Thèses : « Government, Resistance to – Ireland – History »

1

Magennis, Eoin. « Politics and government in Ireland during the Seven Years War, 1756-63 ». Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363033.

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Haggart, Craig. « The céli Dé and ecclesiastical government in Ireland in the eighth and ninth centuries ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2003. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1114/.

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This thesis examines the céli Dé, individual ecclesiastics who constituted the intellectual and spiritual elite in the early medieval Irish church. The period covered by the thesis is restricted in A.D. 700-900 and focusses most fully on the late eighth and early ninth centuries. A distinction is drawn between those individuals referred to as céli Dé during this period under study and those ‘communities within communities’, concerned for the welfare of the sick and the poor, to whom the name is later attested. The thesis examines the primary source material, considers past and present theories regarding these ecclesiastics and refutes the consensus of opinion that the céli Dé were a reform movement who emerged in reaction to a degenerate clergy in a church under secular influence. It discusses what was intended by the designation céli Dé and proffers the opinion that the céli Dé were instead concerned with advancing all aspects of the duties and responsibilities of the church. Particular developments in ecclesiastical organisation during the period under study are discussed and the extent of the role of individual céli Dé in these are examined, but will conclude that it should not be assumed that these developments, or concern for their introduction, was wholly restricted to the céli Dé. There was a change in the basis of the source of royal authority from popular to divine sanction, during the course of the eighth century, and the political repercussions of this more abstract concept of kingship would ultimately culminate in the emergence of Irish national identity. The potential extent of céli Dé involvement in the promulgation of ecclesiastical law, a contributory factor in establishing centralised ecclesiastical authority, is discussed and an examination of attempts by kings of Tara to control the appointment of the abbots of Armagh is provided in an effort to indicate how they sought to establish a centralised secular authority on the basis of the acknowledged authority of Armagh.

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ATTARABKENAR, Mohammad. « Resistance to the Government in Afghanistan's Modern History ; a Case - Study Approach ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Ferrara, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11392/2389083.

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This study has examined two epochs of reform and resistance to the government in Afghanistan’s modern history. It provides a comprehensive analysis of the internal and external factors that terminated the government’s efforts in consolidating the central authority and modernizing the country in failure which consequently resulted in the long lasting civil war and anti-western tendencies in Afghanistan. The first selected regime is the monarchy of King Amanullah Khan (1919-1929) and the second one is the communist regime of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (the PDPA), under the Soviet hegemony (1978-1989). This study has provided a conceptual model, which hypothesizes the functions of different social, political, and religious factors in the process of consolidating the central power and conducting the reform programme. In this regard, the Afghan governments’ inappropriate social, political, and economic policies, which provoked several reactions from tribal and religious forces, are identified as the internal factors. Furthermore, the colonial competitions between Russians and the British, the Great Game, and the tension between the Soviet Union and the West, the Cold War, are indicated as external elements. The study demonstrates how King Amanullah initially was able to attain legitimacy from religious elites, and attract the public support to attain Afghanistan’s complete independence from Britain and successfully implement initial stage of his reform programme while the PDPA in consequence of its military coup from the beginning was involved in the legitimacy crisis. According to comparative analysis of two selected regimes, this study has concluded several significant findings regarding the factors that were supposed to be under the Afghan government’s special consideration and also the characters of the several resistances that occurred throughout the two regimes.

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Bartley, David D. « John Witherspoon and the right of resistance ». Virtual Press, 1989. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/720155.

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This study investigated one central aspect of the political views of John Withexspoon: His steadfast belief in the right of resistance. A product of the Reformation and Enlightenment movements, this doctrine offered justification for questioning the authority of magistrates acting contrary to their sovereignty: it further compelled disobedience to unjust laws and the removal of unjust officials to protect the instituted social order. The context of post-Union Scottish society provided a distinct setting for Witherspoon's introduction to resistance theory. As a devout Scottish Presbyterian and a learned Enlightenment scholar, Withexspoon commanded a thorough understanding of this civil-religious right and duty to protect society.Through his education at Edinburgh University, Witherspoon became acquainted with the substance of Scottish Enlightenment philosophy. Edinburgh instructors utilized the writings of Commonwealth theorists and the classical writers to construct their views of society and social obligation: Society was a constituted civil order, restrained by law, preserved by the efforts of every individual citizen. Witherspoon's Scottish ecclesiastical heritage served to vindicate his Enlightenment education by echoing a similar view of restraint and balance.Covenant Pianism, the product of the 16th-Century reformer John Knox and the Westminster Assembly of the 1640s, invoked the supremacy of a sovereign God over all instituted states. In the Scotsman's view, human depravity and selfish ambition would destroy government if not for the diligent vigil of involved, virtuous citizens. Members of society were thus obliged to oppose tyranny -the unjust, illegitimate exercise of civil-religious authority. Hence, both academic enterprise and doctrinal conviction provided Witherspoon a firm theoretical foundation to support the right of resistance.As President of Princeton during the Anglo-American crisis of the 1770s, Witherspoon directed the education of many future leaders of the new American nation. He was certainly not an idealistic crusader nor a reluctant follower, but consistently argued for the right of American colonists to resist the tyranny of England's Parliament. An early supporter of independence, Witherspoon was the only clergyman to sign Jefferson's Declaration. His most significant contributions, though, were made as a committee member in the Second Continental Congress.
Department of History

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Corcoran, Mary Siobhán. « 'Doing your time right' : the punishment and resistance of women political prisoners in Northern Ireland, 1972-1995 ». Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2003. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/5637/.

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The thesis is a case study in prison resistance. It examines the imprisonment and penal treatment of women who were confined for politically motivated offences in Northern Ireland between 1972 and 1995. It comprises an historical account of the main events in the women's prisons during the period, and establishes links between successive phases in the administration of political imprisonment and qualitative shifts in the character of prison regimes. The account also links the various punitive, administrative and gendered regulatory responses by the prison authorities to different strategies of collective organisation and resistance by women political prisoners. In modelling the cycle of punishment and resistance in terms of a dialectic of prison conflict, the thesis also argues that this relationship was grounded in prison regimes that combined both politicised and gendered correctional influences. The theoretical basis of the thesis comes from the Foucauldian formulation that structures of power or authority produce the conditions by which they are resisted. However, the thesis also engages feminist analyses in order to explain how `general' penal procedures take on different forms and meanings according to the disciplinary population upon whom they are practiced. This supports the argument that, just as prison punishment acquires specific forms when applied to different prisoner populations, punishment also forms the context in which prison resistance materialises. The practical and empirical basis of the thesis is grounded in the oral narratives of women former political prisoners, staff, and other relevant participants and observers.

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Conlon, Katie L. « "Neither Men nor Completely Women:" The 1980 Armagh Dirty Protest and Republican Resistance in Northern Irish Prisons ». Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1461339256.

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Rutledge, Vera L. « The Commission of Sir George Carew in 1611 : a review of the exchequer and the judiciary of Ireland ». Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=70349.

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In the summer of 1611, Sir George Carew, the Irish Elizabethan military commander and former president of Munster, was commissioned by the king and his royal council in London to conduct an enquiry into all aspects of the Castle administration. Included in that wide mandate was an investigation into the existing practices and procedures of the Irish exchequer and judiciary, the two most important divisions of the Dublin government. This thesis is concerned with these two aspects of the commission of Sir George Carew. Since it is requisite for an understanding of the terms of reference handed to Sir George Carew in 1611, the study includes an analysis of the exchequer and judiciary between 1603 and 1611. In addition, there is an examination of the fiscal and judicial reforms that the king and his councillors commanded Irish officials to implement between 1613 and 1616. As is shown, these reformist measures were a direct outgrowth of recommendations submitted by Sir George Carew to the English privy council following the conclusion of his commission in 1611.

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Orie, Thembeka. « Raymond Mhlaba and the genesis of the Congress Aliance : a political biography ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/21837.

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Bibliography: pages 122-128.
The dominant and current theory about the African National Congress in the 1940s is that the Youth League in particular, led by the young, aspirant middle-class intellectuals, radicalised the organisation: that it was a bourgeois revolution within the ANC that led to its rejuvenation. This thesis presents an alternative viewpoint. The study reveals that in Port Elizabeth, there was a distinctively communist-trade unionist oriented group which revolutionalised the ANC: It was this group which consolidated racial and class co-operation against the apartheid system in the mid-1940s and early 1950s. This thesis postulates that in Port Elizabeth it was the working-class activists such as Raymond Mhlaba, with their militant working-class ideologies that gave the ANC a new lease of life and gave the organisation its broad mass appeal. The thesis therefore examines Raymond Mhlaba as an actor in the founding of the Congress Alliance in Port Elizabeth. It looks at how Mhlaba succeeded in building a firm alliance between the trade union movement, the Communist Party and the ANC. It is through this alliance that we learn about the political transformation of the ANC 'from below', that is, from a working-class cadre of activists rather than the middle-class leadership. Mhlaba himself was involved in all three formations and thus played a key role in the alliance politics. Chapter one examines the period before 1941 in order to provide background to the central focus of the study. It looks at the history of the Eastern Cape, Mhlaba's birth place Fort Beaufort, and his early life in the context of the subject of enquiry, the national struggle in its wider context, and the political economy of the period between 1910 to 1941. Through these perspectives the study is able to examine and show the changing forms that the struggle takes at different periods of time. It gives an understanding of the influence of those historical developments on the period and of the form that the struggle took during the period under study. Chapter two looks at the period 1942 to 1946, the years of Mhlaba's early involvement in the labour and political movements. It examines how, when and why Mhlaba got involved in these movements. The study considers the relationship between the Council of Non-European Trade Unions (CNETU) trade unionists, the communists and the ANC activists. (Mhlaba belonged to all three formations.) It looks at how the ANC leadership was changed from a middle into a working class and Mhlaba's role in this transformation. Also the study examines how mass action in this period reflected racial and class co- operation; and the emergence of a distinctively working class leadership. Chapter three examines Mhlaba's leadership role in the ANC and the Communist Party. It looks at examples of mass action and a selection of important events that took place between 1947 to 1952, in order to demonstrate how the foundation of the broad Congress Alliance solidified. That unity was influenced by the changing polity, post war conditions, and new leadership which included Mhlaba, in Port Elizabeth. Chapter four examines the clandestine conditions in which Mhlaba operated, from 1953 until his imprisonment at Rivonia in 1963. It looks at: the transition from open mass organisation to underground mobilisation; the implementation of the M-Plan; the activities of the Communist Party underground. At the same time it examines the sustenance of the mass organisation through the formation of the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU) and the use of strategies such as stayaways and consumer boycotts in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The chapter also looks at repression by the government, which led to Mhlaba's departure to China, and finally his arrest at Rivonia in 1963.

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Biaggi, Cecilia. « Catholics in Northern Ireland : political participation and cross-border relations, 1920-1932 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:eeb511c0-ff08-4843-9d8b-bad91046351d.

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Hodder, Robert. « Radical Tasmania : Rebellion, reaction and resistance : A thesis in creative nonfiction ». Thesis, University of Ballarat, 2009. http://researchonline.federation.edu.au/vital/access/HandleResolver/1959.17/37979.

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Heidenreich, Donald Edward Jr 1958. « A FULL CUP : THREE ACTS OF THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT (IRELAND, HERBERT ASQUITH, DAVID LLOYD-GEORGE) ». Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291317.

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Linge, John. « British forces and Irish freedom : Anglo-Irish defence relations 1922-1931 ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/1689.

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Anglo-Free State relations between the wars still awaits a comprehensive study ... This is in par a reflection of the larger failure of British historians to work on Anglo-Irish history '" the Right has been ill at ease dealing with Britan's greatest failure, whilst the Left has found tropical climes more suited for the cultivation of its moral superiority. When R.F.Holland made this apposite comment, just over a decade ago, he may have been adding to the very problems he identified. Writing within the context of the 'Commonweath Alliance', he was joining a distinguished list of British and Irish historians who have sought to fiter inter-war Anglo-Free State relations through the mesh of Empire-Commonweath development. Beginning with A. Berredale Keith in the 1920s, this usage continued in either direct or indirect form (by way of particular institutions of Commonweath) from the 1930s to the 1970s through the works of W.K. Hancock, Nicholas Mansergh and D.W. Harkness, and was still finding favour with Brendan Sexton's study of the Irish Governor-Generalship system in the late 1980s.2 But herein a contradiction has developed: cumulative study of the unnatural origins and performance of the Free State as a Dominion has moved beyond questions of function to ask whether the Free State was in fact ever a Dominion at alL. 3 As such, there seems ever more need to step back from inter-Commonwealth study and refocus on the precise nature of the Free State's central relationship with Britan in this period. It is of course acknowledged that outwith the established zones of internal Irish and Empire-Imperial study there is no home or forum for one of the most enduring quandares of modern Europea history. Even if it is accepted that 'pure' Anglo-Irish history did not end in 1922, the weight of research based on the ten yeas prior, as against the ten yeas subsequent, suggests an easy acceptance, on both sides of the Irish Sea, and Atlantic, of the absolute value changes in that relationship. Studies covering the transition to independence, such as those of Joseph M. CUITan and Sheila Lawlot, have taen only tentative steps beyond 1922, and may indeed have epitomised an approach that subsequent Irish studies have done little to dispel; in the 1980s, major overviews by RF. Foster and J.J. Le have been notably reluctant to evaluate the quality of that new found freedom with continuing reference to Ireland's giant neighbour. Though Foster, and others, have noted that the main aim of the Free State in the 1920s was 'self-definition against Britan', the point is the extent to which Britan was wiling to allow the same. There has then been little impetus for direct Anglo-Free State inter-war study, and although the tide has begun to turn since the mid-1980's, notably through the achievements of Paul Canning, Deidre McMahon and, shortly before his death, Nicholas Mansergh6, it is probable that we are stil a long way short of being able to produce a comprehensive and coherent review of the period. Apar from the crucial Anglo/Irish-Anglo/Commonwealth dichotomy,there remains the political chasm dividing the Cosgrave years of the 1920s from those of de Valera's 1930s; indeed the overwhelming preoccupation with post-1931 confrontations has often, as in the case of McMahon's fine study, taen as its contrasting staing point the supposedly compliant 'pro-Treaty' years of 1922-31. It is hard to bridge this gulf when the little direct work on these earlier years, mostly concentrating on the two fundamenta issues of Boundar and financial settlement, has tended not to question this divide. Although Irish historians have turned an increasingly sympathetic eye on the internal politics and problems of these early yeas, the apathetic external image, in contrast to the later period, has been persistent. Nowhere has this negativity been more apparent than on the, also vita, topic of defence relations. For a subject that has been given more than adequate attention in terms of the 1921 Treaty negotiations and the Treaty Ports issue of the 1930s, the period in between has had little intensive coverage. In this regard the negative response of W.K.Hancock in 1937, stating that Cosgrave did not bother to question British defence imperatives, was stil being held some fifty yeas later by Paul Canning.7 Thus an enduring and importt image has emerged of defence relations re-enforcing the above divide, an image that has had to stand for the lack of new reseach. This does not mea that the image is necessarly an entirely false one, but it does mean that many of the supposed novelties of the de Valera yeas have been built on largely unknown foundations. The Treaty Ports issue is also vita to this thesis, but then so are other defence related matters which had an impact specific to the 1920s. In other words, the human and political context of how both countries, but the Irish government in paricular, coped with the immediate legacy of centuries of armed occupation, with the recent 1916-21 conflct, and with the smaller scale continuity of British occupation, was bound to cast old shadows over a new relationship. But how big were these shadows? It was on the basis of placing some detaled flesh on the skeleton of known (and unknown) policies and events that this thesis took shape. Frustrations and resentments could tae necessarily quieter forms than those which characterised the 1930s, and in the end be no less significant. If the first objective is then to make solid the continuity of defence affairs, it is appropriate to begin with a brief evaluation of the Treaty defence negotiations before tang a close look at British operations in the South in 1922 - the year when a reluctant Cosgrave was to inherit a situation where British forces were close to the development of civil war. Despite our growing knowledge of Britan's part in the progress of that war, there is stil a general perception that its forces became peripheral to events after the Truce of July 1921, and that its Army was, and had been, the only British Service involved in the struggle against armed republicanism.This is simply not the case, and it is to be wondered whether the proper absorption of Irish historians with the internal dynamics of the period, together with the authoritative quality of Charles Townshend's history of the 1919-21 British campaign, have not produced inhibitions to wider inquiry. 8 In any event, as the Admiralty was to play a central par in later defence relations it seems right to introduce, for the first time, the Royal Navy's importt role in the events of 1922. The point here is to establish that the actions and perceptions of both Services were to have repercussions for later attitudes. After these chapters, the following two aim to look at the cumulative legacy of British involvement and how both countries adjusted to the many unresolved questions thrown up by the Treaty and the unplanned contingencies of 1922. Retaining the theme that neither country could escape the past, nor trust to the future, chapter six returns to the physical and political impact made by the continuing presence of British forces in and around the three Treaty Ports, and along and across the Border. The final two chapters explore how all these factors helped determine the conditions for, and consequences of, one of the most damaging episodes of the later 1920s - the complete failure of the joint coasta defence review scheduled for December 1926.In all, the cumulative emphasis on the politics of defence may ilustrate what it was to be a small aspiring country that had little choice but to accept Britan's version of what was an inevitably close relationship, and to endure what Britan claimed as the benign strategic necessity of continued occupation.

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Lyle, Julia A. « The Grass-Roots Challenges with Administration : Conscription Evasion, Contraband, and Resistance in Napoleonic Europe ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1233.

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The French model of the nineteenth century led the way to modernity in establishing centralized administrative governments throughout Continental Europe. Several Napoleonic policies that led to the establishment of a modern centralized state were not positive in their effects on the local communities. Research widely categorizes resistance to the Napoleonic program as either militarily or economically based. This study uses the French court cases from the Court of Cassation dated 1804 to 1820 to provide a different interpretation to the discussion of local resistance to Napoleonic authority on an international level. Conscription fraud, contraband, and resistance to government officials reveal that the local reaction in the French jurisdiction was based on contempt for both economic and military policies. The research exhibits that the grass-roots nature of the resistance against the economic and military policies experienced under the Napoleonic umbrella were comparatively similar in local opposition.

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Bruce, Gary. « Resistance in the Soviet Occupied ZoneGerman Democratic Republic, 1945-1955 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35663.

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The following study traces the history of fundamental political resistance to Communism in the Soviet Occupied Zone/German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955. The two most tangible manifestations of this form of resistance are dealt with: actions of members of the non-Marxist parties before being co-opted into the Communist system, and the popular uprising on 17 June 1953. In both manifestations, the state's abuse of basic rights of its citizens---such as freedom of speech and personal legal security---played a dominant role in motivation to resist.
This study argues that the 17 June uprising was an act of fundamental resistance which aimed to remove the existing political structures in the German Democratic Republic. By examining the Soviet Occupied Zone and German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955, it becomes clear that there existed in the population a basic rejection of the Communist system which was entwined with the regime's disregard for basic rights. Protestors on 17 June 1953 demonstrated for the release of political prisoners, and voiced political demands similar to those which had been raised by oppositional members of the non-Marxist parties in the German Democratic Republic prior to their being forced into line. The organized political resistance in the non-Marxist parties represented "Resistance with the People" (Widerstand mit Volk).

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Ferguson, William Alexander Stewart. « Scottish-Irish governmental relations, 1660-90 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283971.

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Du, Toit Andries, et Toit Andries Du. « The National Committee for Liberation ("ARM"), 1960-1964 : sabotage and the question of the ideological subject ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/23207.

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Subject Matter: The dissertation gives an account of the history of the National Committee for Liberation (NCL), an anti-apartheid sabotage organisation that existed between 1960 and 1964. The study is aimed both at narrating its growth and development in the context of South Africa in the 1950s and 1960s, and explaining its strategic and political choices. In particular, the reasons for its isolation from the broader muggle against Apartheid and its inability to transcend this isolation are investigated. Sources: Discussion of the context of the NCL's development depended on secondary historical works by scholars such as Tom Lodge, Paul Rich, C.J. Driver and Janet Robertson as well as archival sources. The analysis of liberal discourse in the 1950s and 1960s also drew heavily on primary sources such as the liberal journals Contact, Africa South and The New African. Secondary sources were also used for the discussion of the NCL's strategy in the context of the development of a theory of revolutionary guerrilla warfare after the Second World War: here the work of Robert Taber, John Bowyer Bell, Kenneth Grundy and Edward Feit was central. The history of the NCL itself was reconstructed from trial records, newspapers and personal interviews. Archival sources such as The Karis-Carter collection, the Hoover Institute microfilm collection of South African political documents, the Paton Papers, the Ernie Wentzel papers were also extensively used. Methodology: The discussion of the discourse of liberal NCL members depended on a post-structuralist theory of subjectivity. The conceptual underpinnings of the thesis were provided by on the work of Jacques Lacan, Louis Althusser, Michel Pecheux, Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe and Slavoj Zizek. Pechcux's elaboration of the Althusserian concept of interpellation formed the basis of a discourse analysis of NCL texts. In the interviews, some use was also made of techniques of ethnographic interviewing developed by qualitative sociologists such as James Spradley. Conclusions: The analysis focused on the way NCL discourse constructed NCL members as "ordinary persons", a subject-position which implied a radical opposition between political struggle and ideological commitment. The NCL's strategic difficulties were related to the contradictions this discourse, related to metropolitan political traditions that valorised civil society, manifested in the context of post-Sharpeville South Africa. These contradictions were explored in terms of the Lacanian notion of the "ideological fantasy". The dissertation thus closes with a consideration, both of the importance of the ideological traditions identified in the analysis of NCL discourse, and the methodological importance of non-reductive conceptualisations of political identity and ideology.

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Dunn, Nicholas Roger. « The castle, the custom house and the cabinet : administration and policy in famine Ireland, 1845-1849 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e2df9d8d-27b3-4785-afce-453ec8984d21.

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It is the contention of this thesis that the activities of, and the influences on, the senior administrators based in the Castle and the Custom House in Dublin during the Great Irish Famine are an essential element to understanding the formulation and execution of Irish Famine relief policy. The principal aim of the study is to articulate the role played by these administrators in the formulation of relief policy. Emphasis is also given to the debates in the Cabinet over Irish relief policy and the influence of the administrators on those debates. The subject of the first chapter is the Science Commission. It examines in turn Peel's motivations for establishing the Science Commission, the chronology of events leading up to its establishment and the activities of the Commissioners both in England and Ireland. The second chapter concerns the Scarcity Commission established by Peel and Graham. It explores the motivations behind the selection of individual Commissioners and the relationships between the Commissioners. It also considers and contrasts the tasks that were officially assigned to the Commissioners and the limited use to which their conclusions were put by the Government. Chapters three and four deal with the Board of Works and in particular its influence on the formulation and administration of relief policy of Richard Griffith, Thomas Larcom, and Harry Jones. The activities of the Commissioners after the reconfiguration of the Board of Works by Act of Parliament in 1846 are examined and the fourth chapter seeks to establish in detail the political context surrounding-the decision to abandon relief by public employment as revealed in the Cabinet discussions at the time. The final chapter examines the actions of Edward Twisleton in Ireland during the Famine and his influence, or lack of it, on the formulation of relief policy. A detailed account is offered of the political context of the Poor Law Extension Act. Twisleton's relationships with both the Treasury and Clarendon, and the motives underlying his resignation in March 1849, are investigated.

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Page, Michael von Tangen. « The IRA, Sinn Fein and the hunger strike of 1981 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14348.

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This thesis examines the 1981 hunger strike by republican prisoners in Northern Ireland against the removal of special category status from newly convicted paramilitary prisoners on 1 March 1976, the fast was part of a protest that began in 1976. The thesis opens with an examination of the origins of the Provisional Irish Republican Army in 1969 and the emergence of a younger leadership in the late 1970's, and evaluates the significance of the prisons in Irish history. The development of the prisoners protests ranging from the refusal to put on a uniform and perform prison work to the rejection of sanitary or washing facilities, is analysed. The prisoners demands are examined in the context of British and international law. The campaign in support of the republican prisoners conducted outside the Maze Prison, including the formation of the Relatives Action Committee and the National H-Block/Armagh Committee is surveyed, and the female "dirty" protest at Armagh Prison is examined. The medical, ethical, and moral dilemmas presented by hunger striking are identified and the thesis examines the debate whether the men who died were suicides or martyrs. The 1980 and 1981 hunger strikes are examined with particular attention to the efforts to bring about a compromise with the British government and the factors leading to a new hunger strike in 1981 and to the intervention of the Catholic Church with the prisoners relatives which ended the fast. The hunger strike is analysed regarding its effect internationally in building up republican support, and in the Province where it acted as the base for the future success of Provisional Sinn Fein later in the decade.

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Musemwa, Muchaparara. « Aspects of the social and political history of Langa Township, Cape Town, 1927-1948 ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/21707.

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Bibliography: pages 198-213.
This study focuses on the social and political history of Africans in Langa Township from 1927 to 1948. Langa conveniently and justifiably serves as a good case study of the urban African experience because it is the area in Greater Cape Town, during this period, where there was the largest concentration of a relatively organised, stabilised and permanent African working class community. It is also the oldest township with the deepest roots and longest evolution in Cape Town. Langa also makes an interesting area of study because the politics surrounding its evolution as an urban African segregated residential township presents it not only as an arena of social conflict between the ruler and the ruled, but also stands out as a veritable testimony of the African struggle to become an integral part of the city. The thesis traces what, initially, began as an "externalised" struggle by Africans against the forced removals from the city and Ndabeni Location to Langa and attempts to establish the continuities of this struggle within the township - i.e."internalised" struggle. African popular struggles in Langa predominantly centred around such issues as rents, railway fares, living conditions, restrictions on beer brewing and trading activities, the demand for direct municipal representation and the freedom of movement. The study explores the nature of the relationship that subsisted between the Langa residents and the Cape Town City Council and the internal social and political relations in the Langa community, paying particular attention to conflicting tendencies and the forms of resolution implemented. The thesis aims to highlight the fact that protest and resistance were the only weapons that empowered the Langa residents to fight against unilateral unpopular decisions by the local authority or central government. Flowing from these findings is an attempt to discover how the lived experiences of the Langa people, their frustrations, disillusionment, crises of expectations, translated into political consciousness and how these help us to explain the people's role in nationalist politics. Alternatively, this will help us to explain how political parties, the African National Congress (ANC), the Communist Party of South Africa (CPS A), and the National Liberation League (NLL) exploited the crises in civic matters to enhance or strengthen their support bases and with what results.

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Lanxon, Robert Emmett. « The politics of disestablishment : Gladstone and the Fenians ». PDXScholar, 1987. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3717.

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In early 1868 William E. Gladstone presented several bills in Parliament to disestablish the Church of Ireland. Prior to 1868 Gladstone had stated his opposition to the official connection between the Church of Ireland and the State. Gladstone, however, had also claimed that he was not in favor of immediate action and instead advocated restraint in attacking the Church of Ireland. The 1860's also saw the rise of the Fenian organization. The Fenians were dedicated to the overthrow of English rule in Ireland and the establishment of an Irish republic. The role that the Fenians played in convincing Gladstone to disestablish the Irish church has received varying interpretations from historians; yet no attempt has been made to look closely at the issue.

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Paterson, Craig. « Prohibition & ; resistance : a socio-political exploration of the changing dynamics of the southern African cannabis trade, c. 1850 - the present ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002403.

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Looking primarily at the social and political trends in South Africa over the course of the last century and a half, this thesis explores how these trends have contributed to the establishment of the southern Africa cannabis complex. Through an examination of the influence which the colonial paradigm based on Social Darwinian thinking had on the understanding of the cannabis plant in southern Africa, it is argued that cannabis prohibition and apartheid laws rested on the same ideological foundation. This thesis goes on to argue that the dynamics of cannabis production and trade can be understood in terms of the interplay between the two themes of ‘prohibition’ and ‘resistance’. Prohibition is not only understood to refer to cannabis laws, but also to the proscription of inter-racial contact and segregation dictated by the apartheid regime. Resistance, then, refers to both resistance to apartheid and resistance to cannabis laws in this thesis. Including discussions on the hippie movement and development of the world trade, the anti-apartheid movement, the successful implementation of import substitution strategies in Europe and North America from the 1980’s, and South Africa’s incorporation into the global trade, this thesis illustrates how the apartheid system (and its collapse) influenced the region’s cannabis trade.

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Jones, David. « Objecting to apartheid : the history of the end conscription campaign ». Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1005998.

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It is important that the story of organisations like the End Conscription Campaign be recorded. The narrative of the struggle against apartheid has become a site of contestation. As the downfall of apartheid is still a relatively recent event, the history is still in the process of formation. There is much contestation over the relative contributions of different groups within the struggle. This is an important debate as it informs and shapes the politics of the present. A new official narrative is emerging which accentuates the role of particular groupings, portraying them as the heroes and the leaders of the struggle. A new elite have laid exclusive claim to the heritage of the struggle and are using this narrative to justify their hold on power through the creation of highly centralised political structures in which positions of power are reserved for loyal cadres and independent thinking and questioning are seen as a threat. A complementary tradition of grassroots democracy, of open debate and transparency, of “people’s power”, of accountability of leadership to the people fostered in the struggle is being lost. It is important to contest this narrative. We need to remember that the downfall of apartheid was brought about by a myriad combination of factors and forces. Current academic interpretations emphasize that no one group or organisation, no matter how significant its contribution, was solely responsible. There was no military victory or other decisive event which brought the collapse of the system, rather a sapping of will to pay the ever increasing cost to maintain it. The struggle against apartheid involved a groundswell, popular uprising in which the initiative came not from centralised political structures, orchestrating a grand revolt, but from ordinary South Africans who were reacting to the oppressive nature of a brutally discriminatory system which sought to control every aspect of their lives.4 Leaders and structures emerged organically as communities organised themselves around issues that affected them. Organisations that emerged were highly democratic and accountable to their members. There was no grand plan or centralised control of the process. As Walter Benjamin warned in a different context, but applicable here: “All rulers are the heirs of those who have conquered before them.” He feared that what he referred to as a historicist view constructed a version of history as a triumphal parade of progress. “Whoever has emerged victorious” he reminds us “participates to this day in the triumphal procession in which the present rulers step over those who are lying prostrate. According to traditional practice the spoils are carried along in the procession.” 5 He was warning of just such a tendency, which has been repeated so often in the past, for the victors to construct a version of history which ends up justifying a new tyranny. To counter this tendency it is important that other histories of the struggle are told – that the stories of other groups, which are marginalised by the new hegemonic discourse, are recorded.This aim of this dissertation is thus two-fold. Firstly it aims to investigate “the story” of the End Conscription Campaign, which has largely been seen as a white anti-apartheid liberal organisation. The objective is to provide a detailed historical account and periodisation of the organisation to fill in the gaps and challenge the distortions of a new emerging “official” discourse.Secondly within this framework, and by using the activities and strategies of the organisation as evidence for its suppositions, the question of the role played by the ECC in the struggle.

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Skidmore, Monique. « The politics of space and form : cultural idioms of resistance and re-membering in Cambodia ». Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22628.

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The subject of this paper is of cultures of terror, and more specifically of the possibility of resistance in a context of extreme fear. The focus is upon ways in which survivors of the Pol Pot regime devise strategies of embodied resistance, and rebuild notions such as identity and bodily integrity, within a Buddhist framework, to the dominant discourse of terror in contemporary Cambodian society.
The paper problematizes the concept of "order" and questions its validity as a dominant paradigm in anthropology. Further, in searching for new ways of theorizing and writing about resistance and terror, it suggests that a more power conscious analysis of popular religion and ritual may prove enlightening.
A theoretical framework is derived from a review of anthropological studies of terror and political violence. Of particular interest is the concept of "spaces of resistance" and the notions of "spaces of violence" and "bodily resistance" which it invokes. From within this framework the Dhammayietra, or peace walk, is considered as an embodied symbol of resistance and empowerment. It is hypothesized that the Dhammayietra may provide a way in which, through the symbolic "washing away" of Khmer Rouge memories; through the creation of new collective memories; and through the reclaiming of a physical manifestation (Angkor Wat) of the Buddhist-centered world view, some Cambodians may be able, at least in part, to emerge from the sensorially numb space which they created in order to survive the bodily, intellectual, and emotional assault upon their persons, culture, and religions by the Khmer Rouge.

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Williams, Mark. « The King's Irishmen : the roles, impact and experiences of the Irish in the exiled Court of Charles II, 1649-60 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669983.

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Skagen, Kristin. « Liberation movements in Southern Africa : the ANC (South Africa) and ZANU (Zimbabwe) compared ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1984.

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Thesis MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.
Liberation movements came into being across the entire African continent as a political response to colonisation. However, Africa has in this field, as in so many others, been largely understudied, in comparison to revolutionary movements in South America and South East Asia. While many case studies on specific liberation movements exist, very few are comparative in nature. This study will do precisely that using the framework of Thomas H. Greene. The resistance movements in South Africa and Zimbabwe, then Rhodesia, consisted of several organisations, but the ones that emerged as the most powerful and significant in the two countries were the ANC and ZANU respectively. Although their situations were similar in many ways, there were other factors that necessarily led to two very different liberation struggles. This study looks closer at these factors, why they were so, and what this meant for the two movements. It focuses on the different characteristics of the movements, dividing these into leadership, support base, ideology, organisation, strategies and external support. All revolutionary movements rely on these factors to varying degrees, depending on the conditions they are operating under. The ANC and ZANU both had to fight under very difficult and different circumstances, with oppressive minority regimes severely restricting their actions. This meant that the non-violent protests that initially were a great influence for the leadership of both movements – especially with the successes of Mahatma Gandhi in South Africa and India, inevitably had to give way to the more effective strategies of sabotage and armed struggle. Like other African resistance movements, nationalism was used as the main mobilising tool within the populations. In South Africa the struggle against apartheid was more complex and multidimensional than in Zimbabwe. Ultimately successful in their efforts, the ANC and ZANU both became the political parties that assumed power after liberation. This study does not extend to post-liberation problems.

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O'Hara, David A. 1962. « English newsbooks and the Irish rebellion of 1641, 1641-1649 ». Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37801.

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The outbreak and continued progress of the Irish rebellion of 1641 played a significant role in the birth and development of domestic newsbooks in England between 1641--49. This thesis examines the manner in which these periodicals reported the insurrection to their readers. As relations between king and parliament deteriorated during the winter of 1641--42, the attention awarded to this uprising by these publications helped to ensure that Ireland became a popular concern. Weekly chronicles of Irish affairs continued unabated after the onset of civil war in England. Amid fears that Ireland could be utilized by Charles I in his struggle with Westminster, pro-parliamentary, and subsequently pro-royalist editors employed the rebellion as part of a propaganda war that accompanied armed conflict in all three Stuart kingdoms. Accordingly, this study suggests that a principle stratagem of the newsbooks was not necessarily to communicate news of Irish matters, but more often than not, their motivation lay in manipulating accounts relating to the rebellion in order to wage political combat in England.

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Estrada, Mejía Rafael Ignacio. « Desterritorialização e resistências = viajantes forçados colombianos em São Paulo e Barcelona ». [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280700.

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Orientador: Maria Suely Kofes
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Esta tese visa analisar o processo de desterritorialização geográfico e existencial, experimentado por viajantes forçados colombianos refugiados nas cidades de São Paulo e Barcelona. A minha hipótese é que este fenômeno obedece a estados de guerra prolongados que na Colômbia se manifestam por meio da existência de domínios territoriais, contra-estatais e paraestatais, que disputam a soberania do Estado e conformam ordens de fato com ambições soberanas. Neles se luta por uma dominação territorial, por uma ordem justa, pela submissão de seus moradores e por uma representação soberana, características que levam a concluir que se trata de guerras pela construção da nação. Desse modo, o encontro com a guerra implica um devir-estrangeiro que emerge ao traspassar as fronteiras nacionais, ao ser submetido a controles migratórios, ao ser contrastado com os cidadãos, ao ser alvo de dispositivos discriminatórios como é caso do uso de estigmas ou estereótipos negativos. Não obstante, a desterritorialização tem provocado as mais variadas resistências, desde as reivindicações ao rebusque. As resistências se expressam de forma impetuosa, sutil, visível ou oculta, configurando o que Scott chama de infrapolítica, Certeau de antidisciplina ou Pécaut de savoir-faire ao qual se recorre em caso de necessidade. Baseado na análise micropolítica proposta por Deleuze e Guattari, sugiro um olhar antropológico que privilegia o occursus (encontro, devir) como via de acesso à alteridade
Abstract: This thesis aims to analyze the geographic and existential deterritorialization process experienced by forced Colombian travelers who have taken refuge in the cities of São Paulo and Barcelona. My hypothesis is that this phenomenon obeys prolonged states of war which in Colombia are characterized by the coexistence of parastatal domains and domains that are occupied by opponents of the government. These domains dispute State sovereignty and impose rules to fulfill sovereign ambitions. There is fight for territorial dominance, state of justice, population submission, and sovereign representation. These characteristics lead to the conclusion that this process consists of a war for the construction of a nation. In this sense, encounter the war implies becoming-foreigner that emerges as national borders are trespassed and the individuals are submitted to migration control, are contrasted with citizens, and become the target of discriminatory devices; e.g., use of stigma and negative stereotypes. Notwithstanding, deterritorialization has evoked various types of resistance, ongoing from vindications to rebusque (resourcefulness). Resistance is expressed in an impetuous, subtle, noticeable, or concealed way, constituting what Scott, Certeau, and Pécaut designate infrapolitics, antidiscipline, or savoir-faire, respectively, which individuals resort to in the event of necessity. On the basis of the micropolitical analysis proposed by Deleuze and Guattari, I suggest an anthropological approach that favors the occursus (encounter, becoming) as a means to achieve alterity
Doutorado
Doutor em Antropologia Social

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Pfister, Roger. « Apartheid South Africa's foreign relations with African states, 1961-1994 ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007632.

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This thesis examines South Africa's foreign relations, viewed from a South African perspective, with the black African countries beyond southern Africa from 1961 to 1994. These relations were determined by the conflict between Pretoria's apartheid ideology on the one hand, and African continental rejection of South Africa's race discrimination policies and its exclusion from the community of African states on the other. The documentary material used primarily stems from the Department of Foreign Affairs archive in Pretoria, supplemented by research conducted in other archives. Furthermore, we conducted interviews and correspondence, and consulted the relevant primary and secondary literature. Given the main source of information, we chose to make this work a case study in Diplomatic History. In consequence, and constituting the core of the study, Chapters 3 to 6 explore the interaction between South Africa and the black African states in a chronological order. At the same time, we draw on the analytical concepts from the academic disciplines of Political Science and its derivative, International Relations, to comprehend developments more fully. We discuss the significance of the approaches from these two disciplines in both the Introduction and Chapter 2. In particular, we emphasise that this study is about Pretoria's foreign policy, involving state and non-state actors, and we suggest that the unequal status between South Africa and the other African states constitutes an inherent factor in the relationship between them. The Conclusion examines the role of the state and non-state actors in determining Pretoria's foreign relations and the relevance of the structural imbalance between South Africa and the black African states in this context.

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Tenshak, Juliet. « Bearing witness to an era : contemporary Nigerian fiction and the return to the recent past ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/27349.

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The body of writing collectively referred to as third generation or contemporary Nigerian literature emerged on the international literary scene from about the year 2000. This writing is marked by attempts to negotiate contemporary identities, and it engages with various developments in the Nigerian nation: Nigeria’s past and current political and socio-economic state, different kinds of cultural hybridization as well as the writers increasing transnational awareness. This study argues that contemporary Nigerian fiction obsessively returns to the period from 1985-1998 as a historical site for narrating the individual and collective Nigerian experience of the trauma of military dictatorship, which has shaped the contemporary reality of the nation. The study builds on existing critical work on contemporary Nigerian fiction, in order to highlight patterns and ideas that have hitherto been neglected in scholarly work in this field. The study seeks to address this gap in the existing critical literature by examining third-generation Nigerian writing’s representation of this era in a select corpus of work spanning from 2000-06: Okey Ndibe’s Arrows of Rain (2000), Helon Habila’s Waiting for an Angel (2002), Sefi Atta’s Everything Good will Come (2005), and Chimamanda Adichie’s Purple Hibiscus (2006). The four novels chosen were written in response to military rule and dictatorship in the 80s and 90s, and they all feature representations of state violence. This study finds that, despite variations in the novels aesthetic modes, violence, control, silencing, dictatorship, alienation, the trauma of everyday life and resistance recur in realist modes. Above all, the study argues that contemporary Nigerian fiction’s insistent representation of the violent past of military rule in Nigeria is a means of navigating the complex psychological and political processes involved in dealing with post-colonial trauma by employing writing as a form of resistance.

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Chang, Lily. « Contested childhoods : law and social deviance in wartime China, 1937-1945 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ac4d436e-63a4-42ce-b2df-f3edb1c556f3.

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“Contested Childhoods” links together three major areas of historical inquiry: war and criminality, law and social change, and the law as it relates to children, in the first half of twentieth-century China. The founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949 has eclipsed the historical significance of Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist Government and the importance of its role during the wartime period. This study examines how the outbreak of China’s War of Resistance against Japan (1937-1945) served as a crucial catalyst to the construction of ideas of criminality and its relation to children during the wartime period. It examines the different measures by which Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist Government (1928-1949) attempted to handle the rise in levels of criminality involving juveniles. The study analyses how an increase in criminality during the wartime period challenged how ideas on and about children and childhood were in understood within Chinese society. Moreover, it argues that wartime conditions served as a crucial catalyst prompted the construction of a new judicial and legal framework that was aimed at delineating the boundaries between childhood and adulthood during this period.

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Ali, Shara. « The 'pronunciamiento' in Yucatán : from independence to independence (1821-1840) ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1693.

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Unique to nineteenth-century Spain and Central America, the pronunciamiento can be interpreted as an act of insubordination against ruling authorities, which included a written document with a list of complaints or demands. The practice was almost always carried out by members of the army, but usually involved heavy participation by political and civilian sectors of society as well. The pronunciamiento more often than not contained a threat of military violence if the grievances of the pronunciados were not listened to; as a result, it carried with it the implicit consequence of armed revolt. The pronunciamiento was responsible for major political changes in early nineteenth-century Mexico and Yucatán, and was also one of the most powerful forces of political and societal destabilisation during this period. Indeed, the pronunciamiento was responsible for the establishment of federalist and centralist systems, changes of constitutions, and constant overthrows of presidents. This was also true on a smaller scale in Yucatán, as the pronunciamiento was not only used to depose governors and administrations, but was the key negotiatory mechanism between the Yucatecan and Mexican administrations; yucatecos resorted to the pronunciamiento to realise their secessions from and reunifications to Mexico throughout the early nineteenth century. The aim of this thesis is to expose the dynamic of the Yucatecan pronunciamiento. It will challenge the present depiction of the pronunciamiento as military exercise of destabilization, and will instead concentrate on exposing it as a highly intricate process of political representation and negotiation, at both local and national levels. This will not only contribute toward a greater understanding of pronunciamiento culture on a local and more general scale, but will also reveal a more comprehensive analysis of the socio-political and economic circumstances of nineteenth-century Yucatán. This in turn will aid in re-defining early nineteenth-century Mexico, questioning its traditional depiction as an age of “chaos”, and instead exposing it as one dominated by political and ideological forces and factions, who used the pronunciamiento to express their beliefs and to negotiate for change.

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McDonald, Kerry. « The experience of the pronunciamiento in San Luis Potosí, 1821-1849 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1965.

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The Hispanic phenomenon of the pronunciamiento, particularly prominent in nineteenth-century Mexico, is just one example of an insurrectionary political act that has contributed to the traditional portrait of chaos and disorder that has tainted much of our interpretation of the country‟s socio-political history. Once considered to be a violent, non-ideological, praetorian military act, recent studies reveal that the pronunciamiento was primarily a written petition that sought to further political proposals or address particular grievances through negotiation (albeit often backed by the threat of force). Although the military were largely the most visible leaders of the pronunciamiento, a plethora of political and civilian actors and interest groups partook in the practice with the intention of having their grievances/demands attended to by the national government. As well as being viewed as one of the causes of chronic instability, the pronunciamiento was also the primary mechanism employed to bring about tangible political changes throughout the country. At the local level of San Luis Potosí, the pronunciamiento seed also germinated and was used by all political groups and factions in their negotiations with local and national authorities alike. Local interests were often at the heart of these negotiations and so dictated the nature of the pronunciamiento in San Luis Potosí. This dissertation will explore and analyse the pronunciamiento practice, its origins, dynamics and nature, from the regional perspective of San Luis Potosí. Bearing in mind that the pronunciamiento was borne out of, and operated in a specific socio-political-economic context of constitutional disarray and transition, its analysis will also further our understanding of the broader socio-political culture not only of San Luis Potosí, but of Mexico in general. This in turn will contribute to the acknowledged need for reinterpretation and revaluation of the tumultuous period of early nineteenth-century Mexico. It will expose the period as an age of democratic revolutions; of intense political debate between emergent political groups and factions, who increasingly used the pronunciamiento to further an ideological stance, represent a spectrum of interests and force some kind of political change both at a national and regional level when all other constitutional options had been exhausted.

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Manona, C. W. « The drift from the farms to town : a case study of migration from white-owned farms in the Eastern Cape to Grahamstown ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002651.

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The study deals with the migration of large numbers of black workers from white-owned farms in the Albany and Bathurst districts to Grahamstown. In South Africa the migration of farm residents to the towns has not yet received much attention from researchers. Instead, most migrant studies have concentrated on the migration from the 'homeland' areas and for this reason little is known about the people who have been associated with the farms in some cases for five generations. From the 1940s these farms were rapidly losing labour largely on account of the introduction of mechanization and land rationalization. At that time many farm dwellers were migrating to Grahamstown and, to same extent, Port Elizabeth. The past few decades witnessed a massive further migration from these farms and this, together with natural increase, contributed to the 53,9% increase in Graharnstown's black population in the 1970-80 decade. The study has these aims: 1. To consider the factors that have promoted the move away from the farms , especially as from the end of the Second World War. 2. To account for the overwhelming attraction of Grahamstown as a destination among those who must, or decide to, migrate. 3. To assess the mode of adaptation of those who settle in Grahamstown pennanently. Those who have been in town for several decades provide a background for the central focus of the study, the new irrmigrants who came to town a decade ago or more recently. The latter include people who migrated to town from August 1984, i.e. during a period of extra-ordinary political developments and serious unrest in Grahamstown. The study places an emphasis on the way the imnigrants themselves perceive the process. The aims of the study which have been mentioned above revolve around the impoverishment of rural inhabitants who must now work for wages with hardly any measure of autonomy over the major aspects of their lives while those who go and live in town must contend with a competitive urban economy in which economic opportunities are scarce. This is the central problem of this thesis.

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Bagatim, Alessandra. « Personagens, trajetoria e historias das Forças Armadas de Libertação Nacional ». [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280391.

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Orientador: Edgar Salvadori De Decca
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo mostrar o processo de formação e a atuação de um grupo de esquerda armado dos anos 60 auto nomeado Forças Armadas de Libertação Nacional (FALN). A atuação local e isolada deste grupo que, atipicamente, desenvolveu suas ações no interior de São Paulo, na cidade de Ribeirão Preto, e a participação de trabalhadores rurais entre seus membros são características que o diferenciam dos demais. O desenrolar da pesquisa traz uma contextualização sobre os movimentos políticos, econômicos e sociais ocorridos em Ribeirão Preto no decorrer da década de 50 e, principalmente, na década de 60. Mostra os caminhos percorridos pelos integrantes do grupo, desde o momento anterior à formação da FALN até serem descobertos e presos. Destaca, por fim, a participação de alguns trabalhadores rurais no grupo e a forma como a Igreja católica local viu-se envolvida nesta trama política
Abstract: This research has the main objective to show the formation process and the activity of an armed left group in the 1960s, self named National Armed Forces of Liberation (FALN). The local and isolated activity of this group that atypically developed their actions in the interior of the State of São Paulo, in the city of Ribeirão Preto, and the participation of rural workers among their members are characteristics that make this group very different from the others. The development of the research gives us a contextualization about the social, political and economic movements that happened in Ribeirão Preto in the 1960s, mainly in the 1960s. It shows the ways traveled by the members of the group since the first moment of the FALN formation until their members be discovered and imprisoned. The research also emphasizes the participation of some rural workers in the group and how the local Catholic Church was involved in that political plot
Mestrado
Politica, Memoria e Cidade
Mestre em História

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Bernhoff, Arthur. « Strength in a weakened state : interpreting Hizb’allah's experiences as a social movement and governing coalition in Lebanon 1985-2013 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6729.

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This study investigates Hizb'allah's successful but competing dual development as an extra-institutional Shi'a social movement and an institutional political party. Hizb'allah has traditionally been studied from the perspective of one of its many natures, such as a social movement, Islamic movement, resistance, or political party, each perspective bringing with it limitations and differing interpretations of its identity, motivations, and success. The motivation behind this research was to seek an interpretation of the movement's development and success that would encompass these multiple natures. Through an interpretation of social movement ‘life-cycles', a social movement ‘development model' is proposed that accounts for contradicting theories on the ‘success' of social movements, interpreting success instead as an ability to exhibit simultaneous institutional and extra-institutional natures. The hypothesis provided in this work is that it is an ability to simultaneously exhibit institutional and extra-institutional natures that can be a source of strength and success for a movement, drawing capital from both while avoiding accountability that typically accompanies institutional politics. This challenges traditional theoretical approaches in terms of linear life-cycles with few paths for the social movement to choose from. In turn, questions arise regarding notions of social movement life-cycles being uni-directional, continuously progressing towards ‘institutionalization' or demise. Ideas of an ‘end-date' or ‘inevitable outcome' of social movements are also confronted. This interdisciplinary study is conducted by means of media, archival, and empirical research (participant observation, interviews, and surveys), focusing on changing constituent perceptions of the movement between 1985 and 2013. It is also argued that Hizb'allah's strength is its ability to draw from both extra-institutional and institutional resources while simultaneously avoiding accountability. However, it was also found that, by forming the 2011 governing coalition, the movement upset this balance by subjecting itself to accountability inherent in governance, in turn leading to ‘schizophrenic behaviour' as Hizb'allah sought to serve conflicting constituent and state interests. The significance of this research is that it not only provides an explanation for Hizb'allah's success, but also provides an interpretation of social movement development that accounts for multi-natured movements.

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REINISCH, Dieter. « Subjectivity, political education, and resistance : an oral history of Irish Republican prisoners, 1971-2000 ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/55784.

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Defence date: 12 June 2018
Examining Board: Prof. Laura Lee Downs (EUI/Supervisor) ; Dr Sean Brady (Birkbeck, University of London) ; Prof. Alexander Etkind (EUI) ; Prof. Robert W. White (Indiana University - Purdue University Indianapolis)
This PhD thesis is an oral history project with former Irish Republican prisoners in the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland. It discusses the relationship between three themes, those of political subjectivity, political education, and collective resistance. Based on extensive life-story interviews with 34 ex-prisoners, I examine the evolution of their subjective understandings of self and identity at the intersection of informal education in the prisons and collective resistance. Using the recent conflict in Ireland as a case study, I provide insight into the role of political prisoners in ending armed conflicts, and into the personal and political development of radical activists during their imprisonment. Of the many groups supporting the Northern Irish peace process in the 1990s, one of the most remarkable is that of the former inmates of internment camps and prisons. What makes this group so noteworthy is the fact that it was formed of collectives of political prisoners who were almost entirely self-educated. It is this aspect that this PhD thesis focuses on: that is, that due to their self-education the Republican internees and prisoners could influence political developments outside the prisons from within their organisations. I argue that the key to the process of (political) subjectivity, the becoming of a subject inside and outside the prisons, is political education. It was, namely, the self-organised lectures and debates that formed the subject politically and strengthened the inmates’ identity as ‘Prisoners of War’. This subjectivity enabled them to stage acts of resistance in defence of their developed identity. In other words, the self-awareness gained through self-education of young, politically inexperienced subjects empowered the individual prisoners to resist as a collective in the total institution that was the Irish and British prison system during the Northern Irish conflict. In essence, the aim of this thesis is to analyse the role Republican activists in the internment camps and prisons played, as well as their interaction with the outside Irish Republican movement beyond the high-profile hunger strikes of 1980/81. Consequently, the work contributes to the modern history of Britain and Ireland by throwing light on one of the key factors that facilitated the peace process in the 1990s.

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WHELEHAN, Niall. « Dreamers, dupes and dynamiters : political violence and the transnational flows of Irish nationalism, 1865-1885 ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12710.

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Defence Date: 23/09/2009
Examining Board: Professor Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, EUI (Supervisor); Professor J. J. Lee, NYU (External Supervisor); Professor Kiran Patel, EUI; Dr. Fearghal McGarry, Queen’s University, Belfast
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Insurrection is frequently viewed as a vertical theme in Irish history, both by historians and the conspirators themselves. The Proclamation of the Irish Republic, delivered by insurgents during the 1916 rebellion, depicted their actions as the logical extension of a historical tradition in a country that had already seen violent rebellion four times during the long-nineteenth century.1 Tradition kept the rifles warm, or so the manifestos claimed, and not successful precedents of insurrectionary action. After the penultimate uprising of 1867, however, rebels began to rethink the merits of insurrection and canvas alternative strategies, which led to an urban-guerrilla or bombing campaign in the 1880s. The present study investigates this transformation in revolutionary action and seeks to challenge the frequent analytical collapse of militant Irish nationalism into 'traditions of violence' explanations. Instead, I argue that the rebels’ actions may be better grasped if placed in concurrent contexts and in connection with specific milieux. Between the insurrectionary movements of the nineteenth century and the organised revolutionary parties of the early twentieth lies a field of action ill-defined. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate that field.

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BAKER, Susan. « Dependency, ideology and the industrial policy of Fianna Fail in Ireland, 1958-1972 ». Doctoral thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5203.

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Examining board: Prof. Philippe Schmitter, Stanford University ; Dr. Paul Bew, Queen's University, Belfast ; Dr. Jean Blondel, E.U.I., Florence ; Dr. James Wickam, Trinity College, Dublin
Defence date: 23 September 1987
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

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Johnston, Alexander. « Covenanted peoples : the Ulster Unionist and Afrikaner Nationalist coalitions in growth, maturity and decay ». Thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/7757.

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Friend, Demetri Gordon. « Patterns of resistance in Namibia during the South African administration, 1948-1989 ». Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/9075.

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KORNETIS, Konstantinos. « Student resistance to the Greek military dictatorship : subjectivity, memory, and cultural politics, 1967-1974 ». Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5862.

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Defence date: 20 January 2006
Examining Board: Prof. Nancy G. Bermeo, Princeton University ; Prof. Donatella della Porta, European University Institute ; Prof. Antonis Liakos, University of Athens ; Prof. Luisa Passerini, Università di Torino
First made available online 18 July 2018

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« The United Democratic Front as exponent of mass-based resistance and protest, 1983-1990 ». Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/5608.

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D.Litt. et Phil.
Non-violent mass-based protest and resistance by liberation groups have a long history in the South African context. Prior to the 1980s, they had achieved only minor and isolated successes. The formation of the United Democratic Front (UDF) in 1983 and its successful mass protest action against the state to 1990, changed the equation, however. The UDF's origin could indirectly be traced back to attempts from the 1950s to launch mass-based protest and resistance against the apartheid state. Calls for the formation of a united front against the South African State were made by various persons and organisations since the 1950s, but it was only by the 1980s that circumstances allowed the formation of a united front. Demographic realities, urbanisation, the legalisation of black trade unions, an educated leadership, the growth of a grassroots-based civil society among blacks, all contributed to make the formation of the UDF a reality. Protest against the government's tricameral system, initially provided the direct stimulus for the formation of the UDF during 1983 to 1984. By the end of 1984, the UDF had built up a wide support base to directly threaten the government's position. The result was several states of emergency through which the state endeavoured to crush the UDF-led opposition. The UDF's unique structure, which consisted of affiliates from all sectors of civil society, including black trade unions as an alliance partner, managed to survive the state's repressive measures, continued to pressurise the state so that by 1989, under a new head-of-state, the National Party "capitulated" and opened the door to real elections for a democratic South Africa. The UDF's strategies were aimed to mobilise the masses and through its mass-based action, bring maximum pressure to bear on the government. This strategic approach was executed by employing various tactics, which related to the classic methods of mass-based non-violent action. In the end, the state's security apparatus proved unable to cope with the UDF's relentless actions, offset by its inability to act effectively against the UDF as an entity, mainly because of its amorphous structure. Although other factors, such as economic recession, foreign sanctions, the ANC campaign to isolate South Africa, among other played a role, the UDF provided the crucial domestic impetus to illustrate to the South African government, that black resistance couldn't be suppressed and that the situation would continue to worsen. Seen against this background, it is unlikely that CODESA would have occurred as soon as it did without the activities of the UDF throughout the 1980s.

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Mendiola, García Sandra C. « Street vendors, marketers, and politics in twentieth-century Puebla, Mexico ». 2008. http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.2/rucore10001600001.ETD.000050448.

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Mkhize, Sibongiseni Mthokozisi. « Contexts, resistance crowds and mass mobilisation : a comparative analysis of anti-apartheid politics in Pietermaritzburg during the 1950s and the 1980s ». Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/5739.

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This thesis examines crowds and resistance politics in Pietermaritzburg, focusing particularly on the 1950s and the 1980s. These two decades were characterised by heightened anti-apartheid political activity in South Africa. It is against that background that this thesis explores mass mobilisation and resistance in Pietermaritzburg. The 1960s and the 1970s have not been ignored, however, in this comparative analysis. It appears that there was not so much overt mass mobilisation that was taking place in South Africa during this period, on the same scale as that of the 1950s and the 1980s. This thesis analyses selected case studies of events such as protest marches, popular riots and stayaways. It examines the similarities and differences in the socioeconomic and political contexts in which such events occurred. The key aspect is that of resistance crowds. This thesis examines how, when and why resistance crowds formed in Pietermaritzburg during the two periods. It begins with a literature survey, which sets out the framework for comparison. Aspects such as the kinds of constituencies, the roles of political organisations, trade unions, church groups, youth organisations, government policies and the nature of the campaigns are raised in the literature. Drawing from that framework this study explores the socio-economic contexts in which the selected case studies took place. The way in which the changes in the socio-economic and political contexts influenced mass mobilisation forms a central theme of this dissertation. The four case studies explore crowd events in anti-apartheid politics in Pietermaritzburg. The thesis concludes with a comparative evaluation of the case studies of resistance crowds in their differing contexts.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1998.

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Hurst, Christopher. « Albert Sumbo-Ncube : AmaNdebele oral historical narrative and the creation of a popular hero ». Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/5321.

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In 1998 I conducted a series of interviews with Zimbabweans who recounted, often using English, their memories of Albert Sumbo-Ncube. From these I have selected and transcribed five interviews with ZIPRA ex-combatants in which they tell the story, as they remember and elaborate on their memories, of Sumbo's escape from Rhodesian police custody at the Victoria Falls in 1977 during the Zimbabwean liberation struggle. The interviews represent Sumbo as a hero and reveal the folk hero creation process at work. This hero figure was created by people who needed an effective figure of oppositional propaganda and who did not have access to the technology and resources of the Rhodesian government. Their narratives were communicated orally and they fused material found in the Rhodesian government-controlled newspapers with an amaNdebele oral tradition. I shall draw on Hobsbawm's (1972) notions of the social bandit and Robens's (1989) study of the folk hero creation amongst post-slavery African-Americans in order to understand the ZIPRA guerrillas' hero creation. The Sumbo folk hero creation served to promote an ideal self for the Zimbabwean guerrillas and their recruits. Sumbo's daring and his ability successfully to defy authority evoked admiration amongst the guerrillas in the 1970s, and in 1998 revives for them the idealism of the struggle. In Zimbabwe the 'hero' has become a contested category, because of the government's will to control the historical representation of the liberation struggle by promoting an official history with official categories of heroes. Working with Barber's notion of popular African arts (1987 and 1997), I argue that a folk hero can be redefined as a 'popular hero' when created by a proletariat and expressed by means of a popular art form. The interviewees use a specific form, the oral historical narrative, to preserve and transmit the Sumbo hero figure. I argue that though this oral historical narrative is less fixed in form and occasion than praise poetry, songs and genealogies, it nevertheless possesses identifiable and recurrent characteristics and I have established a number of criteria for identifying oral historical narrative as a genre. In order to avoid taking a generalised and essentialising approach to the notion of 'African culture', I have drawn on theory that is as specific as possible to the understanding of oral historical narratives within the context of siNdebele speakers in Zimbabwe. I have drawn on research published by Hofmeyr (1993) and Scheub (1975) because they focused on Nguni-speaking societies. Their research is further supported by my own research conducted in the rural area of Tsholotsho in Zimbabwe. The analysis of the oral historical narrative genre used by the interviewees demonstrates that significant formal and performance skills occur in this type of narrative which takes place within apparently informal conversations.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2000.

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« 中国抗争政治中的谣言与动员 : 以义和团与五四运动为主线 ». Thesis, 2009. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6075531.

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张楠迪扬.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 140-157)
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
Zhang Nan Diyang.

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Couper, Scott Everett. « Bound by faith : a biographic and ecclesiastic examination (1898-1967) of Chief Albert Luthuli's stance on violence as a strategy to liberate South Africa ». Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/1551.

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Much public historical mythology asserts that Chief Albert Luthuli, the onetime leader of Africa's oldest liberation movement, launched an armed struggle on the very eve he returned to South Africa after receiving the Nobel Peace Prize. This profound irony engenders what is arguably one of the most relevant and controversial historical debates in South African as some recent scholarship suggests Luthuli did not countenance the armed movement. Today, Luthuli remains a figure of great contestation due to his domestic and international prominence and impeccable moral character. Icons of the liberation struggle, political parties and active politicians understand their justification for past actions and their contemporary relevance to be dependent upon a given historical memory of Luthuli. Often that memory is not compatible with the archival record. Contrary to a nationalist inspired historical perspective, this investigation concludes that Luthuli did not support the initiation of violence in December 1961. Evidence suggests that Luthuli only reluctantly yielded to the formation (not the initiation) of an armed movement months before the announcement in October 1961 that he would be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in December 1961. After the announcement, Luthuli vociferously argued against the use of violence until April 1962. From April 1962 to his death in 1967, Luthuli only advocated non-violent methods and did not publicly support or condemn the use of violence. Congregationalism imbedded within Luthuli the primacy of democracy, education, multiracialism and egalitarianism, propelling him to the heights of political leadership prior to 1961. Following 1961 these same seminal emphases rendered Luthuli obsolete as a political leader within an increasingly radicalised, desperate and violent environment. The author argues that not only did the government drastically curtail Luthuli's ability to lead, but so did his colleagues in the underground structures ofthe Congresses' liberation movement, rendering him only the titular leader ofthe African National Congress until his death. While Luthuli's Christian faith provided the vigour for his political success, it engendered the inertia for his political irrelevance following the launch of violence. By not supporting the African National Congress' initiation of the violent movement, Luthuli's political career proved to be 'bound by faith'.
Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2008.

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Phatlane, Stephens Ntsoakae. « The Kwa-Ndebele independence issue : a critical appraisal of the crises around independence in Kwa-Ndebele 1982-1989 ». Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/3040.

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Saeboe, Maren. « A state of exile : the ANC and Umkhonto we Sizwe in Angola, 1976- 1989 ». Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/4828.

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After its banning in 1961 the ANC, together with the South African Communist Party, adopted the armed struggle. Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) was formed and had its debut in December of the same year. When the MK command was arrested at Rivonia outside Johannesburg most of the remaining members went into exile. The banning of the ANC forced the members not just to go underground but also to go into exile and their first haven was the newly independent Tanzania. The 1960's witnessed the flight into exile of most members of the organisation. In Tanzania, members of the ANC and MK came into contact with members of other liberation movements, including the liberation movements [Tom Portuguese Africa. As the 1960's progressed MK was responsible for training recruits in various African countries, most notably in Tanzania and Zambia. In 1967 they launched their first major campaign, together with the Zimbabwe People's Union (ZAPU), into southern Rhodesia in an effort to reach South Africa. The campaign failed and several members were put in prison in Bechuanaland. On their release some of the cadres, amongst them Chris Hani, voiced criticism of the leadership. This criticism was expressed just as the leaders of the organisation gathered for their first major conference in exile, the Morogoro conference in Tanzania At Morogoro the emphasis on armed struggle was affirmed, and it was agreed that the other pillar supporting the struggle would be international relations. After the Morogoro conference MK continued to train recruits in Zambia and Tanzania, but the situation was increasingly difficult as internal problems in these countries led to the expulsion of several liberation movements. In 1974 a new wave of South Africans went into exile, and at the same time the liberation war in Portuguese Africa entered its last phase. When Angola became independent the ANC began negotiating with the new government about the possible establishment of new training facilities for MK in Angola. When the students of Soweto went into revolt, reacting against the introduction of Afrikaans as the main language in their schools, the ANC, the MK command and their rivals the PAC were taken aback. The first wave of new recruits was flown to Tanzania before they were re-routed to Luanda In Angola they were sent to the southern parts of the country, to Benguela and later to Nova Katengue. By 1979 nine camps had been established in Angola: there was a transit camp outside Luanda, and camps at Benguela, Nova Katengue, Gabela, Fazenda, Quibaxe, Pango, Camp 32 (Quatro) and Funda The main camp was Nova Katengue. The camp got the nickname of University of the South because of the emphasis there on ideological, political and academic courses. But one episode of attempted food poisoning and later the bombing by the South African Air Force focused attention on the need for internal security in the camps, and a Security Department took shape in the region. After the bombing which left Nova Katengue flattened to the ground, MK left their southern camps; a series of meetings took place in Luanda which resulted in a revised strategy outlined in "the Green Book". In 1979 MK participated in a second campaign together with ZAPU; as the attempt to reach South Africa was once again unsuccessful most of the participants found themselves back in the Angolan camps. This failure, together with the degrading conditions in which the cadres were living, fuelled a spiral of discontent in the camps. The food was sparse and the sanitary conditions were bad. A feeling of stagnation spread among the cadres, who were disillusioned at the bleak prospect of infiltrating back into South Africa. In the beginning of the 1980's the roads between Luanda and the eastern camps around Malanje, Caculama and Camalundi became unsafe as the South African-backed UNITA guerrillas increased their attacks. MK forces were deployed around the town of Cacuso to guard the railway line and secure the safety of the road, and this deployment aggravated the dissatisfaction of the cadres. At the end of 1983 some members of the security department beat a sick cadre to death. This triggered off a mutiny in some of the camps. The leadership defused this, the first in a series of mutinies. In 1984 a second mutiny took place in Viana The mutineers elected a Committee of Ten to forward a set of demands to the leadership. But the leadership was not ready to listen and the Angolan presidential guard quelled the mutiny. When a third mutiny erupted in Pango three months later no demands were made and no committee was elected, but the Pango mutiny was more violent. After the disturbances at Viana but before the Pango mutiny, a commission had been sent out from Lusaka to find the reasons for the uprising. The commission found that the main reasons were the deteriorating living conditions, the lack of proper health services and the deployment on the eastern front. Later reports came to similar conclusions regarding the reasons for the mutiny. However, the reports differ regarding the degree of punishment used in the region after the mutinies. The Committee of Ten was imprisoned after the mutinies. However preparations were made to meet their main demand, which had been for the calling of a national consultative conference and in 1985 the Kabwe conference took place in Zambia. Some restructuring of the organisation and army took place and the much criticised Security Department was made accountable to the leadership. Life in the Angolan camps continued much as before but efforts were made to provide some vocational training and better health services. The deployment on the eastern front came to an end, but soon MK came under attack on the roads between Luanda and their northern camps. The attacks intensified as other forces in Angola gathered around the south central town of Cuito Cuanavale, and eventually the siege of Cuito Cuanavale forced the South African regime to the negotiating table. After the siege the Namibia Agreement was signed. One of the terms of the agreement was that MK had to leave Angola and search for new havens, and in 1989 and 1990 most of the cadres were flown to Uganda.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2002.

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Danielson, Leilah Claire. « Not by might Christianity, nonviolence, and American radicalism, 1919-1963 / ». 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3119664.

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Thèses sur le sujet « Government, Resistance to – Ireland – History »

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