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1
SILVA, CRISTIANE NASCIMENTO DA. « THE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE PORTUGUESE GOVERNMENT AND THE MUSLIMS OF MOZAMBIQUE (1930-1970) ». PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2010. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=17128@1.
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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIORA dissertação As relações entre o governo português e os muçulmanos de Moçambique (1930-1970) tem por objetivo analisar as diferentes posições adotadas pelo Governo Colonial Português em relação aos muçulmanos de Moçambique. Desde a fixação dos portugueses na região, no século XVI, até a sua expulsão, em 1974, o contato com os muçulmanos foi permeado pela antinomia aliança x oposição. Entre as décadas de 30 e 60, o islamismo em Moçambique foi visto como uma ameaça ao projeto de nação portuguesa e reprimido das mais diversas maneiras. No entanto, entre as décadas de 60 e 70, contexto em que os movimentos de emancipação das colônias portuguesas se fortaleceram e a luta armada se iniciou, o Estado Novo adotou uma postura diferente em relação à população muçulmana da província. Criou-se uma estratégia de aproximação, baseada em um discurso de diálogo ecumênico, como fruto de um conhecimento produzido sobre as diversas comunidades islâmicas existentes no território, concentradas principalmente no norte país.
The main purpose of "The relations between the Portuguese government and the Muslims of Mozambique (1930-1970) is to examine the different positions taken by the Portuguese colonial government towards the Muslims of Mozambique. Since the arrival of the Portuguese in the region in the sixteenth century, until their expulsion in 1974, the contact between Portuguese and Muslims was permeated by the antinomy alliance - opposition. Between the 30s and 60s, Islamism in Mozambique was seen as a threat to the project of the Portuguese nation and was suppressed in many different ways. However, between the 60s and 70s, when the emancipation movements of the Portuguese colonies were strengthened and the armed struggle began, the New State took a different stance regarding its Muslim population. A strategic approach was created, based on a discourse of ecumenical dialogue and the knowledge acquired about the various Islamic communities in the territory, concentrated mainly in the north part of the country.
2
Mackinnon, Moira. « A tale of two Parliaments representativeness, effectiveness and industrial citizenship in Argentina and Chile, 1900-1930 / ». Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3386748.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed Jan. 19, 2010). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 320-329).
3
McCall, Sarah B. « The Musical Fallout of Political Activism : Government Investigations of Musicians in the United States, 1930-1960 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277608/.
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Government investigations into the motion picture industry are well-documented, as is the widespread blacklisting that was concurrent. Not nearly so well documented are the many investigations of musicians and musical organizations which occurred during this same period. The degree to which various musicians and musical organizations were investigated varied considerably. Some warranted only passing mention, while others were rigorously questioned in formal Congressional hearings. Hanns Eisler was deported as a result of the House Committee on Un-American Activities' (HUAC) investigation into his background and activities in the United States. Leonard Bernstein, Marc Blitzstein, and Aaron Copland are but a few of the prominent composers investigated by the government for their involvement in leftist organizations. The Symphony of the Air was denied visas for a Near East tour after several orchestra members were implicated as Communists. Members of musicians' unions in New York and Los Angeles were called before HUAC hearings because of alleged infiltration by Communists into their ranks. The Metropolitan Music School of New York, led by its president-emeritus, the composer Wallingford Riegger, was the subject of a two day congressional hearing in New York City. There is no way to measure either quantitatively or qualitatively the effect of the period on the music but only the extent to which the activities affected the musicians themselves. The extraordinary paucity of published information about the treatment of the musicians during this period is put into even greater relief when compared to the thorough manner in which the other arts, notably literature and film, have been examined. This work attempts to fill this gap and shed light on a particularly dark chapter in the history of contemporary music.
4
Goméz, María Teresa. « El largo viaje the long journey : the cultural politics of the Communist Party of Spain, 1920-1939 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36016.
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El largo viaje/The Long Journey deals with the cultural politics of the Communist Party of Spain from 1920, when Communism first emerged in the country, until 1939, when the Spanish Civil War ended. The aim of this dissertation is two-fold. On the one hand, by looking at the Party's cultural discourse, its attempts to provide the working class with a political education, and its relationship with communist intellectuals, it aims at explaining the Party's evolution from its original proletarian line in the early 1920s to its democratic line in the mid-1930s, after it joined the anti-fascist Popular Front alliance. On the other, it aims at investigating how, between the years of 1936 and 1938, the Communist Party ended up fulfilling the democratic revolutionary dream of the Spanish bourgeoisie. Through its work in the Ministry of Public Instruction, the Party brought back to life the cultural discourse and aspirations which the reformist and Republican bourgeoisie had been holding on to since the mid- and late nineteenth century. In doing that, Spanish Communists were using cultural practice to further advance the cause of the democratic revolution, and, perhaps more importantly, to make the Spanish people full participants in that revolution for the very first time.
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Sousa, Neto Bento Correia de. « Governo interventorial e relações de poder na Paraíba pós-1930 : A administração de Gratuliano Brito (1932 – 1934) ». Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2016. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/8369.
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This research aims to assay the administration of the Intervener Gratuliano da Costa Brito (1932-1934) in the political and administrative centralization context and re-articulation of the political forces at the national and state levels after 1930. From this analysis we try to understand what were the measures taken by this Government in order to a reorganization of functional sectors in the State of Paraíba as well as political and social impact of these measures on the relationship between the state and local oligarchic forces. Despite the “Revolution" of 1930 has not resulted in profound changes in the current political structure in the First Republic, we understand that it led to significant changes in order to allow the rise of a modern-and-racional proposed model of national state. This process had been developed concurrently with a restructuring of the state administrative machinery that sought to track changes implemented nationwide. Therefore, our aim was to assess how this process occurred in Paraiba and what characteristics have been found throughout it . As a theoretical basis for our analysis we appropriate the contributions of New Political History, as well as the concept of Political Culture. Regarding the sources used we borrow the contributions of several authors who deal with the subject and the period in question, as well as handwritten and printed primary sources relating to the said Government (official documents , periodicals, reports , etc.) .
O presente trabalho visa analisar a administração do interventor Gratuliano da Costa Brito (1932-1934) no contexto de centralização político-administrativa e de rearticulação das forças políticas em níveis nacional e estadual do pós-1930. A partir dessa análise, buscamos compreender quais foram as medidas adotadas por este governo no sentido de uma reorganização dos setores funcionais do Estado da Paraíba assim como os impactos políticos e sociais dessas medidas nas relações existentes entre o Estado e as forças oligárquicas locais. Entendemos que apesar da chamada “Revolução” de 1930 não ter resultado em mudanças profundas na estrutura política vigente na Primeira República, ela acarretou transformações significativas no sentido de possibilitar a ascensão de um modelo de Estado Nacional que se propunha moderno e racional. Esse processo se desenvolveu concomitantemente com uma reestruturação das máquinas administrativas estaduais que procuraram acompanhar as mudanças implantadas em âmbito nacional. Portanto, nosso objetivo foi o de avaliar de que forma isso se deu na Paraíba e quais as particularidades encontradas ao longo desse processo no estado. Como fundamentação teórica para nossas análises, apropriamo-nos das contribuições da Nova História Política, assim como do conceito de Cultura Política. Em relação às fontes utilizadas, tomamos por empréstimo as contribuições de diversos autores que tratam do tema e do período em questão, bem como de fontes primárias manuscritas e impressas relativas ao referido governo (documentos oficiais, periódicos, relatórios, etc.).
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Fairweather-Tall, Andrew. « From colonial administration to colonial state : the transition of government, education, and labour in Nyasaland, c.1930-1950 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270617.
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Sant’Ana, Luís Henrique Silva. « Os Olhares Diplomáticos Estadunidenses sobre o Brasil em Tempo de Revolução (1930-1932) ». Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, 2010. http://repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/18851.
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CAPES
Este trabalho tem por objetivo discutir as opiniões emitidas pelos diplomatas estadunidenses no período que precede a revolução de 1930, durante o movimento e no pós-revolução. Os olhares dos cônsules e do embaixador dos Estados Unidos no Brasil identificavam as tensões entre os grupos sociais brasileiros e o que eles esperavam que fosse feito pelo governo do Brasil a fim de garantir a estabilidade governamental. Os julgamentos dos estadunidenses estavam cheios de preconceitos em relação às classes subalternas, aos negros no Brasil. Não raro eles consideravam o fato de o país ter passado por um processo de miscigenação como a causa das mazelas que afligiam a sociedade brasileira. A partir desses olhares eles desejavam que Getúlio Vargas e seus interventores tomassem medidas no sentido de educar a população a fim de minimizar as insatisfações populares, prevenindo assim as influências dos comunistas, aos quais percebiam como grande ameaça ao país. Nesse processo de acompanhar o cotidiano da política brasileira, alguns diplomatas passarão a defender a permanência do governo provisório até que fossem eliminadas todas as estruturas montadas pelos antigos chefes do poder. Já outros advogarão ardorosamente o retorno do governo constitucional como forma de dar estabilidade aos governantes e diminuir a influência dos tenentes nos estados. This work aims at discussing assessments by US diplomatic officials on Brazil, before the 1930 Revolution, during the movement and after it. Consuls’ and Ambassadors’ regards pointed out tensions existing among Brazilian social groups, as well as the steps they expected to be taken by Brazilian Government in order to assure governmental stability. Those assessments were plenty of prejudice against Brazilian subaltern classes and Blacks. Not seldom they assumed the fact that the country had gone through a process of racial mixtures was the cause to the harshnesses which afflicted Brazilian society. Following from these regards US diplomatic officials wished that Getúlio Vargas and his federally-appointed state governors would engage in educating the country population in order to ease popular dissatisfactions, preventing thereby influences by the Communists, who were perceived as a huge threat to Brazil. In the process of observing the daily working of Brazilian politics, some officials would start to back keeping the provisional government in charge until all power structures put in place by the old prower brokers were swept out. Others would strongly favor the return of a constitutional government as the way of conveying stability to the rule of political incumbents and of undermining the influence held by the “tenentes” in Brazilian states.
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Rodrigues, João Paulo [UNESP]. « O levante “Constitucionalista” de 1932 e a força da tradição : do confronto bélico à batalha pela memória (1932-1934) ». Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103139.
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Esta pesquisa almeja, fundamentalmente, problematizar o levante de 1932 em São Paulo, bem como a emblemática memória criada acerca dele, sobretudo, nos dois primeiros anos que lhe são subseqüentes, com o intuito de demonstrar que, mediante a ausência de uma plataforma, de fato, revolucionária, a tradição regional erige-se como preeminente trunfo simbólico para a luta, sendo apropriada pela burguesia insurrecta, no sentido de pugnar por uma nova partilha do poder no cenário nacional. Tal apropriação apresenta diferenciadas nuances ao longo da conjuntura em apreço, mas é possível identificar, de modo nítido, dois eixos centrais. O primeiro, formulado ainda em meio às conspirações pela interventoria, associa o caráter aguerrido dos ancestrais paulistas ao presente do estado, acometido pela invasão “tenentista”, concitando, por conseguinte, a expulsão dos “estrangeiros”. Pouco depois, quando em outro patamar despontava o tema da Constituição, nova formulação ganharia corpo, sobrelevando não mais a tradição paulista de defesa do território, mas a condição histórica de militante vanguardeiro da formação da nação, atualizada na batalha pela lei. Encerradas as hostilidades, a memória não ficou alheia às investidas, culminando sintomaticamente na controversa vitória moral do levante. Não obstante, dado o vigor atual dessa memória, evidencia-se meridianamente que a apropriação do passado regional não se constituiu em uma quimera da classe dominante e que, a despeito da suposta revolução predominantemente popular e democrática, em 1932 estava em pauta uma luta no âmbito da elite bandeirante, a fim de implantar novas diretrizes ao país.
This research intends, fundamentally, to discuss the insurrection of 1932 in São Paulo. It also intends to discuss the emblematic memory about it, especially, two first years after insurrection, with the objective of showing that, without a platform, indeed, revolutionary, the regional tradition is built as simbolic preeminent asset for the fight. It was appropriated by insurrect bourgeoisie, for sharing national Power. The appropriation shows different types in this conjuncture, but it’s possible to identify two central axles. The first, created by interventor Office during conspiracies, enhances courageous character of paulistas ancetral to the present of the state, attacked by “tenentista” invasion, stiring up expulsion of “foreigners”. After some time, when Constitution subject was discussed, a new formularization would increase no more on paulista tradition of territory defense, but in historical condition of vanguard militant in Nation formation, brought up to date in Law battle. Finished hostilities, the memory culminates symptomatically in moral victory controversy of Insurrection. However, considering current memory, appropriation of the regional past isn’t a chimera of dominant class and, although supposed popular and democratic revolution, 1932 was the year of discussion on fight in bandeirante elite, to do new lines of direction to the country.
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Crichton, Kevin John. « 'Preparing for government?' : Wilhelm Frick as Thuringia's Nazi Minister of the Interior and of Education, 23 January 1930 - 1 April 1931 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13816.
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Santiago, Derick Casagrande. « Disciplina escolar e disciplina fabril : educação e formação da classe operária nacional nos anos 1930 e 1940 ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-19112015-124522/.
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A presente pesquisa aborda a educação brasileira frente ao processo de modernização da sociedade. Seu objeto de estudo consiste, especificamente, na dimensão ocupada pela educação escolar quanto à formação da classe operária nacional durante o governo Vargas (1930-1945). Tratando-se de um período que condiz com mudanças observadas nas esferas política, econômica e social do país, faz-se necessária uma abordagem do contexto histórico que enfatize as propostas e ações desempenhadas na esfera educacional. Considera-se, dessa forma, que a educação escolar deve ser analisada conjuntamente com aqueles fatores que implicam em sua organização e dinâmica. Sua realização está baseada em literatura acerca da relação entre Estado, sociedade e educação, após a proclamação da República e, mais especificamente, nas décadas de 1930 e 1940. Recorreu-se também à análise de documentos oficiais da época concernentes à educação e à criação e regulamentação de instituições, como os textos relativos às reformas educacionais promulgadas em 1931 e em 1942 e às Constituições (1934 e 1937), ao Manifesto dos Pioneiros da Educação Nova (1932), à Escola Livre de Sociologia e Política de São Paulo (1933) e à Fundação Getúlio Vargas (1944). Destaca-se, o papel exercido pelo Estado como agente capaz de promover o projeto de modernização por, além da sua intervenção em diferentes esferas da sociedade, promover outra formação escolar à sociedade para consolidar a ordem social emergente. A adequação do ensino às novas necessidades é apontada pelo esforço para organizá-lo nacionalmente a partir da criação do Ministério da Educação e Saúde Pública e das reformas por ele executadas em seus diferentes níveis. Se, por um lado, exigia-se a formação de uma classe trabalhadora apta à produção sob a lógica racional do trabalho, por outro, havia a preocupação com a formação de uma classe dirigente capacitada para conduzir e coordenar as ações econômicas, além de ocupar altos cargos hierárquicos na burocracia privada e estatal.This research deals with the Brazilian education on the process of modernization of society. Its subject matter is specifically in the occupied dimension for school education for the formation of national working class during the Vargas government (1930-1945). Since this is a period that is consistent with the observed changes in the political, economic and social of the country, an approach that emphasizes the historical context the proposals and actions taken in the educational sphere is required. It is considered therefore that school education should be analyzed together with factors that imply their organization and dynamics. Its realization is based on literature about the relationship between state, society and education, after the proclamation of the Republic and , more specifically , in the 1930s and 1940s it was also resorted to analysis of official documents of the time pertaining to education and the creation and regulatory institutions such as the texts relating to educational reforms enacted in 1931 and 1942 and the Constitutions (1934 and 1937) , the Manifesto of the Pioneers of the New Education ( 1932) , the Free School of Sociology and Politics of São Paulo (1933 ) and the Getúlio Vargas Foundation ( 1944) . To highlight the role played by the State as agent capable of promoting the modernization project, as well as their involvement in different spheres of society, promote other school education to society for the emerging social order. Better education adapting to new needs is appointed by the effort to organize it at national level since the creation of the Ministry of Education and Public Health and reforms implemented at different levels. On the one hand, demanded the formation of a working class capable of producing under the rational logic of the work, on the other, there was the concern with the formation of a ruling class able to lead and coordinate the economic actions, and have high hierarchical bureaucracy positions private and state.
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Kawahara, Yukiko. « Local development in Japan : The case of Shimane prefecture from 1800-1930 ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185026.
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Economic development is a major concern to the majority of countries in the world today as they strive to catch up to the industrial West. Japan has been the most successful non-Western country in building an economy which qualifies it as developed. Most studies of economic development in Japan focus on macro-level issues, particularly on analysis of the role government played in the development process. It is generally recognized that Japan's central government played a major role in fostering industrial development. It is unfortunate that this fairly centralized political structure has somewhat obscured the role that local government may have had in helping local economies grow. In a sense, these local development efforts were at least as important as what was going on at the national level, because if peripheral areas had not developed at all, they would have become a liability for the central government and the core areas. This study examines one particular aspect of the development process in Japan; specifically, local government's role in fostering economic development throughout the Meiji (1868-1912) and Taisho (1912-1926) eras. The silk industry in Shimane prefecture provides the context of the case study approach used. The analysis focuses on two key issues: the mechanisms used by local government and the impact of growth on the local silk industry and on the standard of living.
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Robinson, Geoffrey 1963. « How Labor governed : social structures and the formation of public policy during the New South Wales Lang government of November 1930 to May 1932 ». Monash University, Dept. of History, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9164.
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Bryne, Gordon H. « The relationship between central and local government in education in Ireland 1930-50 : a north-south comparison ». Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.256703.
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Araujo, Gabriel Frias. « Da revolução à constituição : legalidade, legitimidade e os dilemas da constituinte na formação do Estado Moderno Brasileiro em Vargas (1930-1934) ». Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/152515.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
O presente trabalho tem por objetivo resgatar as discussões e debates em torno da Constituição de 1934, desde a Revolução de 1930, que marca a chegada de Getulio Vargas ao poder até à convocação da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1933. Partindo da análise da Revolução de 1930 e seus desdobramentos, busca-se compreender os desafios e etapas rumo à constitucionalização a partir da tensão entre legitimidade e legalidade e do resgate dessas categorias. Pretende-se, dessa forma, revelar e compreender o processo de legalização e montagem da ordem varguista, bem como as dificuldades enfrentadas na transição para um Estado Moderno e para nosso primeiro experimento democrático. Momento de crescente tensão, diversas polêmicas surgiram em torno da Assembleia Constituinte, envolvendo sua legitimidade, soberania e mesmo críticas à limitação do poder constituinte de 1933. Pretende-se, dessa forma, trabalhar alguns temas centrais que atravessam a questão do poder constituinte com vistas ao problema da legalidade e da legitimidade, bem como acompanhar a trajetória legal até a Constituição, analisando documentos, decretos, e debates parlamentares, chegando-se então a um panorama da situação pós-revolução e pré-constituinte do Governo Provisório, marcada por controvérsias e impasses, a qual confrontaremos com a visão de dois diferentes autores da época, Carl Schmitt e Hans Kelsen, que participa diretamente da questão por meio de um parecer encomendado pela comunidade jurídica brasileira. Recuperando esses dois importantes autores, buscaremos compreender suas diferentes perspectivas e soluções para o dilema da Constituinte de 1933, que culmina em uma mais significativas e importantes Constituições de nossa história recente, marco dos direitos sociais e da cidadania. Trata-se de um importante momento de nossa história política e constitucional, cujos desdobramentos iluminam nossas contradições e nos ajudam a entender as limitações de nosso estado de direito e de nossa democracia até os dias atuais.
The present work aims to rescue the discussions and debates around the 1934 Constitution, since the 1930 Revolution, which marks the arrival of Getulio Vargas to power, until the convocation of the National Constituent Assembly of 1933. Starting from the analysis of the Revolution of 1930 and its impacts, the research seeks to understand the challenges and stages towards the constitutionalization on the perspective of the tension between legitimacy and legality and the discussions of these categories. In this way, we intend to reveal and understand the process of legalization and construction of the Vargas regime, as well as the difficulties faced in the transition to a Modern State and our first democratic experiment. At a time of growing tension, several controversies arose around the Constituent Assembly, involving its legitimacy, sovereignty and even criticism to the limitation of the constituent power of 1933. The intention is to work with some central issues related to the question of the constituent power with regard to the problem of legality and legitimacy, following the legal trajectory up to the Constitution, analyzing documents, decrees, and parliamentary debates, in order to get picture of the post-revolution and pre-constitutional situation of the Provisional Government, marked by controversies and impasses, which we will confront with the vision of two different authors of the time, Carl Schmitt and Hans Kelsen, who participates directly in the controversy through an opinion commissioned by the Brazilian legal community. Recovering these two important authors, we will try to understand their different perspectives and solutions to the dilemma of the Constituent Assembly of 1933, that culminates in one of the most significant Constitutions of our recent history, a framework of social rights and citizenship. This is an important moment in our political and constitutional history, whose developments illuminate our contradictions and help us understand the limitations of our state of law and our democracy until the present times.
CAPES: 1687617
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Rodrigues, João Paulo. « O levante "Constitucionalista" de 1932 e a força da tradição : do confronto bélico à batalha pela memória (1932-1934) / ». Assis : [s.n.], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103139.
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Orientador: Zélia Lopes da SilvaBanca: Tânia Regina de Luca
Banca: Milton Carlos Costa
Banca: Sandra de Cássia Araújo Pelegrini
Banca: Marcos Antonio da Silva
Resumo: Esta pesquisa almeja, fundamentalmente, problematizar o levante de 1932 em São Paulo, bem como a emblemática memória criada acerca dele, sobretudo, nos dois primeiros anos que lhe são subseqüentes, com o intuito de demonstrar que, mediante a ausência de uma plataforma, de fato, revolucionária, a tradição regional erige-se como preeminente trunfo simbólico para a luta, sendo apropriada pela burguesia insurrecta, no sentido de pugnar por uma nova partilha do poder no cenário nacional. Tal apropriação apresenta diferenciadas nuances ao longo da conjuntura em apreço, mas é possível identificar, de modo nítido, dois eixos centrais. O primeiro, formulado ainda em meio às conspirações pela interventoria, associa o caráter aguerrido dos ancestrais paulistas ao presente do estado, acometido pela invasão "tenentista", concitando, por conseguinte, a expulsão dos "estrangeiros". Pouco depois, quando em outro patamar despontava o tema da Constituição, nova formulação ganharia corpo, sobrelevando não mais a tradição paulista de defesa do território, mas a condição histórica de militante vanguardeiro da formação da nação, atualizada na batalha pela lei. Encerradas as hostilidades, a memória não ficou alheia às investidas, culminando sintomaticamente na controversa vitória moral do levante. Não obstante, dado o vigor atual dessa memória, evidencia-se meridianamente que a apropriação do passado regional não se constituiu em uma quimera da classe dominante e que, a despeito da suposta revolução predominantemente popular e democrática, em 1932 estava em pauta uma luta no âmbito da elite bandeirante, a fim de implantar novas diretrizes ao país.
Abstract: This research intends, fundamentally, to discuss the insurrection of 1932 in São Paulo. It also intends to discuss the emblematic memory about it, especially, two first years after insurrection, with the objective of showing that, without a platform, indeed, revolutionary, the regional tradition is built as simbolic preeminent asset for the fight. It was appropriated by insurrect bourgeoisie, for sharing national Power. The appropriation shows different types in this conjuncture, but it's possible to identify two central axles. The first, created by interventor Office during conspiracies, enhances courageous character of paulistas ancetral to the present of the state, attacked by "tenentista" invasion, stiring up expulsion of "foreigners". After some time, when Constitution subject was discussed, a new formularization would increase no more on paulista tradition of territory defense, but in historical condition of vanguard militant in Nation formation, brought up to date in Law battle. Finished hostilities, the memory culminates symptomatically in moral victory controversy of Insurrection. However, considering current memory, appropriation of the regional past isn't a chimera of dominant class and, although supposed popular and democratic revolution, 1932 was the year of discussion on fight in bandeirante elite, to do new lines of direction to the country.
Doutor
16
Li, Hang. « Study of the pacification commission system of Nanjing national government in the 1930s =1930 年代國民政府綏靖公署制度研究 ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954118.
Texte intégral
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Costa, Julio Cesar Zorzenon. « Desenvolvimento econômico e deslocamento populacional no primeiro governo Vargas (1930-1945) ». Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-13062011-100607/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Esta tese discute a integração do mercado nacional, ocorrida no primeiro Governo Vargas (1930-1945), como importante fator para a construção de uma estrutura econômica de base industrial, que permitiu a entrada da economia brasileira em uma fase de grande desenvolvimento e crescimento econômicos. Enfoca, nesse processo, a função exercida pelos deslocamentos populacionais. A integração do mercado nacional reclamava a construção de um novo padrão de deslocamentos populacionais no país. Embora as características dos deslocamentos populacionais já estivessem se modificando, o Estado interveio nesse processo, mediante a elaboração de políticas específicas, visando aprofundar e acelerar a integração do mercado, inclusive a do mercado de trabalho. As políticas relativas aos deslocamentos populacionais, praticadas e elaboradas no primeiro Governo Vargas, evidenciam a intencionalidade desse governo em apoiar e impulsionar o desenvolvimento de um novo padrão de acumulação urbano-industrial. Mesmo que não tenham alcançado a concretização dos objetivos propostos, as políticas relativas aos deslocamentos populacionais, iniciadas no primeiro Governo Vargas, permitiram a constituição de bases sobre as quais se daria, embora com características relativamente diferentes, o significativo desenvolvimento econômico alcançado no pós-guerra.This thesis argue the national market integration, that happened in the first government of Vargas (1930-1945), with great factor to the construction of economic structure of industrial base, that allowed the Brazilian economic into a time of great development and economic growth. In this process, the focus is on the work of the population displacement. The national market integration claimed the construction of a new standard of population displacement in the country. Despite of the characteristics of the populations displacement was already in modification, the State mediate on this process, because of the creation of specific polices, trying to go deep and accelerate the market integration, including the work market. The relative politics to the population displacement, practiced and created during the first government of Vargas, shows the intention of this government to support and impulse the development of a new standard of urban industrial accumulation. Even If they didnt achieve their objectives that were proposed, the politics related to the population displacement that started in the first government of Vargas, allowed the constitution of the bases that was going to be used, in spite of the characteristics relatively different, the significative economic development realized after the war.
18
Damasceno, André Álcman Oliveira 1972. « O Anchieta modernista : a trajetória musical-pedagógica de Villa-Lobos (1930-1959) ». [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281129.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Orientador: Elide Rugai BastosTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Este trabalho discorre sociologicamente sobre o percurso musical e pedagógico do compositor Villa-Lobos, dentro do recorte temporal de 1930 (ano da ascensão de Getúlio Vargas ao poder) a 1959 (ano do falecimento do musicista). Nosso foco analítico está inserido na articulação entre a produção musical de Villa-Lobos no período - especialmente a Série Bachianas Brasileiras (1930-1945), o projeto pedagógico do Canto Orfeônico (1932-1959) e o processo mais geral da modernização brasileira capitaneada pelo Estado. Assim, articulamos as ideias de Lahire (2002, 2004, 2006) sobre as disposições sociais de Villa-Lobos desenvolvidas em seu duplo convívio entre o erudito e o popular, que o condicionaram tanto em termos estéticos quanto pedagógicos a institucionalizar o Modernismo ¿ este interpretado como uma visão de mundo, de acordo com a perspectiva metodológica de Goldmann (1959, 1979). Nesse cenário, o Modernismo ¿ na articulação entre os tipos romântico e programático, tornar-se-ia uma prática apoiada pelo Estado a partir de 1930. Desta forma, a trajetória de Villa-Lobos foi analisada através de pesquisa envolvendo documentos de época (oficiais, jornais e cartas), além de trabalhos biográficos e estéticos sobre o compositor. Amparado neste material, a pesquisa aponta o sentido social da trajetória de Villa-Lobos, para além dos propósitos políticos e culturais previstos pelo projeto do Canto Orfeônico, que dialogaria fortemente com o pensamento autoritário - notadamente o de Oliveira Viana (1930, 1939), durante o Estado Novo (1930-1945). Desta forma, a produção musical villalobiana se comprometia com o processo de sistematização da música brasileira liderada pela música popular urbana. Nesta direção, o processo musical é visto no aperfeiçoamento da linguagem musical (tanto erudita quanto popular), da temática própria da música brasileira e no estabelecimento de seu público que o Canto Orfeônico irá garantir a partir de sua rotinização nas escolas brasileiras.
Abstract: Este trabalho discorre sociologicamente sobre o percurso musical e pedagógico do compositor Villa-Lobos, dentro do recorte temporal de 1930 (ano da ascensão de Getúlio Vargas ao poder) a 1959 (ano do falecimento do musicista). Nosso foco analítico está inserido na articulação entre a produção musical de Villa-Lobos no período - especialmente a Série Bachianas Brasileiras (1930-1945), o projeto pedagógico do Canto Orfeônico (1932-1959) e o processo mais geral da modernização brasileira capitaneada pelo Estado. Assim, articulamos as ideias de Lahire (2002, 2004, 2006) sobre as disposições sociais de Villa-Lobos desenvolvidas em seu duplo convívio entre o erudito e o popular, que o condicionaram tanto em termos estéticos quanto pedagógicos a institucionalizar o Modernismo ¿ este interpretado como uma visão de mundo, de acordo com a perspectiva metodológica de Goldmann (1959, 1979). Nesse cenário, o Modernismo ¿ na articulação entre os tipos romântico e programático, tornar-se-ia uma prática apoiada pelo Estado a partir de 1930. Desta forma, a trajetória de Villa-Lobos foi analisada através de pesquisa envolvendo documentos de época (oficiais, jornais e cartas), além de trabalhos biográficos e estéticos sobre o compositor. Amparado neste material, a pesquisa aponta o sentido social da trajetória de Villa-Lobos, para além dos propósitos políticos e culturais previstos pelo projeto do Canto Orfeônico, que dialogaria fortemente com o pensamento autoritário - notadamente o de Oliveira Viana (1930, 1939), durante o Estado Novo (1930-1945). Desta forma, a produção musical villalobiana se comprometia com o processo de sistematização da música brasileira liderada pela música popular urbana. Nesta direção, o processo musical é visto no aperfeiçoamento da linguagem musical (tanto erudita quanto popular), da temática própria da música brasileira e no estabelecimento de seu público que o Canto Orfeônico irá garantir a partir de sua rotinização nas escolas brasileiras.
Doutorado
Sociologia
Doutor em Sociologia
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Pereira, Flávia Alessandra de Souza. « Organizações e espaços da raça no oeste paulista : movimento negro e poder local em Rio Claro (dos anos 1930 aos anos 1960) ». Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2008. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/6665.
Texte intégralRésumé :
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Previous issue date: 2008-09-26Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais
In Organizações e Espaços da Raça no Oeste Paulista: Movimento Negro e Poder Local em Rio Claro (dos anos 1930 aos anos 1960) (Organizations and Spaces of Race in Western São Paulo State, Brazil: The Black Movement and Local Government in Rio Claro [from the 1930s to the 1960s] ) we try to comprehend the profile and shape of the black movement of the city of Rio Claro, and relations between this movement and the local government with regard to specifically racial demands. We focus on black spaces of sociability of Rio Claro, giving special attention to the identitary processes that shaped this sociability, and also to the demands that black actors addressed to the local government as part of the struggle for their own spaces of race in a white majority context, we emphasize, deeply marked both by open racism against blacks and by the impermeability of the local political system to blacks in general. It was in this context that the local black movement developed, over the course of decades, the basis for its collective mobilization for the long-desired house of its own a house that was materialized in its two social headquarters, finally built at the end of the 1960s. This research was supported by FAPESP (São Paulo State Research Fundation, Brazil, regular doctoral scholarship) and by CAPES (Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel, Brazil, for foreign doctoral studies).
Em Organizações e Espaços da Raça no Oeste Paulista: Movimento Negro e Poder Local em Rio Claro (dos anos 1930 aos anos 1960) buscamos compreender o perfil e o formato do movimento negro rioclarense, e como esse movimento se relacionou com o poder local em suas reivindicações específicas de raça. Focalizamos os espaços de sociabilidade negra de Rio Claro, dirigindo especial atenção aos processos identitários que moldaram tal sociabilidade, e às demandas que os atores negros endereçaram ao poder local na busca por espaços próprios da raça ressalte-se, num contexto de ampla maioria branca, profundamente marcado tanto pelo racismo anti-negro a céu aberto, quanto pela impermeabilidade do sistema político local a negros em geral. Foi nesse contexto que o movimento negro local construiu, durante décadas, as bases de sua mobilização coletiva pela tão sonhada casa própria casa esta personificada por suas sedes sociais, finalmente erguidas em fins dos anos 1960. Essa pesquisa foi desenvolvida com apoio das agências FAPESP (para bolsa regular de doutorado) e CAPES (para estágio doutoral no exterior).
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Geraldo, Endrica. « O "perigo alienigena" : politica imigratoria e pensamento racial no governo Vargas (1930-1945) ». [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280760.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Orientador: Michael McDonald HallTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Esta pesquisa discute as políticas imigratórias e o controle de estrangeiros e seus descendentes presentes no país durante o governo Vargas. Pretende-se avaliar as condições que motivaram o crescimento das críticas aos imigrantes por parte de membros do governo e outros grupos sociais. Essas críticas proliferaram em congressos e publicações médicas e eugenistas, em discursos, periódicos e correspondências oficiais, na Constituinte de 1933/34 e nas investigações e debates sobre os núcleos coloniais (¿quistos¿ étnicos). O combate à imigração esteve relacionado a fatores como os debates raciais, a centralização política, a legislação imigratória norte-americana, o antiniponismo e anti-semitismo, e a Segunda Guerra Mundial
Abstract: This study is about restrictive immigration and alien control policies during the Getúlio Vargas government (1930-1945). This research discusses the conditions that led to a growth of criticism towards alien workers and immigration, coming from politicians and other social groups. This campaign appeared in medical and eugenicist's congresses and periodicals; in government speeches, publications and official letters; in the Constituent National Assembly of 1933/34; in the investigations and discussions about ethnic " cysts". Elements that have influenced the development of these policies in Brazil include: racial debates, political centralization, North-American immigration policy, anti-Japanese and anti-Jewish sentiment, and the Second World War
Doutorado
Historia Social
Doutor em História
21
Harrison, Elaine. « Women members and witnesses on British government ad hoc committees of inquiry 1850-1930, with special reference to royal commissions of inquiry ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1998. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2609/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis describes the participation of women as witnesses and members of British government committees of inquiry during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It examines this participation both from the point of view of the women concerned and of the administrations which appointed them. It seeks to establish that such committee work was a form of political activity for individual women; and, by indicating the extent of the organisations and networks which linked these and similar women, demonstrates the existence of a small group of women working within the political elite who collaborated in the shaping of certain aspects of public policy during this time. The thesis also considers the institutional implications of women's membership of committees by examining governmental and civil service attitudes to their appointments. It attempts to uncover how and why women were chosen, and argues that women's committee participation was instrumental in the formation of ideas about women's political work. In committees women became established as an interest group to be represented in the same way and in much the same proportions as other class or professional groupings. They thus achieved representation through interest rather than through equity, which contributed to enduring precedents for their subsequent political roles after they were granted the franchise. I examine the work of women on committees as the committee form itself evolved to incorporate them and other groups from within and outside the elite social classes, providing a means by which the political nation could expand through slight changes in existing forms. Appointment to an advisory committee is not commonly seen as political representation, but during the proliferation of such committees through the nineteenth century, it offered a means of participation in political life for some of those denied direct representation through the franchise. In Britain women began to be appointed to such committees some thirty years before they were granted a limited franchise in 1918. Through the committee form women were offered a representative voice in a growing but clearly delimited range of issues that were deemed to concern them, broadly within education, social welfare, and employment. However, their achievements were limited both by their confinement to such issues, and by their consistently low numbers on committees. The thesis concludes that women's committee participation was fixed at almost the same time as it began, and that the period of women's most decisive involvement with this form was during the years between about 1908 and the early 1920s.
22
Bernardi, Livia Beatriz Moreira. « Ortodoxia economica nas origens da era Vargas : continuidade ou ruptura ? » [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/285805.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Orientador: Pedro Paulo Zahluth BastosDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia
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Resumo: A dissertação tem por objetivo realizar uma análise sobre a recuperação da economia brasileira, baseada em uma resenha crítica das divergências interpretativas suscitadas pela controvérsia inicial entre Celso Furtado (1959) e Cláudio Manoel Peláez (1968) e (1972), estendida posteriormente por outros autores. A principal conclusão é que a política econômica na década de 1930 não pode ser entendida apenas procurando-se inferir, do resultado das políticas implementadas, ou de sua legitimação retórica, qual orientação ideológica a orientou. É necessário reconstituir o contexto histórico complexo marcado pela crise de hegemonia política local e pela crise financeira global para entender os conflitos e motivações que, sob um jogo contraditório de pressões, orientaram a política econômica para uma superação gradual (mas não linear) da ortodoxia econômica na década de 1930
Abstract: The main goal of this dissertation is to make an analysis of the recovery of the Brazilian economy, based in a critical summary of the divergences of interpretations excited by the initial controversy between Celso Furtado (1959) and Cláudio Manoel Peláez (1968) e (1972), extended later by other authors. The main conclusion is that the economic policy that took place during the years of 1930 can¿t be understood only by looking at the results of the politics implemented, or trying to understand the rhetorical that guided the ideological orientation. It is necessary to rebuild the complex historical context marked by the crisis of hegemony of the local politics and by the global financial crisis to be able to understand the conflicts and motivations that, under a contradictory game of pressures, had guided the economic policy for an overcoming gradual (but not linear) of the economic orthodoxy during the years of 1930
Mestrado
Historia Economica
Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico
23
Silva, Rodrigo Rosa da. « Imprimindo a resistencia : a imprensa anarquista e a repressão politica em São Paulo (1930-1945) ». [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281753.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Orientador: Michael McDonald HallDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Fruto de pesquisa junto aos acervos do Departamento Estadual de Ordem Política e Social de São Paulo (DEOPS) e aos jornais anarquistas compilados por militantes e depositados no Arquivo Edgard Leuenroth na UNICAMP, esse trabalho demonstra, para além da sobrevivência do anarquismo nos anos 1930, suas atividades relacionadas à prática sindical, política e cultural. Tendo os periódicos libertários e os prontuários da polícia política como fontes privilegiadas, aponta, por um lado, a vigilância e repressão exercida contra a imprensa anarquista, e por outro a resistência às arbitrariedades policiais em voga durante a ditadura de Getúlio Vargas. Durante a pesquisa ficou evidente a intensa agitação anarquista dos primeiros anos pós-golpe de 1930, passando pelas ondas repressivas de 1935 a 1937, chegando até meados da década de 1940. As ações de apoio aos prisioneiros levadas a cabo pelo Comitê Pró Presos Sociais colocava em prática a solidariedade tão cara aos anarquistas. Discute-se o conceito de crime político e de crime de Estado, para melhor compreender as práticas ilegais vigentes na época
Abstract: As a result of researches through the DEOPS (State Department of Political and Social Order) and the anarchist newspapers compiled by militants and deposited in Edgard Leuenroth¿s Archive (AEL) in the UNICAMP, this work demonstrate, beyond the survive of the anarchism in the 1930¿s, its activities related to trade-union, political and cultural practices. Taking libertarians periodics and political police documents as selected source, points the surveilance and the repression against the anarchist press, and on the other hand the resistance to police arbitrariness of the Getúlio Vargas dictatorship. During the research appears the intense anarchist agitation on the first years after the 1930¿s coup d¿etat, pasing throgh the repressives waves of 1935 and 1937, going to middle 1940¿s. Support actions to the prisoners taken by the Pro Social Prisoners Committee put in practice the anarchist solidarity. Discussing the concept of political crime and the state crime, try to understand the ilegal actions in existence on that period
Mestrado
Historia Social do Trabalho
Mestre em História
24
Del, Fiori Diogo. « Industrialização do Brasil na década de 1930 : uma aplicação com teoria dos jogos ». reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/40254.
Texte intégralRésumé :
O presente trabalho propõe-se analisar a industrialização do Brasil no contexto de mudanças econômicas e políticas no primeiro governo de Getúlio Vargas, de 1930 até 1945. Na literatura de economia brasileira com relação ao surgimento da indústria no Brasil, duas visões se contrapõem: de um lado, a industrialização como subproduto da intervenção do governo no setor cafeeiro; de outro, a industrialização intencionalmente promovida pelo governo. Com base em uma análise de equilíbrio em um jogo dinâmico de informação imperfeita, é evidenciada a racionalidade da criação de instituições para o desenvolvimento industrial na década de 1930. Este resultado de equilíbrio mostra as mudanças pela qual o Brasil passou a partir da década de 1930, com mudanças da estrutura tributária, educacional, financeira e relações de trabalho, ou seja, essa mudança institucional gerou campo fértil para o surgimento do processo de industrialização que caracterizou o primeiro governo Vargas e também mostra a intencionalidade desse governo, quando se observa a transformação do sistema tributário, de tal modo a ficar imune das oscilações econômicas externas e também as mudanças educacionais, que passou a incentivar o ensino primário, secundário e técnico profissionalizante, medidas essas feitas para atender o novo panorama econômico brasileiro. Outro ponto que corrobora o resultado do equilíbrio de Nash perfeito em subjogos é a perda da importância do setor cafeeiro no período que engloba o século XIX até o final do primeiro governo Vargas, onde as evidências mostram que os cafeicultores tinham, antes e durante a década de 1930, tendências a diversificarem investimentos por conta da perda da renda com o setor cafeicultor.This study proposes to examine the industrialization of Brazil in the context of economic and political changes in the first government of Getulio Vargas, from 1930 until 1945. In the literature of the Brazilian economy with the coming of industry in Brazil, two visions are in opposition: on one hand, industrialization as a byproduct of government intervention in the coffee sector, on the other, deliberately promoted industrialization by the government. Based on an analysis of equilibrium in a dynamic game of imperfect information, rationality is evident from the creation of institutions for industrial development in the 1930s. The result shows the changes of equilibrium in which Brazil went from the 1930s, with changes in the tax structure, educational, financial and labor relations, that institutional change created fertile ground for the rise of industrialization that characterized the first Vargas government and also shows the intention of this government, when one observes the transformation of the tax system, so be immune to external economic fluctuations and also educational changes, which came to encourage the primary, secondary and technical vocational, measures designed to meet the new economic landscape of Brazil. Another point that confirms the outcome of the Nash equilibrium is perfect in subgame the loss of the importance of the coffee sector in the period that includes the nineteenth century until the end of the first Vargas government, where the evidence shows that farmers had, since the decade of 1930, to diversify investment trends due to the loss of income to the grower industry.
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Costa, i. Fernàndez Lluís 1959. « La Dictadura de Primo de Rivera a Girona : premsa i societat (1923-1930) ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Girona, 1994. http://www.tdx.cat/TDX-0322111-170748.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Existeix una acusada tendència en el món historiogràfic a presentar la dictadura de Primo de Rivera com un règim polític monolític i uniforme, amb un únic discurs, sense a penes escletxes. La hipòtesi central de la nostra investigació es fonamenta en la idea que la realitat fou molt distinta, ja que dins el mateix Directori cohabitaren plantejaments substancialment diferents, que provocaren discrepàncies serioses en el si del règim. L'esmentada hipòtesi la intentem demostrar partint de l'anàlisi d'un aspecte concret, però molt important, de la Dictadura que és el que fa referència al propòsit de Primo de Rivera, al nostre entendre fracassat, de fonamentar gran part del seu projecte polític en el fet de desenvolupar una intensa tasca propagandística quehavia de servir per transmetre una bona imatge del règim i per inculcar ideologia. El marc territorial investigat és el format per les comarques gironines, on convergeixen tres factors decisius que aporten elements que ajuden a explicar el fracàs del projecte de Primo de Rivera. El primer de caràcter més general, però igualment constatable en l'àmbit gironí, és el relatiu a la mateixa política de premsa del dictador, que es caracteritza per la seva poca definició i per la seva pèssima aplicació. Els dos següents, més específics, incideixen en l'existència de diferents maneres d'entendre la reforma de l'Estat dins el primoriverisme, i en les lluites intestines i localistes entre bàndols ambiciosos de poder.
There is a marked trend in the historical world to present the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera as a monolithic and uniform political system, with a single speech, barely cracks. The central hypothesis of our research is based on the idea that the reality was very different because in the same directory substantially different approach coexisted, which caused serious disagreements within the regime. We attempt to demonstrate the above hypothesis on the basis of the analysis of a very important specific aspect of the dictatorship that makes reference to the purpose of Primo de Rivera, failed in our opinion, to substantiate much of its political project in developping an intense propaganda, that was supposed to transmit a good image of the regime and to instill ideology. The geographical area investigated is Girona region, where three crucial converging factors help to explain the failure of the project Primo de Rivera. The first one, more general, but also verifiable in the Girona area, is the dictator's press polici, which is characterized by its short definition and its terrible application. The two following, more specific, impact on the existence of different ways of understanding the State reform within primoriverism, and the localist infighting between ambitious factions eager for power.
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Souza, Samuel Fernando de. « Coagidos ou subornados : trabalhadores, sindicatos, Estado e as leis do trabalho nos anos 1930 ». [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280759.
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Orientador: Michael McDonald HallTese (Doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: O tema desta tese é a regulamentação das relações de trabalho durante os anos 1930. Ao longo das últimas décadas, a legislação trabalhista tem freqüentado as pautas da historiografia do trabalho. O Estado era visto como formulador e executor das leis, durante o período de 1930 a 1945, e esta regulação teria consolidado a submissão de trabalhadores e entidades sindicais ao império burocrático trabalhista. Em oposição a estas perspectivas uma nova historiografia do trabalho questionou o poder ¿demiurgo¿ do Estado. Na medida em que os estudos atentaram para as relações entre sindicatos, Estado, trabalhadores e patrões, uma série de novas questões veio à tona. Os sindicatos não eram tão atrelados, os trabalhadores mantinham estratégias de organização e mobilização e a lei era um campo de disputas. Esta tese parte desta perspectiva. O estudo da regulamentação tem como eixo a judicialização das relações de trabalho, iniciada nos anos 1920 e incrementada durante os anos 1930. A judicialização, resultado da legislação sobre o trabalho, foi observada a partir dos serviços de fiscalização das leis e pelos órgãos de justiça do trabalho. Os encontros entre trabalhadores, sindicato e patrões no âmbito do Estado revelaram a fragilidade do Estado para aplicar as leis, os usos por parte de trabalhadores e sindicatos dos recursos legais, bem como as estratégias do Estado, pelo Ministério do Trabalho, nas tentativas de efetivar o controle sindical
Abstract: The main object of this work is the legislation on labour relations during 1930¿s. Labour historians have been concerned about the legislation over the last decades. The State was often viewed as formulating and executing labour legislation during the 1930 ¿ 1945 period, the result being a labour movement controlled by the State. When historians started to focus on labour unions, workers, employers and the State a range of new questions about the subject arose. Labour unions were not too controlled by the State, workers had strategies to organize and mobilize by right and the law was a field for struggle. This thesis starts from this perspective and studies regulation from the viewpoint of the judicialization of labour relations, begun in the 1920s and increased during the 1930¿s. This judicialization, a result of the legislation, is viewed from the enforcement services of the laws and by the instruments of the labour courts. The encounters of workers, union and owners within the State reveal the State¿s fragility in applying its laws, the uses of legal recourses by workers and unions, as well as the strategies of the State, through the Ministry of Labour, in its attempts to exercise effective control over unions
Doutorado
Historia Social
Doutor em História
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Nunes, Guilherme Silva. « Expansão do Estado durante o primeiro Governo Vargas (1930-1945) : uma análise através da economia política institucionalista ». reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/168600.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Este trabalho tem por objetivo elaborar uma interpretação histórica sobre a expansão das funções do estado durante o período de 1930 a 1945, analisando as causas e desdobramentos da mudança institucional a partir do marco teórico da Economia Política Institucionalista. Esta perspectiva permite compreender mediante descrição da evolução histórica as especificidades do processo de mudança institucional devido as influências multidirecionais o influenciam resultantes das relações entre as novas instituições com ambiente institucional vigente e as circunstâncias materiais, além dos conflitos de ideias e interesses e o papel da agência humana. De forma geral, a interpretação empreendida demonstra que o estado, ao se expandir, alterou a visão de mundo dos agentes econômicos sobre sua própria intervenção e do desenvolvimento econômico. Além disso, as mudanças institucionais que sofre o estado contribuíram outras mais amplas através com estabelecimento de instituições voltadas a restringir o comportamento dos indivíduos e a possibilitar decisões, direcionando a modificação estrutural da economia brasileira e alterando os arranjos institucionais que sustentavam os mercados. Entretanto, os conflitos entre ideias e interesses também limitaram a ação do governo e a mudança institucional. O exame da evolução do Conselho Federal de Comércio Exterior corroborou a interpretação da ação do estado sobre a mudança institucional e a sua permeabilidade as contestações por parte de grupos de interesses.The present work aims do a historical interpretation on the expansion of state functions during the period from 1930 to 1945, analyzing the causes and consequences of institutional change based on the theoretical framework of Institutional Political Economy. This perspective allows, through a description of historical evolution, to understand the specificities of the process of institutional change because the multidirectional influences that result from the relations between the new institutions with the current institutional environment and the material circumstances, also due the conflicts of ideas and interests and the role of human action. In general, the interpretation shows that the state expansion changed the worldview of economic agents about their own intervention and the economic development. In addition, the institutional change of the state triggered other broader ones through the establishment of institutions aimed restricting the behavior of individuals and enabling decisions, managing the structural modification of the Brazilian economy and changing the institutional arrangements that supported the markets. However, conflicts between ideas and interests also limited government action and institutional change. The examination of the evolution of the Foreign Trade Council corroborated the interpretation of the state's action on institutional change and its permeability to the disputes of interest groups.
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Scherer, Catarina de Miranda. « Caracterização do ambiente institucional e sua mudança no Brasil entre 1889 e 1945 ». reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/12590.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Pelo menos até o primeiro governo Vargas, a dinâmica da economia brasileira era ditada pela produção primária para exportação, numa sucessão de produtos que culminou com a produção cafeeira. Esse quadro foi, porém, completamente alterado durante a década de 1930, quando se caracterizou um momento de inflexão econômica e institucional de grandes dimensões, que transformou a dinâmica de toda a economia. A solidificação da nova forma da economia só foi possível por ter sido acompanhada de uma alteração na estrutura institucional do país, tornando os sistemas financeiro, tributário e educacional, além das relações de trabalho, mais adequados a este novo panorama. Instituições são as regras do jogo em uma sociedade que moldam a interação entre os homens e, assim, fornecem estruturas estáveis para que as transações ocorram. Conhecer as características institucionais históricas de cada país pode trazer uma melhor compreensão de suas deficiências atuais e das alternativas viáveis de mudança para superá-las. O presente trabalho pretende caracterizar o ambiente institucional brasileiro do período entre 1889 e 1945, com base na Nova Economia Institucional, identificando, também, os efeitos destas instituições sobre o desempenho econômico e os processos de mudança institucional do período, especialmente a mudança ocorrida após a Revolução de 1930. Mostra-se que a nova estrutura institucional, então criada, permitiu a continuidade do processo de industrialização, com maior intervenção do Estado na economia, o qual dispôs de melhores instrumentos para alcançar seu objetivo industrializante e com regras mais claras, seja para o sistema financeiro e a concessão de crédito, seja para a contratação de mão-de-obra. Permitiu, ademais, que a economia brasileira se tornasse mais robusta, deixando de ser tão vulnerável às flutuações externas. As mudanças desta época foram importantes para o crescimento do período posterior por criar uma base mais sólida tributária, financeira, de relações de trabalho e de educação.At least until the first Vargas government, the dynamics of the Brazilian economy was dictated by the primary production for exportation, in a succession of products that culminated with coffee. This situation was, however, completely modified during the decade of 1930, when a moment of economic and institutional inflection of great dimensions was characterized, that transformed the dynamics of the whole economy. The solidification of the new form of the economy was only possible because it came along with an alteration in the institutional structure of the country, rendering the financial, educational, tributary systems and work relations more adjusted to this new panorama. Institutions are the rules of the game in a society that shape human interactions, establishing stable structures for the occurrence of transactions. To know the historical institutional characteristics of the country can provide a better understanding of its current deficiencies and suggest the viable alternatives to surpass them. The present work intends to characterize the Brazilian institutional environment of the period between 1889 and 1945, on the basis of the New Institutional Economics, identifying, also, the effect of these institutions on the economic performance and the processes of institutional change of the period, especially those that occurred after the Revolution of 1930. It is shown that the then created institutional structure allowed the continuity of the industrialization process, with stronger intervention of the State in the economy and with clearer rules, both for the financial system and the concession of credit, and for hiring labor. The government had available better instruments to reach its industrializing objective. Moreover, it allowed the Brazilian economy to become more robust, becoming less vulnerable to the external fluctuations. The changes of this period were important for the growth of the following decades for it created a more solid tax, financial, educational and work relations structure.
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Purdon, John James. « Fiction and the government of information in Britain 1900-1950 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.607727.
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Karavitis, Nicholas E. « The determinants of government expenditure growth in Greece, 1950-1980 ». Thesis, University of Leicester, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/35503.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The scope of this study is the examination of various theoretical contributions to the literature of the determinants of government expenditure growth. In the beginning we give a critical overview of different theories, starting with Wagner's Law, then passing onto Peacock and Wiseman's Displacement Effect Hypothesis and then putting bureaucracy, politics and other economic and social factors into perspective. We conclude that the best way of examining the growth of the public sector is by means of interdisciplinary approaches. Then, after giving a synoptic description of the Greek economy, polity and society we proceed into the empirical testing of theoretical propositions, which covers the years 1950-1980. We stress the fact that government expenditures is a non-uniform set interacting with the private sector and we employ empirical causality tests to a large number of variables in an attempt to identify causal relationships rather than assume them ex ante. Having done this, we proceed into calculating income elasticities for various categories of government expenditures, and we find that, in general, they are unitary except for those which are associated with transfer payments and are higher than unity. Furthermore, we were not able to identify any displacements in the Peacock and Wiseman sense, although we did find out that defence expenditure affects non-defence expenditure negatively. Finally, we constructed a model in order to examine the relative price effect, and the results we obtained were not fully in accordance with Baumol's assertions, any differences, however, being explained by the bureaucratic way of production.
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Silva, Luciandra Gonçalves da. « Sob o símbolo da cruz : questão social, família e educação nas relações entre Estado e Igreja no Brasil (1930-1945) ». Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2010. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=3452.
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Considerando a influência significativa do pensamento católico no cenário educacional e político brasileiro, esta pesquisa tem como objetivo desenvolver uma reflexão sobre as relações entre Igreja e Estado, situadas sob o primeiro governo Vargas (1930-1945) e, em particular, sob o Estado Novo, no que concerne às questões educacionais e sociais, e à atenção dispensada à família, compreendida como instituição imprescindível no processo de conformação da nação. Sob essa perspectiva, esse estudo se propõe a analisar as concepções católicas identificando os pontos de aproximação entre os interesses da Igreja e do Estado, que possam sugerir o estabelecimento de uma relação de aliança entre ambos, em prol de um projeto de reconstrução da nação, com base em princípios da doutrina cristã. Este estudo teve como base fundamental as representações católicas disseminadas a partir da revista A Ordem e a Revista Brasileira de Pedagogia, periódicos de expressiva relevância no âmbito católico.Considering the significant influence of catholic thought in educational and brazilian political scenario, this research aims to develop a reflection on the relationship between Church and State, situated on the first Government Vargas (1930-1945) and, in particular, under the New State, with regard to social and educational issues, and the attention given to the family, understood as an institution is essential in the process of conformation of the nation. Under this perspective, this study aims to analyze the catholic conceptions identifying points of convergence between the interests of Church and State, which may suggest the establishment of an alliance relationship between both, for a project of reconstruction of the nation, based on principles of Christian doctrine. This study was based on fundamental Catholic disseminated representations from the A Ordem and Revista Brasileira de Pedagogia, periodicals of expressive relevance within Catholic.
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Frame, William Robert Gordon. « The Conservative Party and domestic reconstruction 1931-1935 ». Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298274.
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Roy, Christian. « Alexandre Marc and the personalism of l'Ordre nouveau 1920-1940 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66083.
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Meznar, Michael. « The British government, the newspapers and the German problem 1937-1939 ». Thesis, Durham University, 2005. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1783/.
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British newspaper attitudes towards Neville Chamberlain's `appeasement' of Nazi Germany have long attracted historical criticism; and in the now-orthodox interpretation of Richard Cockett's Twilight of Truth (1989), the government is said to have exerted such influence, even `control', over newspapers that criticism of its foreign policy was effectively suppressed, and freedom of the press subverted. This thesis reassesses government-newspaper relations from 1937 to the end of appeasement in 1939. It argues that while government did seek to influence newspaper comment, this was hardly a new development; and if new in intensity, this was a reaction to the greater interwar political independence of newspapers. While making full use of government records and private papers, in contrast to Cockett's work the thesis also pays close attention to actual newspaper content. Newspapers with different political stances and forms of ownership are examined, from the `establishment' Times, the Conservative Daily Telegraph, the main Beaverbrook newspapers, The Yorkshire Post and Manchester Guardian as examples of provincial papers, the Liberal News Chronicle, to the main Labour opposition paper, The Daily Herald. It is argued that newspaper independence remained strong, and `press freedom' continued to be jealously guarded. Papers which supported government policy did so for their own long-established reasons; others were constrained by their inconsistent foreign-policy stances, or at dangerous periods (especially the Czechoslovakian crisis) temporarily moderated their criticism from a sense of national responsibility, not because of government pressure; and other newspapers remained persistently critical. Government efforts to influence the press had very limited and sporadic success. Moreover, not only did all major newspapers continue to report the views of antiappeasers; tellingly, these anti-appeasers made no substantial complaints of government suppression of alternative views. Government-newspaper relations in the late 1930s were more complex and subtle than recent accounts have suggested.
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Vickery, Edward Louis. « Telling Australia's story to the world : the Department of Information 1939-1950 / ». View thesis entry in Australian Digital Theses Program, 2003. http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-ANU20040721.123626/index.html.
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Pektaş, Şerafettin. « Milli Şef döneminde, 1938-1950, Cumhuriyet Gazetesi ». Sultanahmet, İstanbul : Fırat Yayınları, 2003. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/56346529.html.
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Originally presented as the author's Thesis (master's)--Marmara Üniversitesi Türkiyat Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, İstanbul, Turkey, 2002."Araştırma-inceleme"--Cover. Includes bibliographical references (p. 379-384).
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Simpson, Ralph Arthur. « Government intervention in the Malaysian economy, 1970-1990 : lessons for South Africa ». University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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This study examined the role the Malaysian government played in developing the Malaysian economy as a means to eliminating poverty and inequality and explored the lessons South Africa can learn from Malaysia's development experience. Under British colonial rule Malaysia developed a divided multi-ethnic society characterised by gross inequality and high levels of poverty. Jolted by the 1969 race riots and in a major departure from the laissez-faire economic policy, the government embarked on the New Economic Policy in 1970. This ambitious twenty-year social engineering plan ushered in greater state intervention in the economy. It greatly reduced poverty among indigenous Malays and made substantial progress towards achieving inter-ethnic economic parity.
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Gulig, Anthony G. « In whose interest ? : government-Indian relations in northern Saskatchewan and Wisconsin, 1900-1940 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq24074.pdf.
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Meddelton, Geoffrey Philip. « British government and conservative press relations during the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2100/.
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The subject of this thesis is the relationship between the Conservative dominated National Government and the Conservative Press in Britain during the Spanish Civil War. This thesis takes issue with previous findings that during the late 1930s the government was successful in manipulating the press. By focusing on the civil war however, it becomes clear how limited government influence actually was, even amongst its traditional allies. This was a cause of concern to a government, which realized that improved relations between Britain and the western dictator states depended to a great extent on its ability to influence the way, in which foreign affairs were reported, especially events in Spain. As a result of this study, the following conclusions can be made. Firstly, as already stated, the government was only partially successful in securing the reporting of events in a way that would not undermine appeasement, the central plank of British foreign policy at this time. Quite simply, the dictators failed to grasp the limitations of an accountable government's power in a parliamentary state. Secondly, and paradoxically, the relationship between Britain and the 'New Spain' was poor, even though British policy during the civil war had aided the victory of Franco. The conservative press bore some responsibility for this. Thirdly, the war caused divisions, which cut across established ideological lines within the conservative movement. Since party discipline ensured the support of conservatives within Parliament, it was within the press, with its freedom from government control, that these divisions were most evident. Inevitably, therefore, as the war progressed, conservative papers actually contributed to the growing anti-Franco and anti-fascist sentiment among the British public. The civil war was thus a period during which, far from achieving the support of the press for its policies, the government became increasingly frustrated as it saw its foreign policy being undermined.
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Lopes, Duarte Nuno. « The Co-operative Commonwealth Federation in Quebec, 1932-1950 : a study ». Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65332.
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Magee, Francis D. « The British government, the last Weimar governments and the rise of Hitler, 1929 - 1933 ». Thesis, University of Leeds, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.417340.
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Lopes, Raimundo Hélio. « Os batalhões provisórios : legitimação, mobilização e alistamento para uma guerra nacional (Ceará, 1932) ». www.teses.ufc.br, 2009. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/3005.
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LOPES, Raimundo Hélio. Os batalhões provisórios: legitimação, mobilização e alistamento para uma guerra nacional (Ceará, 1932). 2009. 213 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em História) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social, Fortaleza-CE, 2009.Submitted by Raul Oliveira (raulcmo@hotmail.com) on 2012-06-28T14:54:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_Dis_RHLopes.pdf: 3141146 bytes, checksum: 39886e7bba2b49e2b8870e96784e8c67 (MD5)
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This paper aims to examine the formation of the provisional battalions from Ceará for the War of 1932. This conflict, known as “Revolução Constitucionalista de 32” has been analyzed, for a long time, in a way focuses in the state of São Paulo, but recent research shows strong involvement of the whole nation in the form of relevant federal institutions, such as the states Federally appointed governors and the Armed Forces. Thus, the first chapter seeks to understand the construction of the government’s case for war, from various speeches and official pronouncements that circulated in the state, given new meanings in the context of war, such as the “Revolução de 30” and the policy to solve the problem of droughts. Also, this chapter looks into various actions against the “Governo Provisório” seeking to destabilize the federal force in Ceará. The second chapter examines the impact of the war in Ceará and the mobilization of the population around the legitimacy built by supporters of the Vargas regime in the state. The overall mobilization of the population is much greater than the number of enlisted men who were sent to the front lines, as can be seen through the various events that occurred during the war, organized by various entities and persons, in different ways. It also reviews the state infrastructure built for the establishment and training of provisional battalions of troops, in direct accordance with the federal policy to fight the insurgents, with the Army and Federally appointed governors. The final chapter aims to analyze the heterogeneity of the provisional battalions and how different subjects, with different social experiences, are among the provisional forces. I also try understand the various tensions that are associated with this process, through the various uses and political contradictions that have surrounded the enlisting.
Esta pesquisa pretende analisar a formação dos batalhões provisórios cearenses para a Guerra de 1932. Este conflito, mais conhecido como “Revolução Constitucionalista de 32” foi, por muito tempo, analisado privilegiando o estado de São Paulo, mas pesquisas recentes apontam para um forte envolvimento de toda a Nação a partir de relevantes instituições federais, como as Interventorias estaduais e as Forças Armadas. Dessa forma, o primeiro capítulo busca compreender a construção da legitimação para a guerra, a partir de vários discursos e pronunciamentos oficiais que circularam no estado, ressignificados no contexto da guerra, como a “Revolução de 30” e a política de combate à seca. Além disso, este capítulo averigua diversas ações contrárias ao Governo Provisório que procuravam desestabilizar a força federal no Ceará. O segundo capítulo analisa o impacto da guerra no Ceará e a mobilização da população em torno da legitimação construída pelos apoiadores do governo Vargas no estado. A mobilização da população é bem maior que o número de alistados que foram enviados ao front, como pode ser percebido através das várias manifestações que ocorreram durante a guerra, oriundas de diversas entidades e pessoas, e das mais variadas formas. Também é analisada a estrutura estatal construída para a formação e treinamento dos batalhões provisórios, em diálogo com a política federal de combate aos revoltosos, o Exército Nacional e a Interventoria local. O último capítulo tem como objetivo analisar a heterogeneidade dos batalhões provisórios e como diversos sujeitos, com experiências sociais distintas, se integraram nas forças provisórias. Também procuro perceber as diversas tensões que estão relacionadas com esse processo, através dos diversos usos políticos e das contradições que marcaram o alistamento.
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LaBarge, Andrea L. « Hawaii government's role in Japanese ownership of Hawaii hotels, 1970-1990 ». Thesis, University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2002. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=0&did=765044491&SrchMode=1&sid=8&Fmt=2&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1208551486&clientId=23440.
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Horne, Fiona. « Explaining British Refugee Policy, March 1938 - July 1940 ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. History, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1043.
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The twentieth century has aptly been referred to the century of the refugee.1 In the twentieth century, refugees became an important international problem which seriously affected relations between states and refugee issues continue to play an important part in international relations in the twenty-first century. The refugee crisis created by the Nazis in the 1930s was without precedent and the British government was unsure how to respond. British refugee policy was still in a formative stage and was therefore susceptible to outside influences. This dissertation aims to explain the key factors that drove British refugee policy in the period March 1938 to July 1940, and to evaluate their relative significance over time. I divided the period of study into three phases (March-September 1938, October 1938 to August 1939, September 1939 to July 1940), in order to explore how a range of factors varied in importance in a political and international environment that was rapidly changing. In considering how to respond to the refugee crisis, the British government was hugely influenced by concerns over its relations with other countries, especially Germany. There is little doubt that, during the entire period of this study, the primary influence on the formation and implementation of British refugee policy was the international situation. However, foreign policy did not by itself dictate the precise form taken by British refugee policy. The response of the British government was modulated by economic concerns, domestic political factors, humanitarianism, and by the habits, traditions and assumptions of British political culture. Some factors, like anti-Semitism became less important during the period of this study, while others like humanitarianism increased in importance.
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Saleuddin, Rasheed. « The United States Federal Government and the making of modern futures markets, 1920-1936 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/267875.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 1921, 1924 and 1929-1934, markets for the future delivery of wheat went through periods of extreme volatility and/or significant depression, and in all three cases there were significant and long-lasting changes to both the institutional and regulatory framework of these Chicago-dominated grain markets. There was no real change after these key reforms until 1974, while indeed much of the original regulatory and market innovation remains. The result of the severe depression of 1921 was the Futures Trading Act of 1921. In 1924-25, the so-called ‘Cutten corner’ market turmoil was followed by three key institutional innovations brought about in 1926 by US federal government coercion of the grain futures trading industry in collusion with industry leaders. The Great Depression gave birth to the 1936 Commodity Exchange Act. This Act was based on research done by the government and/or with government-mandated evidence that essentially saw the small grain gambler as needing protection from the grain futures industry, and was pushed through by a coalition of farmers’ organisations and the agency responsible for the 1922 Act’s administration. The government demanded information that was begrudgingly provided, and the studies of this data formed the basis of a political and intellectual justification of the usefulness of futures markets to the marketing of farm products that influenced the Act of 1936 and – more importantly - continues to today. My key thesis is that government worked closely with the futures industry to the extent that the agency was captured by special interests for much of the interwar period, and I claim that government intervention was responsible for the essential changes that assured the dominance of futures markets, with the Chicago Board of Trade as their hub. The lasting institutions created in the 1920s and 1930s continue to immensely influence the financial markets of today, including being incorporated into the Dodd-Frank Act of 2010. My study differs from the accepted account that sees federal regulation as an irrational ‘populist’ attempt at controlling or even banning the markets, with the new institutions developed during the interwar period as the result of effective industry self-regulation in spite of state interference. The findings are based on a theory-driven reading of archives of the Chicago Board of Trade, its regulator the Grain Futures Administration, and the other key government agencies engaging with the grain trade, the USDA, the Federal Farm Board and the Federal Trade Commission. The approach here differs from the accepted accounts in that it is based mostly on my archival work, including the newly reorganised (in 2014) Chicago Board of Trade archive, rather than on public sources such as Congressional hearings and newspaper stories.
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Vaz, Céline. « Le franquisme et la production de la ville : politiques du logement et de l’urbanisme, mondes professionnels et savoirs urbains en Espagne des années 1930 aux années 1970 ». Thesis, Paris 10, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA100196.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Urbanisation désordonnée, manque d’équipements urbains, prééminence de la promotion privée dans la production de logements, domination de la propriété d’occupation, telles sont les caractéristiques du développement urbain et immobilier sous le régime franquiste, qui ont perduré jusqu’à aujourd’hui pour certaines d’entre elles. Cette ville « sans qualité » constitue un objet de préoccupation sociale majeur et une voie de contestation du régime dans les dernières années de la dictature franquiste. Le mode de production de la ville qui se met en place durant l’époque franquiste, et la question urbaine sur lequel il débouche, constituent l’objet de cette thèse. Cette recherche repose sur l’analyse conjointe des politiques nationales d’urbanisme et du logement, et du groupe professionnel des architectes. Ce choix a été guidé par un double constat. L’interventionnisme du régime franquiste s’est en effet aussi concrétisé dans les domaines du logement et de l’urbanisme : un ensemble d’organismes centraux, de dispositions et de dispositifs officiels ont ainsi encadré et déterminé le mode de production urbaine. Les architectes, par la position particulièrement privilégiée qu’ils occupent dans le secteur de la construction en Espagne, jouent un rôle clé dans l’élaboration et la mise en œuvre de ces politiques. Des membres du groupe professionnel sont par ailleurs les fers de la critique urbaine à la fin de la dictature. Ce dispositif de recherche permet d’étudier la constitution de l’espace urbain et immobilier en catégorie de l’action publique et les effets de ce processus sur les champs professionnel et scientifique sur l’ensemble de la période franquiste. Il offre les bases d’une histoire sociale des politiques urbaines qui éclaire à la fois l’histoire du régime franquiste, l’histoire des sciences sociales de la ville, ainsi que la sociologie de l’action publique et des groupes professionnelsFrancoism and urban production. Housing and urban policies, professionals and urban sciences in Spain from the 1930's to the 1970's.An urban model oriented towards growth, lack of public facilities and infrastructure, high proportion of owner-tenancy, shortage of public housing, or the relevance of real state in the national economy are some of the characteristics of Spain’s urban development during Franco’s dictatorship. It became a main social concern and way to criticize Franco’s regime at the end of the dictatorship. The aim of this PhD thesis is to study the mode of production of Spanish cities during the dictatorship and the social urban movement at the end of the regime. This research is based on the double analysis of national urban planning and housing policies and of the role of one of their principal actors: the architects. During the Franco’s era, State’s intervention was indeed reflected on housing and town-planning through a set of central institutions or bodies, of legal provisions and official measures. Theses decisions determined the mode of urban development. Owing to their privileged position in the building sector in Spain, architects play a key role in the definition and implementation of these policies. Moreover, some architects were years later the leaders of urban criticism and urban social movement. This set-up brings into light the development, if not the constitution, of the urban space as a category of public action during the Franco years, as well as its effects on the professional and scientific fields. This PhD thesis intends to constitute a social history of urban policies during the Franco’s era (1939-1975). Through this approach, it contributes to a better knowledge of the history of this period, of the history of urban social sciences and public action and of the sociology of professions
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Hart, John Frederic Vincent. « The political and legal uses of reference cases by the Mackenzie King government, 1935-1940 ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30645.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis provides an examination of both the political and legal uses of reference cases to the Supreme Court of Canada by the Mackenzie King government. Attention is devoted to the five-year-period, 1935-1940, in which the King administration submitted several politically motivated references to the Supreme Court. This political use of reference
cases to the Supreme Court began immediately after the Liberals returned to power in October 1935 when the government submitted the Bennett government's New Deal legislation
for judicial scrutiny. Within the five-year-period the government forwarded two other references to the Supreme Court, again where highly controversial legislation was involved: the Alberta Social Credit statutes passed in 1937 and the private member's bill sponsored by CH. Cahan in 1939 to abolish overseas appeals to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, then the final court of appeal for Canada.
The underlying premise of this thesis is that in each of the above instances the King government found it politically expedient to involve the Supreme Court in issues where questions of law were clearly subordinate to the political concerns of the federal government. Furthermore, in each instance, avenues of action, other than a reference case to the Supreme Court, were available to the federal government but were rejected by cabinet. Only in one instance, when Quebec's controversial 1937 Padlock Act was under close scrutiny, did the federal government avoid submitting a patently political issue to the Supreme Court, apprehensive of the consequences of such action. The federal government's
reluctance to forward a reference to the Supreme Court in the case of Quebec's Padlock Act thus provides a revealing contrast to both the New Deal and the situation in Alberta where reference cases were initiated almost immediately. The federal government's
marked reluctance to deal with Quebec in a comparable manner therefore merits close attention and as such is an important element of this thesis.
The background to each reference case, its political origins, the reasons for the federal
government's insistence on a reference--or in the case of Quebec, the reasons for
avoidance of a reference—are the central issues addressed in this thesis. The cases are examined
from another viewpoint as well. Once before the Court, the political issues gave way as the Court focused primarily upon the legal issues involved. The Court's decisions thereby provide another important vantage point from which to view the implications of the federal government's actions. For example, an assessment of the legal argument and judicial reasoning in the New Deal cases helps one answer these questions: First, did King's lawyers really try to win? Second, did the courts (both the Supreme Court of Canada and the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council) simply bow to King's obvious desire
that the legislation be declared ultra vires? Third, did the courts, as some have alleged,
decide that the depression was not an emergency?
Although the King government may have found it preferable for short-term considerations
to submit contentious political issues involving questions of law to the Supreme Court for its legal opinion, in the long-term it found itself dealing with unexpected complications
arising from the very decisions it sought. Even if the government successfully predicts
the legal outcome of a court case, it may find itself dealing with a political outcome it had not anticipated. Certainly if the actions of the King government are any indication in the five-year-period under discussion, this is a complication a government seldom expects, although one as I argue, that it should prepare itself for.
This thesis also demonstrates that when reference cases are employed by the federal
government, politicians, constitutional scholars, political journalists and other concerned
citizens should ask two important questions: First, is the reference being initiated to avoid or delay assuming political responsibility in a given situation? Second, are like situations
indeed receiving like treatment? As indicated throughout this thesis, such questions are of great importance. Indeed, this thesis demonstrates that in the period between 1935 and 1940 the King administration initiated not only the New Deal reference, but forwarded
C.H. Cahan's private member's bill to the courts as well, in order to avoid dealing with a controversial political issue. So, too, the period provides a telling example of an in-stance where like situations were not treated alike as the striking similarities between the situation in Alberta and Quebec indicates. Clearly, a failure to ask questions such as the ones posed above leads to the possibility that the full meaning of the reference cases themselves,
their origins and their implications, will not be realized by the interested onlooker.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Hardiman, N. « Centralised collective bargaining : Trade unions, employers and government in the Republic of Ireland, 1970-1980 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371655.
Texte intégral
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Esnouf, Guy Nicholas. « British Government war aims and attitudes towards a negotiated peace, September 1939 to July 1940 ». Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1988. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/british-government-war-aims-and-attitudes-towards-a-negotiated-peace-september-1939-to-july-1940(b7fc8578-d161-48ce-bd5c-b0d8374a2551).html.
Texte intégral
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Baird, Julia Woodlands. « Housewife superstars : female politicians and the Australian print media, 1970-1990 ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18048.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis focuses on the relationship between female politicians and the press in Australia - how they were interviewed and reported on, and how their public image was shaped, between 1970 and 1990. Making use of frame analysis, it examines the way the media framed women elected to parliament, and reveals a pattern of coverage which consistently portrayed women as outsiders in a male political realm. However, it also reveals that the coverage changed over time. There were four major frames through which female politicians were viewed. The ‘iron lady’ frame involved a search for Australia’s first woman Prime Minister, and compared femininity to the exercise of power or authority. The ‘housewife’ frame focused on women politician’s domestic responsibilities, and sprang from an anxiety about the impact of women’s participation in the public sphere on the private sphere. The ‘body’ frame drew attention to women’s weight, appearance and sex lives, often to either explain or query their political success. Finally, the ‘feminist’ frame centered on questions which asked women MPs to define themselves as feminists, and sought their opinions only on narrowly defined women’s issues. Frames were determined by the hook, the headline, and the choice of photograph as well as the narrative of newspaper articles, and repetition of descriptive words. Each frame evolved over time, and each has been shaped by female politician’s criticisms of their treatment at the hands of the press. This thesis shows the previously unexamined relationship between female politicians and the Australian print media is not static or unilateral, but symbiotic, dialogic and constantly changing. As a forum for a broader societal debate about the role of women, the major metropolitan newspapers sustained and shaped, but also undermined a separate spheres ideology. The print media was not monolithic, and competing viewpoints were aired in editorials, articles, comment and opinion pieces. Female journalists in particular played a critical role in introducing and sustaining a debate about a gender bias in political reporting, in the press. I argue analyses must incorporate the agency of women politicians in order to understand the complexities of the women’s responses and resistance to their portrayal as ‘housewife superstars’ in the press, as well as the possibilities for change.