within English ideologies of imperialism escalated cont1ict to levels of extreme brutality, but the fracturing ofpower along the frontier limited Virginian war aims to expulsion of the Powhatan Indians and the creation of a segregated society. During the Pequot War in New England, elements of violence in the Puritan worldview became exaggerated by the onset of societal crisis during the Antinomian Controversy. The resulting climate of fear unified the colonies and created an ideological commitment to the genocide of the Pequots.
Committee in Charge: Dr. Jack Maddex, Chair; Dr. Matthew Dennis; Dr. Jeffrey Ostler
9
Allpress, Roshan John. « Making philanthropists : entrepreneurs, evangelicals and the growth of philanthropy in the British world, 1756-1840 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ab20c0ea-6720-474d-947c-b66f89c37680.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis traces the development of philanthropy as a tradition and movement within the United Kingdom and the British world, with attention to both the inner lives of philanthropists, and the social networks and organizational practices that underpinned the dramatic growth in philanthropic activity between the late 1750s and 1840. In contrast to studies that see philanthropy as primarily responsive to Britain's shifting public culture and imperial fortunes during the period, it argues that philanthropic change was driven by innovations in the internal culture and structures of intersecting commercial and religious networks, that were adapted to philanthropic purposes by philanthropic entrepreneurs. It frames the growth of philanthropy as both a series of experiments in effecting social change, within the United Kingdom and transnationally, and the fostering of a vocationally formative culture across three generations. Chapter one focuses on John Thornton, a prominent merchant and religious patron, reconstructing his correspondence networks and philanthropic practices, and revealing patterns of philanthropic interaction between mercantile and Evangelical clerical networks. Chapter two uses the reports and minutes of representative metropolitan societies and companies to develop a prosopography of more than 4000 philanthropic directors, mapping their nexus of interconnections in 1760, 1788 and 1800, and arguing for the importance of firstly Russia Company networks and later country banking networks for philanthropy. Chapters three and four offer an extended case study of the 'Clapham Sect' as an example of collective agency, reframing their influence within the philanthropic nexus, and, through a close reading of their published works, showing how as intellectual collaborators they developed a unique conception of 'trust' that informed their activism. Chapter five shows how philanthropists extended their reach transnationally, with case studies in Bengal, Sierra Leone and New Zealand, and chapter six addresses multiple paths by which philanthropy became intertwined with Empire and the globalizing world in the British imagination.
10
Murphy, Mahon. « Prisoners of war and civilian internees captured by British and Dominion forces from the German colonies during the First World War ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3072/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis discusses the previously unstudied treatment of German civilian internees and prisoners of war taken from the German colonies by British and Dominion authorities during the First World War. Through this study the links between the First World War in the extra-European theatre and the conflict in Europe will be examined. Five key issues are posited for investigation. These are: the centralised internment policy of the British Empire, the effect of the takeover of German colonies on the cultural identity of the British dominions, the effect wartime captivity had on German settlers, what extra-European internment tells us about twentieth century mobility and warfare, and the integration of the extra-European theatre of the war into the overall Global War narrative. The establishment of a global camp system run from the British imperial metropole involved the coordination of the military, the Admiralty, Dominion governments, and the Colonial and Foreign Offices. The general principles of international law were followed but often overridden through the use of reprisals, and the notion of trying Germans for ‘war crimes’ had an impact far into the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. The First World War and the internment of German civilians and military prisoners in the extra-European theatre undermined the notion of a common European civilising mission in the colonial world. It upset the established colonial racial hierarchies, and through ‘enemy alien' legislation helped establish European hierarchies of race as defined by nationality, disrupting the pre-war world order of cultural globalisation. Through the analysis of German colonial settlers and soldiers in British internment, this thesis demonstrates that the First World War was not just a conflict between the European Great powers but that it also involved a world-wide remaking of ideas, institutions and geopolitics.
11
Marshall, Tristan. « Theatre and empire : Great Britain on the London stages under James VI and I / ». Manchester ; New York : Manchester university press, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37715754t.
Texte intégral
12
Lloyd, David. « Tourism, pilgrimage and the commemoration of the Great War in Great Britain, Australia and Canada, 1919-1939 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260427.
Texte intégral
13
Georgescu, Ana-Luiza. « Certain tax aspects of corporate divisive reorganizations in Canada and the UK ». Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=81470.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A divisive reorganization involves a series of transactions having as effect and purpose the division of the trading activities carried on by a single company or group of companies between two or more companies or groups of companies. This can be achieved by a sale of assets or by a transfer of shares belonging to the corporation to be divided, which would generally give rise to taxable capital gains.The thesis analyzes the tax implications of these two approaches, with particular focus on the latter, attempting a comparative view over the UK and Canadian relevant provisions. The two substantive chapters present the UK and, respectively, Canadian rules governing the treatment of disposal of corporate assets and shares, the available reliefs from capital gains taxation, as well as the special requirements for achieving tax-free demergers. Conclusions are aimed at suggesting a more simplified approach for Canadian divisive reorganizations, with a greater degree of codification.
14
McConnell, John Alexander. « The British in Kenya (1952-1960) : analysis of a successful counterinsurgency camapaign [i.e. campaign] / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FMcConnell.pdf.
Texte intégral
15
Middleton, Alexander James. « British politics and the rethinking of empire, c. 1830-1855 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610256.
Texte intégral
16
Johnson, Alexander James Cook. « Charting the imperial will : colonial administration & ; the General Survey of British North America, 1764-1775 ». Thesis, University of Exeter, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3458.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation explores how colonial administrators on each side of the Atlantic used the British Survey of North America to serve their governments’ as well as their personal objectives. Specifically, it connects the execution and oversight of the General Survey in the northern and southern theatres, along with the intelligence it provided, with the actions of key decision-makers and influencers, including the Presidents of the Board of Trade (latterly, the Secretaries of the American Department) and key provincial governors. Having abandoned their posture of ‘Salutary Neglect’ towards colonial affairs in favour of one that proactively and more centrally sought ways to develop and exploit their North American assets following the Severn Years’ War, the British needed better geographic information to guide their decision making. Thus, the General Survey of British North America, under the umbrella of the Board of Trade, was conceived. Officially sponsored from 1764-1775, the programme aimed to survey and analyse the attributes and economic potential of Britain’s newly acquired regions in North America, leading to an accurate general map of their North American empire when joined to other regional mapping programmes. The onset of the American Revolution brought an inevitable end to the General Survey before a connected map could be completed. Under the excellent leadership of Samuel Holland, the surveyor general of the Northern District, however, the British administration received surveys and reports that were of great relevance to high-level administration. In the Southern District, Holland’s counterpart, the mercurial William Gerard De Brahm, while producing reports of high quality, was less able to juggle the often conflicting priorities of provincial and London-based stakeholders. Consequently, results were less successful. De Brahm was recalled in 1771, leaving others to complete the work.
17
Taylor, Michael Hugh. « The defence of British colonial slavery, 1823-33 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708768.
Texte intégral
18
Sèbe, Berny. « Celebrating British and French imperialism : the making of colonial heroes acting in Africa, 1870-1939 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670137.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis investigates the ways in which British and French imperial heroes involved in the exploration, conquest or administration of Mrica between 1870 and 1939 were selected, packaged and promoted to the various sections of the public of their respective countries. It seeks to unveil the commercial, political and personal interests that lay behind the imperial hero-making business. This research analyses the hidden mechanisms, as well as the reasons that led to the appearance of a new type of hero in the context of the 'new' T Imperialism and the 'Scramble for Mrica': private connections, political lobbies (especially colonial advocates and nationalists), commercial interests (journalists, writers, biographers, hagiographers, publishers, film-makers) and personal ambition, the combination of which underpinned the creation and success ofheroic reputations. The first part of the thesis investigates the process through which imperial heroes progressively became widely known in their homelands, and how it was facilitated by the technical and social improvements of the Second Industrial Revolution. Drawing upon a wide variety of printed and manuscript sources, it shows the ever-increasing commercial success of imperial heroes throughout the period, analyses how they could serve political ends, and explains the values for which 'they were held up as examples. The second part examines the case studies of two military commanders in times of Anglo-French rivalry in Africa (the Sirdar Kitchener and Major Marchand before, during and after the Fashoda confrontation of 1898), in order to compare the modalities of the development of these legends, and the different backdrops against which they took shape. This thesis is the first to combine quantitative evidence (such as print run figures) and qualitative sources (such as police records) to demonstrate conclusively the prevalence and complexity of the hero-making process brought about by the conquest of Mrica, and to evaluate the reception of these heroic myths among the public.
19
McKercher, Asa. « Canada, Britain, the United States, and the Cuban revolution, 1959-1968 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648348.
Texte intégral
20
Chu, Wai Li. « We had no urge to do away an ex-colony : the changing views of the British government over Hong Kong's future, 1967-1979 ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2017. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/399.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis discusses the British government's decision to maintain colonial rule in Hong Kong beyond 1997 between 1967 and 1979. After the 1967 riots, the Labour and Conservative governments started considering the negotiation of Hong Kong's future in the 1980s. Their views on Hong Kong's future evolved from the Labour's uncertainty, to Conservative's optimism, and finally to Labour's attempts to erase the 1997 deadline and to retain Hong Kong as a colony permanently. Factors taken into their considerations included Cold War, decolonisation, China's policies on Hong Kong, and Britain-Hong Kong relations. Both Labour and Conservative insisted on preserving British sovereignty over disputed colonies such as Hong Kong, the Falkland Islands and Gibraltar regardless of the worldwide decolonisation. Besides, their eagerness to contain Communism and maintain Britain's international status, and Hong Kong's strategic and psychological value in Cold War outweighed the deficiencies of Britain-Hong Kong relations and China's unpredictable policies. Therefore, Labour and Conservative governments intended to run Hong Kong as a colony perpetually rather than decolonise it as did in other colonies. To achieve this goal, the British government adopted a reform-oriented colonialism. It empowered the Hong Kong government to deliver social reforms to improve the colony's living standard, which were used to prepare a colony's decolonisation. After the 1967 riots, although Governor David Trench implemented this colonial idea regarding Hong Kong's future, he remained as a housekeeper and only looked for the short term. Succeeding Trench in 1971, Murray MacLehose established a responsive colonial administration and delivered the Conservative's long-term strategy--to widen the living standard between Hong Kong and China--to deter China from recovering the territory. Notable reforms were on government-people relations, housing, education, social welfare and medical and health services. By 1974, the Labour government followed and modified this strategy to justify British colonial rule in Hong Kong domestically and internationally. In this process, Hong Kong was able to design its social reforms, to counter Britain's interests and to reshape its relations with Britain into a partnership. Yet Britain delegated Hong Kong to do so only to remain ultimate control rather than decolonised it. In other words, delegation of power and improvement of living standard were Britain's tools to retain its colonial rule in Hong Kong perpetually. Colonialism and decolonisation were thus interrelated.
21
Horgan, Gerard W. « Intergovernmental relations in the devolved Great Britain : a comparative perspective with particular reference to Canada ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273217.
Texte intégral
22
Holzman, Stacy, et Daniel F. Musser. « Homeownership and housing affordability in Great Britain, Japan, Canada, West Germany, and the United States ». Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/76020.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 1989.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 93-97).
by Stacy Holzman and Daniel F. Musser.
M.S.
23
Thomson, Jonathan Wyville. « From aestheticism to the modern movement : Whistler, the artists Colony of St. lves and Australia, 1884-1910 ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2003. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B29293479.
Texte intégral
24
Lehane, Richard J. R. « Lieutenant-General Edward Hutton and 'Greater BRitain' : late-Victorian imperialism, imperial defence and the self-governing colonies ». Phd thesis, Department of History, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/6831.
Texte intégral
25
Lees, Charlotte. « The age of criminal responsibility, which direction ? : a comparative study of the United Kingdom and Canada ». Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33054.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The setting of an 'age of criminal responsibility' by States across the international spectrum is a formal recognition that children do not possess the same mental capacity to comprehend the extent of the criminality of their actions, and their implications, as adults. Any such legal threshold which abruptly deems a child 'criminally responsible' upon the dawning of a birthday is inherently arbitrary, yet a necessary legal fiction. The central conundrum addressed by this discussion is "which direction?"---at what age should policy-makers draw the line. Should legislators be advocating low ages of criminal responsibility, or should they be championing higher ages? An examination of the juvenile justice regimes of the UK and Canada provides an informative backdrop against which to base a sound conclusion: higher ages of criminal responsibility should be adopted in order to counteract and safeguard against the current climate of 'zero tolerance' and retributive 'just deserts' currently motivating youth justice policy.
26
Craigie, Allan. « Regional and national identity mobilization in Canada and Britain : Nova Scotia and North East England compared ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4482.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Examining Canada and Britain from 1990 to 2004, the thesis explores how the surge in minority nationalist agitation that occurred in Quebec and Scotland changed the political environment in Canada (outside Quebec) and England allowing regional elites to advance political agendas which mobilized regional and national identities. The thesis considers the role of democratic institutions at the regional level in shaping political demands through a comparative study of regional and national identity mobilization in Nova Scotia and the North East of England. The analysis contends that the relationship between minority and majority nations is dialectical; nationalism stems from fundamentally different interpretations of the state and is not the ‘fault’ of either nation. Using this claim as the basis for analyzing elite debate at the centre and in the regions, the dissertation systematically examines regionalism within the majority nation by investigating debates at the national and regional level. The work looks at parliamentary debates, campaign material, newspaper accounts and elite interviews; and as identity mobilization and political debates are targeted at the electorate, survey analysis is undertaken to see whether elite debate resonated with the masses. The thesis demonstrates that regionalism is a component of the ongoing (re)conception of nation within the majority nation, and that during periods of strong minority nationalist agitation, a political environment is created which allows elites in the majority nation to mobilize national and regional identities. Regional identity mobilization is shown to be part of the nationalism of the majority nation; as the dominant conception of the state within the majority encompasses the minority nations as co-nationals and equal citizens, regional elites are able to use the minority nations as examples of successful agitation without subscribing to their interpretations of the state. Regional levels of democracy did not alter the nature of regionalism in either state and though the demands issued may have been different, the underlying concerns were the same: a lack of voice and efficacy.
27
Lyons, Adam James. « The 1711 expedition to Quebec : politics and the limitations of global strategy in the reign of Queen Anne ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1688/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
To mark the 300th anniversary of the event in question, this thesis analyses the first British attempt to conquer the French colonial city of Quebec. The expedition was a product of the turbulent political environment that was evident towards the end of the reign of Queen Anne. Its failure has consequently proven to be detrimental to the reputations of the expedition’s commanders, in particular Rear-Admiral Sir Hovenden Walker who was actually a competent and effective naval officer. True blame should lie with his political master, Secretary of State Henry St John, who ensured the expedition’s failure by maintaining absolute control over it because of his obsession with keeping its objective a secret. After recently celebrating a succession of tercentenaries concerning the War of the Spanish Succession, this thesis hopes to draw attention away from the famous military commander, the Duke of Marlborough, and instead focus upon a little known combined operation. The expedition helped to alter British strategy by renewing an interest in ‘blue-water’ operations that would see huge success later in the century, ultimately resulting in the eventual conquest of French North America in the Seven Years War.
28
McElrea, Patrick D. « The office of the High Commissioner : Canada's public link to gentlemanly capitalism in the City of London, 1869-1885 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ29500.pdf.
Texte intégral
29
Gray, Colleen Allyn. « Captives in Canada, 1744-1763 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69625.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The captivity narratives have long been recognized as an important literary source. Most recently, scholars have viewed them in terms of their ethnographic value. Few, however, have considered them within the context of the history of New France.This study attempts to draw attention to the richness and diversity of these documents. The chapters, built upon the basis of similarities among the narratives, explore different facets of the French colony during the years 1744-1763. Specifically, they discuss techniques of military interrogation, the Quebec prison for captives (1745-1747), French-Indian relations and how the writers of these tales viewed both the war and their enemies.
30
Favor, Lesli J. « Interactions Between Texts, Illustrations, and Readers : The Empiricist, Imperialist Narratives and Polemics of Sir Arthur Conan Doyle ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279069/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
While literary critics heretofore have subordinated Conan Doyle to more "canonical" writers, the author argues that his writings enrich our understanding of the ways in which Victorians and Edwardians constructed their identity as imperialists and that we therefore cannot afford to overlook Conan Doyle's work.
31
Slight, John Paul. « The British Empire and the hajj, 1865-1956 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610358.
Texte intégral
32
Pearce, Robert Anthony. « The Great War : manpower, conscription and political machinations : a comparative study of Britain, Canada, New Zealand, and Australia / ». Title page, table of contents and introduction only, 2005. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arp3591.pdf.
Texte intégral
33
Van, Rooy Alison Lorette. « The altruistic lobbyists : the influence of non-governmental organizations on development policy in Canada and Britain ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7327692d-f554-4f67-86e4-ab51e22053fc.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) has sparked increased interest in recent years as they have grown in prominence and international activity. The thesis looks at British and Canadian NGOs concerned with overseas development assistance, and asks what influence they have wielded in the formulation of their own governments' development policies. Based on recent policy community writing, a "conceptual map" is devised which suggests that six elements are important for any analysis of influence: context, content, motivations, resources, tactics, and channels. Chapters two to five use these elements to look at the broad "policy communities" in which official development policy is formulated, and to examine the increasing roles and activities of NGOs as lobbyists. Chapters six and seven take a closer look at two specific "policy networks" within those communities: the relationships created around the World Food Conference in 1974 are compared with those existing at the time of the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (the Earth Summit). The thesis concludes that NGOs have had an increasing but limited influence on government policy, given (1) an increase in the activity and influence of NGOs, (2) the greater relevance of certain "elements of influence" over others, and (3) the comparatively stronger influence of Canadian NGOs in relation to their British counterparts. The thesis' contribution to knowledge is based on its use of extensive and original primary sources and interviews in both countries, its application of a policy community approach to a new field in international relations, and its systematic attempt to answer evolving questions about this growing, international, and non-governmental force.
34
Cowell, Christopher Ainslie. « Form follows fever malaria and the making of Hong Kong, 1841-1848 ». Thesis, View the Table of Contents & ; Abstract, 2009. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B42685618.
Texte intégral
35
Violet, Ian. « The allocation of responsibility for the maintenance of the single parent family ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28828.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The social problem under investigation is that of widespread poverty amongst households comprising minor chidren and a lone parent, whether this household has arisen due to a birth outside a stable union, separation, divorce or widowhood. The scale and features of this poverty are identified with reference to demographic data from Canada and the United Kingdom.
Possible policies for reform are identified through a thorough review of literature from the Commonwealth and the United States. Special attention is paid to empirical investigations and the relationship between public and private support of single parent families.
Whilst none of the four hypothetical reforms proposed - a system of insurance, rigorous enforcement of court orders, constraining judicial discretion, expanded rights to public support - is unconditionally accepted, only insurance is rejected as offering nothing of value. The conclusion is that the non-custodial parent's responsibility for his or her children must continue to be emphasised but that public resources should be expended with a view to assisting the single parent to obtain, enforce and periodically vary orders in favour of the children. For the single parent himself or herself, the aim must be to reverse the current process of marginalisation within society and this independence can best be achieved by reforms of the labour market rather than by reforms of the legal process.Law, Peter A. Allard School of
Graduate
36
Daniel, Lakshmi Kiran. « Privilege and policy : the indigenous elite and the colonial education system in Ceylon 1912-1948 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:652d093a-bcd6-49ca-aa17-787cd251e4c3.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The development of educational policies in colonial Ceylon has hitherto been examined from the perspective of either the government or missionary agencies. The role of the indigenous elite in this process has not received the attention it deserves, but merely treated as a peripheral theme. This thesis attempts to redress the imbalance by focusing on the interaction between elite initiatives and the growth of cultural nationalism as key factors in the formulation of educational policy. The many dimensions of the elite's concern with educational policy are explored. The nature of their involvement and their contribution over time are the central themes of the present study. Newspapers, contemporary journals, various school magazines, the writings of the elite themselves and transcripts of debates in the Legislative and State Councils provide an insight into the public and private opinion of the English educated Ceylonese. Chapter one sketches the social background of colonial Ceylon. It describes the plural composition of the population and highlights the importance of language and religion as components of plurality. It also identifies the economic and educational opportunities through which elite status could be acquired. The form and content of education are similarly discussed. Chapter two describes the formulation of government policy and the early contributions of the indigenous leaders. Particular attention is paid to two issues - language and the administration of schools - which emerged as problems crucial to Ceylon's educational structure under colonial rule. Chapter three traces the organizational and individual responses of the upper strata in local society to education as shaped by growing cultural nationalism. The issues of language and religion now assumed a greater degree of political significance. New techniques of opposition, including the establishment of schools and cultural associations on Buddhist, Hindu and Muslim denominational lines, are analyzed in this chapter. In chapter four the repercussions of universal franchise in the educational field are assessed. The increasing political and social aspirations of the masses became the catalyst for action on the part of the leaders, as did the ethnic and caste antagonisms that had surfaced as potentially powerful factors. In chapter five, further political developments that induced the leadership to take a bold step forward - the construction of a free and egalitarian system of education - are examined. How elite competition emerged as a determinant of policy implementation is also discussed. This thesis concludes that while knowledge of English remained the sine qua non for the acquisition and preservation of status, the response of the privileged social group to educational problems in the face of increasing political challenges was to ensure that the availability to the masses of an education, albeit a vernacular education remained secure.
37
O'Neill, Michael A. « Safe with us vs the sacred trust : policy change under Conservative government : health policy under Britain's Thatcher and Canada's Mulroney ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 1996. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/78609/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research explores the link between New Right ideology and the making of public policy. Taking the Thatcher and Mulroney Governments as examples of the New Right in government this research considers the areas of policy convergence and divergence between them using health as a case study. This study concludes that these 1990s variants of Conservativism differed both in terms of their rhetoric and their ability to chart new public policies. This study finds that the Thatcher Government was a more effective agent of change than the Mulroney Government with institutional differences as the main explanatory variable. Other research themes raised in this research include: The applicability of the incremental policy making model to the study of Canadian and British health policies; the role of interest groups in the development of health policies; and the thesis of the irreversibility of the welfare state. It was found that the incremental model could not account for the rapid and large changes in British health policy but could serve as a theoretical framework to explain health policy developments in Canada. Interest groups for their part were found to have reacted in differing ways to the challenges posed to them by New Right government, seeking to form advocacy coalitions in Canada while remaining resolutely independent in Britain. Finally, this research concludes that the irreversibility of the welfare state thesis as presented by Therborn and Roebroek remains valid. that is that the political popUlarity of national health insurance continue to isolate this sector of social policy from dramatic rollback.
38
Ewart, Henrietta. « Caring for migrants : policy responses to Irish migration to England, 1940-1972 ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2012. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/56276/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Large-scale interstate migration raises questions about where the responsibility for migrant welfare lies, whether with the sending state and its institutions, the receiving state or both. Across the middle decades of the twentieth century, around half a million people left Ireland, the majority for England. This study analyses the policy responses of governmental, Catholic church and voluntary organisations in both countries to Irish migrant welfare. Using records from Irish and English diocesan archives and the National Archives of Ireland and England the study identifies the policy claims that were made to church and state in the two countries and the responses that resulted. The majority of migrants were young, single and migrating alone. A distinctive feature was that, for much of the period covered, female migrants outnumbered males. The young age and gender of these migrants made moral welfare a major concern. The Irish Catholic hierarchy, led by the Archbishop of Dublin, Dr John Charles McQuaid, accepted responsibility for Irish migrant welfare and understood their needs through a discourse of ‘faith and morals’. This interpretation led to solutions designed to support religious faith and practice delivered by Catholic priests and lay volunteers. Both the Irish government and British institutions (state and voluntary) accepted the centrality of Catholicism to Irish identity and the right of the Catholic church to lead welfare policy and provision for Irish migrants. No alternative understanding of Irish migrant needs within a secular framework emerged during this period. This meant that whilst the Irish hierarchy developed policy responses based on their assessment of need, other agencies, notably the British and Irish governments, did not consider any specific policy response for Irish migrants to be required.
39
Mallinson, Saran Michelle. « Dispersal : a barrier to integration ? : the UK dispersal policy for asylum seekers and refugees since 1999 : the case of Iraqi Kurds ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2006. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2445/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The large rise in the number of asylum seekers coming to Britain in the 1990s and since then has made asylum policy and associated matters an increasingly important issue for the government. On the one hand, the government has wished to deter asylum seekers but on the other, it recognises the importance of integrating those who are given permission to settle. Issues surrounding asylum seekers have become highly political as the media, local authorities and local people have all become involved in trying to influence the content and delivery of asylum policy. This thesis focuses on the effect of the current dispersal policy on asylum seeker and refugee integration. In this piece of research, an asylum seeker is an individual who reaches the UK through his/her own means and submits a request for asylum to the Immigration and Nationality Directorate (IND) at the Home Office. Asylum seekers who are granted permission to reside in the UK are defined as refugees in this thesis, whether they be Convention refugees or individuals possessing Humanitarian Protection (HP) or Discretionary Leave (DL). This study uses the approach to integration developed by Ager and Strang (2004a) and in particular their four main components of asylum seeker and refugee integration. My major hypothesis is that dispersal exercises a negative impact on the four dimensions of integration studied because this policy sends asylum seekers to localities where there are no settled co-ethnics, hostile host-community members, limited employment opportunities and inadequate dwellings. In order to test this hypothesis, I compare the significantly different integration opportunities encountered by asylum seekers and refugees in two contrasting dispersal cities, Newcastle and Birmingham. Given the national, ethnic and socio-economic heterogeneity of the group under study, I also adopt a case study approach and focus on the experiences of Kurds from Iraq. Significantly, asylum seekers and refugees possess different rights and for this reason, their experiences of dispersal and integration are analyzed separately. I chose semi-structured interviewing with asylum seekers and refugees because this method reflects my structured research strategy as well as my commitment to remain alert to unexpected findings. Furthermore, this technique helps the researcher appreciate the standpoint of the group studied, an important objective in my study. The in-depth nature of the qualitative data produced also assists with the understanding of the complex processes tied to the effect of the dispersal policy on integration. A non-probability sampling technique, snowball sampling, customarily used when a population is elusive, was employed to select the sample of asylum seekers and refugees. Semi-structured interviews were also carried out with national policy-makers and local service providers as well as Kurdish community workers and businessmen. These interviews helped the researcher understand the standpoints of central and local government, the voluntary and private sector as well as the perspective of influential Iraqi Kurds. The findings suggest that asylum seekers and refugees' experiences of dispersal and their process of integrating into UK society are not necessarily contradictory phenomena. In fact, in some instances, the dispersal policy has introduced members of this group to better integration opportunities than they would otherwise have encountered in their voluntarily chosen, traditional areas of concentration, in London and the South East of England. The conclusions also highlight several gaps in Ager and Strang's (2004a) integration framework, namely the absence of an intra-national spatial dimension, the failure to incorporate the ambivalent, non-linear effect of the passage of time and finally, the lack of reference to the idea that success in one sub-area of integration can reduce progress in another.
40
Innes, Mary Joan. « In Egyptian service : the role of British officials in Egypt, 1911-1936 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:88cb6bf9-c7ff-4da7-9875-1ff2890b341d.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 1919 the number of British officials employed by the Egyptian Government reached a peak of over 1,600, a substantial figure in relation to a colonial administration like the Indian Civil Service. However, due to the anomalous nature of Britain's occupation of Egypt, the workings of British administration there were left deliberately ambiguous. Thus although we have an extensive knowledge of imperial policy with regard to Egypt, we have little understanding of how British rule there actually functioned, certainly nothing to compare with numerous local studies of the Raj or Colonial Service at work. By studying the British administrators of the Egyptian Government, this thesis casts new light on Britain's middle years in Egypt, which saw formal imperial control succeeded by informal hegemony. We begin by analysing the Anglo-Egyptian administrative structure as a product of its historical development. We examine how well this muted style of administrative control suited conditions in Egypt and Britain's requirements there, considering the fact that by 1919 the British officials had become a major source of nationalist grievance. This loss of reputation caused the Milner Mission to select the British administration as a principal scapegoat in its proposed concessions. Moreover, it was the belief of certain leading officials that Britain's responsibility for Egyptian administration was no longer viable which finally helped precipitate the 1922 declaration of independence. The Egyptian Government now took actual rather than nominal control of its foreign bureaucrats, yet even in 1936, over 500 British officials were still employed in finance, security, and in technical and educational capacities. The changing role of these officials within an evolving mechanism of British control illuminates one of the earliest experiences of transfer of power this century.
41
Samuel, James Gribble. « The 'Radical Underworld' of the Mediterranean : William Eton, Malta, and the British Mediterranean Empire, 1770-1806 ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/20065.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 1806, the British protectorate of Malta was engulfed in political scandal when accusations of ‘despotism’, ‘tyranny’ and ‘torture’, were made against the island’s Civil Commissioner, Sir Alexander Ball. This episode, alongside other contemporary colonial controversies, has recently attracted attention as a starting point for histories charting British attempts to construct a coherent imperial legal system across the first half of the nineteenth century. Rather than viewing the events at Malta in 1806 as the beginnings of a nineteenth-century story, this thesis however argues for the need to understand them as the culmination of a longer eighteenth-century saga. Applying a biographical lens, this thesis traces the Mediterranean career of William Eton, the minor colonial official who was chiefly responsible for the accusations made at Malta. As this thesis argues, ostensibly marginal figures such as Eton make particularly useful subjects for such an approach due to the fact that their life stories do not fit neatly into existing historical narratives, and thus cut across and connect supposedly distinct historical processes. Through Eton, this thesis connects the political scandal at Malta in 1806 to the intellectual and cultural circles of the North-German Enlightenment, to London networks of metropolitan political radicalism in the 1790s, as well as to the secret diplomacy, espionage, and foreign policy endeavours of the British and Russian empires in the Mediterranean in the late-eighteenth century. By piecing together the fragmentary traces of Eton’s transient career, with his diverse networks and multi-layered sociability, as well as his many endeavours to succeed, this thesis therefore provides a clear insight into just how interconnected British and Mediterranean trade was with diplomacy, politics, and the social and intellectual currents of European life during the ‘Age of Revolutions,’ as well as the lasting impacts these connections had on shaping British imperial governance at Malta.
42
Spooner, Rosemary Gall. « Close encounters : international exhibitions and the material culture of the British Empire, c.1880-1940 ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2016. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/7386/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Apparitions of empire and imperial ideologies were deeply embedded in the International Exhibition, a distinct exhibitionary paradigm that came to prominence in the mid-nineteenth century. Exhibitions were platforms for the display of objects, the movement of people, and the dissemination of ideas across and between regions of the British Empire, thereby facilitating contact between its different cultures and societies. This thesis aims to disrupt a dominant understanding of International Exhibitions, which forwards the notion that all exhibitions, irrespective of when or where they were staged, upheld a singular imperial discourse (i.e. Greenhalgh 1988, Rydell 1984). Rather, this thesis suggests International Exhibitions responded to and reflected the unique social, political and economic circumstances in which they took place, functioning as cultural environments in which pressing concerns of the day were worked through. Understood thus, the International Exhibition becomes a space for self-presentation, serving as a stage from which a multitude of interests and identities were constructed, performed and projected. This thesis looks to the visual and material culture of the International Exhibition in order to uncover this more nuanced history, and foregrounds an analysis of the intersections between practices of exhibition-making and identity-making. The primary focus is a set of exhibitions held in Glasgow in the late-1880s and early-1900s, which extends the geographic and temporal boundaries of the existing scholarship. What is more, it looks at representations of Canada at these events, another party whose involvement in the International Exhibition tradition has gone largely unnoticed. Consequently, this thesis is a thematic investigation of the links between a municipality routinely deemed the ‘Second City of the Empire’ and a Dominion settler colony, two types of geographic setting rarely brought into dialogue. It analyses three key elements of the exhibition-making process, exploring how iconographies of ‘quasi-nationhood’ were expressed through an exhibition’s planning and negotiation, its architecture and its displays. This original research framework deliberately cuts across strata that continue to define conceptions of the British Empire, and pushes beyond a conceptual model defined by metropole and colony. Through examining International Exhibitions held in Glasgow in the late-Victorian and Edwardian periods, and visions of Canada in evidence at these events, the goal is to offer a novel intervention into the existing literature concerning the cultural history of empire, one that emphasises fluidity rather than fixity and which muddles the boundaries between centre and periphery.
43
Kapila, Shruti. « The making of colonial psychiatry Bombay presidency, 1849-1940 / ». Thesis, Online version, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.269728.
Texte intégral
44
Mayblin, Lucy. « Asylum after empire : colonial institutional orders and the hierarchical ordering of humanity ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/57724/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this study I argue that the recent proliferation of punitive and restrictive asylum policies indicates that the British government is prepared to tolerate levels of violence against certain human bodies, from particular countries, to a much greater degree than would be tolerated for others. Archival evidence is presented to show that hierarchical conceptions of humanity have a long history, rooted in British colonial activities, and that such ideologies continue to operate in the contemporary period. The project involves documenting three ‘critical junctures’ when ideas of human hierarchy were challenged at the political institutional level. These critical junctures are used to make the case for a historically informed reading of contemporary British asylum policy which takes seriously the epistemic legacies of colonialism. The study adapts Desmond King and Rogers Smith’s ‘racial institutional orders’ approach, originally conceived in the US context, to the British case, and incorporates a post-colonial perspective into the analysis. Through analysing the debates around these issues, it is possible to glean some insight into both the enduring power of ideas of human hierarchy, and the possibilities for transformative change.
45
Ewence, Hannah. « Placing the 'other' in our midst : immigrant Jews, gender and the British imperial imagination ». Thesis, University of Southampton, 2010. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/344654/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis traces cultural and socio-political responses to the alien Jew in Britain through the prism of genre, space and time. Beginning with the reports of persecution of Jews in Eastern Europe in the late nineteenth century, it examines how representations of these foreign Jews changed and developed as sympathy for their plight turned to anxiety at the prospect of their arrival in Britain. It shows how a Semitic discourse evolved alongside, and in response to, wider debates about the state of the self, nation and empire at the fin de siècle, arguing that the vocabulary and mentality of imperialism was a crucial tool for deciphering the nature of Jewish „difference‟. However, this thesis also enables fresh perspectives by considering the gender and spatial dynamics of Semitic representations in Britain during and beyond the period of mass immigration, from the end of the nineteenth century until the beginning of the twenty first. This extended view of the Jewish 'other', which follows the 'typical' Jewish migrant journey from the shtetl of Eastern Europe to the North London suburb of the present-day, considers how Jewish spatial and cultural practices have been interpreted and articulated by the British and the British-Jewish onlooker. The thesis' opening section, divided into three chapters, adopts an original approach to the aliens question by exploring how perspectives on the alien Jew were shaped and expressed within different mediums, or 'genres' at the fin de siècle. Through an assessment of newspapers, political debates, and fiction, this section offers a comparative analysis of how the particular dynamics and agendas of each of these genres operated to produce different textual and visual images of 'the Jew'. Building upon Bryan Cheyette's seminal work in relation to fiction, each of these chapters demonstrates not only the inherently ambivalent nature of Semitic representations but also reveal that, crucially, gender was an important moderator of Jewish „difference‟. This reading extends into the second section which, across four chapters, explores how gender functioned in conjunction with space to construct ideas in Britain about alien Jews as they traversed time and space from shtetl to suburb. Beginning with the point of departure, the opening chapter of the section reviews the long tradition of representing Eastern Europe by „the West‟, arguing that this tradition laid the foundation for a paradoxical view of the Jew in Eastern Europe as both territorialized and territorializing. This perceived struggle for spatial ownership amongst Jews also featured in narratives of the migrant journey – the topic of the second chapter. That perception generated the notion that migrating Jews were staging an alien invasion of Britain. Thus the prolonged fascination with London's Jewish 'ghetto' and its interior – 'alien' territory par excellence – provides the focus for the third chapter which, in turn, lays the foundation for the final chapter‟s exploration of the replacement of the urban with the suburban as the alien Jew's 'territory' of choice.
46
Nelson, Robert Nicholas. « Connecting Ireland and America : Early English Colonial Theory 1560-1620 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2005. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4756/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This work demonstrates the connections that exist in rhetoric and planning between the Irish plantation projects in the Ards, Munster , Ulster and the Jamestown colony in Virginia . The planners of these projects focused on the creation of internal stability rather than the mission to 'civilize' the natives. The continuity between these projects is examined on several points: the rhetoric the English used to describe the native peoples and the lands to be colonized, who initiated each project, funding and financial terms, the manner of establishing title, the manner of granting the lands to settlers, and the status the natives were expected to hold in the plantation. Comparison of these points highlights the early English colonial idea and the variance between rhetoric and planning.
47
Zheng, Wei 1980. « The law of ship mortgages in China and a comparison with the law of the U.K. and Canada / ». Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=82676.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Through a comparative study of the law in the U.K. and Canada, the thesis will examine the law of ship mortgages in China.In the beginning, the thesis will discuss the concept of ownership in ships, ships' registration and the concept of ship mortgages. After laying the theoretical basis, the author will go on to talk about the rights and obligations of the mortgagor and mortgagee. Furthermore, the priority of maritime claims under Chinese maritime law will be presented. The last part of the thesis will be dedicated on the subject of conflict of laws in the domain of the law of ship mortgages.
After the comparative study, the author intends to show that legal comparison might be a possible methodology in the theoretical preparatory process of the amendment of the Maritime Code of China 1993.
48
Scarff, Stephen D. « The British public school and the imperial mentality : a reflection of empire at U.C.C ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0004/MQ43943.pdf.
Texte intégral
49
Struan, Andrew David. « 'Judgement and Experience' ? : British politics, Atlantic connexions and the American Revolution ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2010. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1845/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In one of his publications, the politician and merchant Anthony Bacon asked if ‘some honest Persons, of plain Understanding, and of tolerable Judgement and Experience, could be engaged, at the Government’s Expence, to make the general Tour of North America’. This person, he thought, would be able to forge a connexion between the metropolitan centre and the far-flung reaches of America and improve the relationship between mother country and colony by increasing the level of understanding of the other on both sides of the Atlantic. Bacon appreciated that this lack of knowledge of their American brethren meant that British politics and politicians were often working with limited, or biased, information when formulating imperial policy. This thesis analyses the ways six MPs with significant American connexions operated throughout the imperial crises of the 1760s and 1770s. It establishes that these men operated at the highest levels of British politics at this time and sought to create themselves as the predominant experts on the American colonies. In the debates on the nature of the British Empire throughout the 1760s and 1770s, these men were at the forefront of the political mind and, at least until the hardening of opinions in the 1770s, had an impact on the way in which the colonies were governed. More than that, however, this work has shown that – contrary to much earlier belief – the House of Commons in the later eighteenth century was not working in ignorance of the situation in the Americas: rather, there were a small but significant number of men with real and personal connexions to, and knowledge about, the colonies. As the imperial grounds shifted through the 1770s, however, even the most well-versed of these ‘American MPs’ began to appear to have suffered some disconnection from the colonial viewpoint. This thesis takes into account the Atlantic and imperial networks under which these MPs worked and formed their political theories and opinions. In addition, it seeks in some way to bring the politics of the American Revolution into the fold of Atlantic History and to assess the ways in which those with the greatest experience of working in the peripheries of empire sought to reshape and reorganise its structure from the metropole after the close of the Seven Years War.
50
Hall-Matthews, David Nicolas John. « Famine process and famine policy : a case study of Ahmednagar District, Bombay Presidency, India 1870-84 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5e072387-d56c-496a-a90a-2ee2f31c29dd.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ahmednagar District, in Bombay Presidency, was affected - along with much of South India - by a major drought in 1876-78, leading to famine relief by the Government of Bombay and considerable emigration and mortality. Recent literature, however, has suggested that famine is a complex, human and long-drawn-out process, rather than a sudden, natural phenomenon. This thesis seeks to identify that process among poor peasants in Ahmednagar between 1870 and 1884. It does so by examining their factors of production - land, capital and, to a lesser extent, labour - as well as markets in credit and the cheap foodgrains they produced, in order to locate both their chronic food insecurity and forces increasing their vulnerability over time. In this context, emphasis is given to the relationship of the British colonial state to the peasantry. The agrarian policies and agendas of the Government of Bombay are explored with regard to peasant vulnerability. It is argued that it failed to invest in production and infrastructure, while forcing peasants into competitive markets in which they were ill-equipped to compete. Despite a laissez-faire philosophy, it intervened to first promote, then penalise, usurious moneylenders, reducing the availability of credit. It also taxed peasants directly through the inflexible ryotwari land revenue system. In the crisis, peasants were not treated as famine victims and discouraged from accepting relief. The state can therefore be said to have contributed to the process of famine. It is argued that the propriety of colonial famine policies - and especially of other policies in the agricultural sector that undermined peasant food security - was widely discussed at different levels within the British state, from assistant collectors in Ahmednagar to secretaries of state in London. Attention is given to the way these debates were conducted and the process of policy-making analysed, concluding that the colonial hierarchy made it difficult for officers to be responsive to local problems.