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1
Calmettes, Xavier. « Médias, propagande et pouvoir politique à Cuba sous le régime du 10 mars (1952-1958) ». Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCA030.
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L’un des sujets historiques latino-américains les plus abordés par la littérature scientifique, est celui de la révolution cubaine de 1959. Les réformes sociales, la projection internationale du nouveau régime havanais, la répression politique intérieure, l’opposition des États-Unis ont entraîné un vaste débat politique et intellectuel. Pour montrer l’échec ou la réussite de la nouvelle politique menée, les auteurs ont tenté de nombreuses comparaisons avec le gouvernement de Fulgencio Batista sans, pour autant, étudier attentivement ses mécanismes, ses contradictions internes, ses différences et ses similitudes avec les régimes voisins. De faux documents ont même été produits pour justifier la vision de l’un ou l’autre des camps.57 ans après l’entrée des révolutionnaires à La Havane, il convient de s’interroger sur ce que fut le régime du 10 mars. L’objet de cette thèse estde réussir à comprendre, à partir du plus large corpus possible et à travers la relation entre l’État et les médias, quelle était la nature du gouvernement de Fulgencio Batista. Il s’agit de replacer au centre de la compréhension les actions des acteurs politiques et médiatiquesOne of the Latin American historical subjects most approached by scientific literature is the Cuban Revolution of 1959. Social reforms, the international projection of the new Havanese regime, internal political repression, led to extensive political and intellectual debate. In order to show the failure or the success of the new policy, the authors have attempted many comparisons with the government of Fulgencio Batista without, however, carefully examining its mechanisms, internal contradictions, differences and similarities with neighboring regimes. False documents were even produced to justify the vision of one or the other of the camps.57 years after the revolutionaries entered Havana, it is necessary to question what the regime of March 10 was. The aim of this thesis is to understand the nature of the government of Fulgencio Batista through the relationship between the state and the media and to reposition it in the center of the understanding of the period the actions of political and media actors
2
Redon, Klemia. « Héritage afro-cubain : Entre identité culturelle et représentation folklorique donnée à voir aux touristes (1992-2021) ». Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Grenoble Alpes, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024GRALL008.
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Chargé d’une histoire aussi complexe que riche, Cuba s’est converti en quelques années en une destination prisée pour la beauté de ses paysages, de ses plages mais aussi de la chaleur et de la convivialité qui se dégagent de ses habitants.Après une crise économique sans précédent qui frappe Cuba à partir du début des années 1990 appelée « el Periodo Especial en tiempo de paz », le gouvernement de Fidel Castro décide de développer une politique touristique visant à favoriser l’économie mise à mal par l’arrêt du soutien financier de l’Union Soviétique. Le « crocodile » de la Caraïbe, lieu stratégique entre une Europe coloniale et l’Amérique, longtemps aux mains des Espagnols, puis des Anglais ; n’a cessé de voir s’opérer de nombreux processus de transculturation, d’acculturation tout au long de son histoire, bouleversant ainsi bon nombre de codes socio-culturels donnant lieu à cette identité culturelle cubaine si singulière.À partir des années 1960, et fort de cette diversité culturelle, le gouvernement de Fidel Castro dissociant les manifestations culturelles populaires et le folklore, s’est emparé de l’héritage culturel traditionnel des esclaves, tout en l’adaptant et le profanisant. Cette volonté de mettre en avant la culture afro-cubaine s’est accentuée dans les années 1990 avec l’arrivée du tourisme à Cuba. La multiplication des complexes hôteliers, la diversification des propositions touristiques, et la volonté de faire entrer des devises sur le territoire, ont accentué le phénomène de marchandisation du folklore.Alors entre stratégies politiques, folklore et préservation d’un patrimoine immatériel, qu’est-il donné à voir et à comprendre de la cubanía aux touristes de passage sur l’île ?With an history as complex as rich, Cuba has in just a few years become a popular destination for the beauty of its landscapes and beaches, as well as the warmth and friendliness of its people.Following an unprecedented economic crisis that hit Cuba in the early 90s, known as "el Periodo Especial en tiempo de paz", Fidel Castro's government decided to develop a tourism policy designed to boost the economy, which had been badly hit by the end of financial support from the Soviet Union.The "crocodile" of the Caribbean, a strategic location between colonial Europe and America, for a long time in the hands of the Spanish and then the British, has constantly undergone a process of transculturation and acculturation throughout its history, overturning many of the socio-cultural codes that have given rise to Cuba's unique cultural identity.From the 60s onwards, on the strength of this cultural diversity, Fidel Castro's government, which dissociated popular cultural events from folklore, took over the traditional cultural heritage of the slaves, adapting and profaning it at the same time.This desire to highlight Afro-Cuban culture was accentuated in the 90s with the arrival of tourism in Cuba. The proliferation of hotel complexes, the diversification of tourist attractions and the desire to bring foreign currency into the country have accentuated this trend?
3
Butler, Krissie. « Deconstructing an Icon : Fidel Castro and Revolutionary Masculinity ». UKnowledge, 2012. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/hisp_etds/10.
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The goal of this project is to investigate the way in which various representations of Fidel Castro, between the years 1957-1965, have left an indelible mark on Cuba, transforming its landscape, I argue, through gendered means and conscious strategies. Thus it is less concerned with Fidel as an historical person than with examining with a gendered lens the ways in which he has been represented in foundational photographs, interviews, songs, and texts (both narrative and poetry as well as blogs). Drawing from theories of masculinity, which conceive masculinity as both a social construction and material body, my dissertation explores the ways in which these representations make visible a gendered body, mapping definitions of masculinity on Fidel, which are intimately linked to power. These constructions of Fidel’s masculinity, which are portrayed as hegemonic and a legitimating feature of patriarchal control, are a central feature of Fidel’s political authority and the Revolution’s hegemonizing project to shape Revolutionary men and women. I argue that representations of Fidel frequently invite a gendered encounter between the Comandante and his followers, resulting in the production of gendered Revolutionary subjects. The present study adds to current scholarship by shedding light on the ways in which gender foregrounds politics by problematizing the ways in which men are often at the center of political discourse. By decoding the foundations of Fidel’s “gendered” power, we find it to be a construction whose maintenance depends on the body’s ability to conform to hegemonic definitions of masculinity, thus reinforcing rather than Revolutionizing masculine paradigms of authority.
4
Calegari, Ana Paula Cecon. « Contrarrevolucionários e dissidentes nos discursos de Fidel Castro, 1959 1962 ». Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2014. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=7353.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível SuperiorA história das oposições é um tema fundamental para entender a Revolução Cubana. As manifestações de desacordo com processo revolucionário foram simultâneas ao triunfo de 1 de Janeiro de 1959 e nos anos posteriores se desenvolveram a partir de condicionamentos internos e externos. Nessa dissertação, analisamos a representação feita por Fidel Castro dos contrarrevolucionários e dos dissidentes e de que forma os atores e setores que participaram daquela história se tornaram obstáculos para o desenvolvimento do projeto político formulado pelo grupo encabeçado por Castro. Utilizamos os discursos pronunciados por Fidel entre os anos de 1959 a 1962 para investigarmos a relação existente entre a representação das oposições feita pelo comandante e o processo de centralização política em torno de um núcleo dirigente.
La historia de las oposiciones es una clave para entender el tema de la Revolución Cubana. Las manifestaciones de desacuerdo con el proceso revolucionario fueron simultáneas al triunfo del 1 de enero de 1959 y en los años posteriores se han desarrollado a partir de las condiciones internas y externas. En esta disertación, analizamos la representación hecha por Fidel Castro de los contrarrevolucionarios y los disidentes y cómo los actores y sectores que participaron en esta historia se han convertido en obstáculos para el desarrollo del proyecto político formulado por el grupo encabezado por Castro. Utilizamos los discursos de Fidel entre los años 1959 hasta 1962 para investigar la relación entre la representación de la oposición formulada por el "comandante" y el proceso centralización política alrededor de un grupo dirigente.
5
Jayatilleka, Mario Dayan. « The Moral Sierra Maestra : The Moral-Ethical Dimension of the Political Thought of Fidel Castro ». Thesis, Griffith University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365793.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This is a study of the moral and ethical dimension of the political thought of Fidel Castro, with an ethic of violence at its vital centre. It is not a study of the totality and evolution of Fidel Castro’s political thought. It does not purport to be his intellectual biography. As such it focuses on two ideas, the one within the other. It explores the moral and ethical aspect of Fidel Castro’s political thought and strategy and examines as a constituent component of that aspect, Castro’s idea of the correct and incorrect use of violence. More generally, it hopes to shed light on the issue of the good and bad use of violence, using as prism and principal illustrative case, the political, strategic and diplomatic thought and practice of Fidel Castro, both as revolutionary insurgent and leader of a state, as rebel and ruler.
It is suggested in this thesis that Fidel Castro, a revolutionary, Marxist and Third World political figure, has made a contribution to the understanding of one of the larger questions of politics, one that properly belongs in the sphere of political theory and philosophy: the question of violence, political power and morality. The study undertaken here argues that Fidel Castro’s main contribution to revolutionary Marxism was the introduction of an explicitly moral and ethical dimension. This in turn has enabled him to occupy the moral high ground and has helped him survive the collapse of Communism with no damage to his prestige. The study also indicates that the moral and ethical dimension stems from a unique synthesis of Marxism and Christianity.
This study attempts to show that the Castro doctrine of armed struggle is based upon the conscious cultivation of a moral asymmetry between the enemy and the liberation fighter, a moral superiority that is cultivated not by abstinence from violence as in the
case of Gandhi, nor by the low intensity and tactical use of violence as in the case of Mandela’s ANC, but by conscious restraint in the conduct, methods and targeting. While it is on the one hand a doctrine of Absolute or Total War, in that it seeks, as did the Jacobins and Napoleon, to mobilize the whole people, it is also a doctrine of Limited War in terms of targeting. It is simultaneously governed by and seeks to achieve a moral superiority that does not rest on culturally specific and circumscribed notions (such as those that govern Islamic militants) but on universal values of humanitarian conduct in warfare.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
Full Text
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Hidalgo, Ángel L. « El Pensamiento de José Martí tergiversado como Ideología Política y de Lucha por la Revolución Cubana ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2011. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc103328/.
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The political ideologies that Martí envisioned of an America free from the inherited yoke of European ideals were taken by Fidel Castro as an anti-imperialist discourse. Therefore, Marti’s political vision on the power that the United States began to carry out at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century was an excellent strategy to establish the anti-imperialist character of the Cuban revolution. Since 1961, Castro set Martí as the face of his Marxist-Leninist ideology to institute his anti-American philosophy; Castro created a myth of Marti’s persona, and converted him into the bastion of his political ideology. As a result, Castro distorted the revolutionary ideas of Marti’s. Castro proposed his ideas out of context and portrayed the incorrect idea of this great thinker and poet. Martí’s human ethic and love for the independence of Cuba placed Martí as a liberator of revolutionary and progressive ideas of his generation. Martí was not thought as a dictator and never was a man who lacked democratic values. The expressed analytical assimilation of Martí on his sociopolitical and economic juncture that was presented in America and Cuba was used to trace the political anti-imperialist propaganda by the dictatorial regime lead by Castro. This thesis will emphasize the persona of Jose Martí as a revolutionary, visionary and educator of his generation, then it will present the incorrect interpretation of Marti’s ideology by Fidel Castro, as an ideal to embark his revolution. Finally, the differences of his ideas in contrast to the political and social ideology of the Cuban revolution will be explained.
7
Michaut, Maxime. « Cuba : l'encadrement idéologique et social face à la politique de déstabilisation des États-Unis / ». Paris ; Budapest ; Kinshasa [etc.] : l'Harmattan, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40180457c.
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Ciriaco, Daniela de Carvalho. « “Nós somos completamente outros” : uma análise da ocupação urbana Fidel Castro em Uberlândia - MG ». Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2018. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/8028.
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O presente trabalho é resultado da pesquisa de mestrado do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Serviço Social da Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (PPGSS/UFJF), que teve por objetivo analisar como a participação na ocupação Fidel Castro, na cidade de Uberlândia – MG, do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem-Teto – MTST, contribuiu para o processo de formação de uma consciência crítica e reflexiva da realidade. Buscamos compreender qual era a visão dos sujeitos antes e após o ingresso no movimento, identificando assim, as possíveis transformações na percepção e análise acerca da realidade, do mundo e de si mesmo. Para construção deste estudo, optamos por uma base teórico-metodológica que busca a compreensão da totalidade das relações, o materialismo histórico e dialético. Desta forma, esta é uma pesquisa qualitativa que visa a compreensão da percepção dos sujeitos inseridos em um território específico que é a ocupação do MTST. Para atingir os objetivos propostos neste trabalho, iniciamos um levantamento de estudos referentes ao MTST, bem como de autores e produções relacionados à temática da formação da consciência articulada ao processo de produção e reprodução do sistema do capital. Com a realização da pesquisa de campo procuramos verificar no cotidiano dos sujeitos, como acontece esse processo de formação da consciência crítica. Para tanto, utilizamos um estudo de caso da ocupação Fidel Castro. Neste sentido, organizamos esta dissertação da seguinte forma: no primeiro capítulo apresentamos reflexões acerca do processo de reprodução do capital e, de como este processo implica em uma forma específica de produção do espaço, abordando a questão habitacional e as formas de luta e resistência dos sujeitos para garantia desse direito, com enfoque para atuação do MTST. No segundo capítulo, abordamos algumas categorias e elementos que foram norteadoras para a compreensão do processo de formação da consciência como: classe, luta de classes, alienação, consciência “em si” e “para si”, emancipação política e humana e cotidiano. Finalmente, no terceiro capítulo apresentamos os dados e análises coletados durante a pesquisa de campo, fazendo a articulação com o debate já apresentado. Os resultados finais deste estudo nos possibilitaram compreender que a participação em uma ocupação do MTST contribuiu para o processo de formação de uma consciência crítica dos sujeitos, principalmente no que se refere à dimensão e noção de direitos e da necessidade de organização e luta para sua defesa. É certo que esta discussão não pode ser esgotada. Pelo contrário, o caminho trilhado para o desenvolvimento da pesquisa trouxe novas indagações e questionamentos que carecem de investigação.
The present study is a result of the Master's research of the Post-Graduation Program in Social Service of the Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (PPGSS / UFJF), whose objective was to analyze how participation in the Fidel Castro occupation, in the city of Uberlândia - MG , of the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem-Teto - MTST contributed to the process of forming a critical and reflective consciousness of reality. We sought to understand the vision of the subjects before and after joining the movement, thus identifying possible transformations in perception and analysis about reality, the world and itself. To construct this study, we opted for a theoretical-methodological basis that seeks to understand the totality of relations, historical and dialectical materialism. In this way, this is a qualitative research that aims at understanding the perception of the subjects inserted in a specific territory that is the occupation of the MTST. To reach the objectives proposed in this work, we began a survey of studies related to the MTST, as well as authors and productions related to the theme of the formation of the articulated consciousness to the process of production and reproduction of the capital system. With the accomplishment of the field research we try to verify in the subjects' daily life, as it happens this process of formation of the critical conscience. To do so, we used a case study of the Fidel Castro occupation. In this sense, we organized this dissertation in the following way: in the first chapter we present reflections on the process of reproduction of capital and how this process implies a specific form of space production, addressing the housing issue and the forms of struggle and resistance of the subject to guarantee this right, with focus for MTST action. In the second chapter, we briefly present the debate on social movements, analyzing how the MTST fits into this discussion. We also approach some categories and elements that were guiding for the understanding of the process of formation of the consciousness as: class, class struggle, alienation, consciousness "in itself" and "for itself", political and human emancipation. Finally, in the third chapter we present the data and analyzes collected during the field research, making articulation with the debate already presented. The final results of this study enabled us to understand that participation in an occupation of the MTST contributed to the process of forming a critical awareness of the subjects, mainly regarding the dimension and notion of rights and the need to organize and fight for their defense . Admittedly, this discussion can not be exhausted. On the contrary, the path taken for the development of research has brought new questions and questions that need investigation.
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Jacobs, Matt D. « The unforeseen consequences of informal empire the United States, Latin America, and Fidel Castro, 1945-1961 / ». View electronic thesis (PDF), 2009. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2009-1/jacobsm/mattjacobs.pdf.
Texte intégral
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Payne, Meghan Elizabeth. « The Post-Revolutionary Roles of Fidel Castro : A Semiotic Analysis of Cuban Political Posters, 1959-1988 ». BYU ScholarsArchive, 2017. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/6590.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study employs semiotic methods to identify the post-revolutionary roles of former Cuban President Fidel Castro in order to classify the transformations of his character portrayal over time. Informed by Goffman's framing theory as well as suggestions of agenda-setting and priming, this qualitative study analyzes 19 propaganda posters for communications of encoded messages. In this medium, the research explores thematic patterns of sociopolitical and sociocultural signs which add to the richness of Castro's appeal. In addition to providing a unique perspective on interrogating visual images, this study offers a better understanding of the influential power of professional design and the use of semiotics in political propaganda.
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Lamrani, Salim. « De Fulgencio Batista à Fidel Castro : Cuba et la politique étrangère des Etats-Unis 1956-1959 ». Thesis, Paris 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA040172.
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Les relations entre Cuba et les Etats-Unis sont conflictuelles depuis plus d’un demi-siècle, plus précisément depuis l’arrivée de Fidel Castro au pouvoir le 1er janvier 1959. Cette étude porte sur le régime du général Fulgencio Batista (1952-1958) et plus particulièrement sur la guerre civile cubaine – période de vingt-cinq mois allant du débarquement des révolutionnaires cubains menés par Castro le 2 décembre 1956 à la fuite de Batista le 1er janvier 1959. L’analyse de cette période est cruciale pour comprendre les raisons de l’émergence d’un puissant mouvement à Cuba et de la transformation politique, économique et sociale la plus radicale de l’histoire de l’Amérique latine, mettant ainsi un terme à près de soixante ans d’hégémonie étasunienne sur l’île des Caraïbes (1898-1958). Elle permet également de saisir les enjeux actuels du conflit bilatéral qui oppose Washington et La Havane. L’interventionnisme des Etats-Unis, tant politique que militaire, dans les affaires internes cubaines en vue de protéger leurs propres intérêts économiques et stratégiques était une norme qui était de mise durant toute la période républicaine (1902-1958). L’objectif de cette étude consiste à analyser en profondeur la politique étrangère de l’administration Eisenhower vis-à-vis de Cuba durant toute la guerre civile cubaine qui opposa principalement le Mouvement 26 Juillet de Castro et ses alliés au régime de Batista. L’hostilité persistante de Washington à l’égard de Cuba vingt ans après la disparition de l’Union soviétique illustre le constat que les rapports bilatéraux entre les deux nations ne peuvent être analysés seulement à l’aune de la Guerre FroideRelations between Cuba and the United States have been troubled for more than half a century, more precisely since Fidel Castro's arrival to power on January 1, 1959. This study concerns the regime of General Fulgencio Batista (1952-1958) and particularly the Cuban civil war - the twenty-five month period from the landing of Cuban revolutionaries led by Castro on December 2, 1956 to the flight of Batista on January 1, 1959. The analysis of this period is crucial to understanding the reasons for the emergence of a powerful movement in Cuba and the most radical political, economic and social transformation in the history of Latin America, which ended nearly sixty years of American hegemony over the Caribbean island (1898-1958). It also provides an understanding of the essence of the current bilateral conflict between Washington and Havana. U.S. intervention, both politically and militarily, in Cuban internal affairs in order to protect its own strategic and economic interests was the norm throughout Cuba's Republican era (1902-1958). The aim of this study is an in depth analysis of the foreign policy of the Eisenhower administration towards Cuba throughout the Cuban civil war, which primarily pitted Castro's 26th of July Movement and his allies against the Batista regime. Washington's persistent hostility towards Cuba twenty years after the demise of the Soviet Union illustrates the finding that bilateral relations between both nations can not be analyzed only through the framework of the Cold War
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GEMMAL, MARIA ELISABETH CARRILHO SANTORO. « SPANISH FOREIGN POLICY : DISTINCT INTERPRETATIONS ABOUT THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN FRANCO´S SPAIN AND CUBA UNDER FIDEL CASTRO ». PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2004. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=5991@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROA história política da Espanha franquista caracterizou-se por paradoxos e por contradições. A sua Política Externa foi um dos maiores e talvez o mais notável desses paradoxos, pois aponta para compromissos que contradiziam a ideologia do regime e a sua política interna. Esse foi o caso das relações que a Espanha manteve com Cuba após a revolução liderada por Fidel Castro. Este trabalho objetiva explicar as razões dessa relação especial contrapondo duas variáveis, sendo a primeira de caráter cultural e identitário, e a segunda, de natureza econômica. Procura, por fim, demonstrar que a explicação mais adequada é aquela que conjuga as duas variáveis.
The political history of Franco`s Spain was characterized by paradoxes and contradictions. Its Foreign Policy was one of the major and perhaps the most remarkable of these paradoxes, because it points out to commitments which contradict the ideology of Franco s regime and its internal politics. This was the case of the relationship between Franco s Spain and Cuba under Fidel Castro. This work seeks to explain this special relationship opposing two variables, one from cultural and identity nature, and the other from economic kind. Finally, it tries to demonstrate that the most appropriate explanation is the one that combines both variables.
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Rausch, Joseph Anthony. « The Significance of Nationalism for the Spread of Communism to Vietnam and Cuba ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/35351.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores the effect that nationalism had on the spread of communism to Vietnam and Cuba during the first half of the twentieth century. Using a case studies approach to analyze the revolution of Ho Chi Minh in Vietnam and Fidel Castro in Cuba, the thesis seeks to determine the extent to which nationalism directed these revolutions and their turn to communism once assuming power. The study examines the conditions that existed in each country that allowed for a nationalist revolution to be successful, and the beliefs and rhetoric of Ho Chi Minh and Fidel Castro, the primary figures of each revolution. The thesis seeks to add to the research conducted on the power that nationalism had in the Third World from the early 1900s to 1960, and it wishes to contribute to the factors that must be considered by foreign policy makers when pursuing military action or nation-building abroad. The research shows that nationalism played a significant role in bringing communism to Vietnam and Cuba, yet due to the difficulty in measuring a core human feeling like nationalism, other factors cannot be discounted.Master of Arts
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Frieß, Hans-Jürgen. « Castro und kein Ende : zur politischen Stabilität auf Kuba ». Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4688/.
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Der Augsburger Soziologe Hans-Jürgen Frieß analysiert sowohl aus politologischer als auch soziologischer Sicht das politische Regime Kubas. Im Fokus steht die Frage der politischen Stabilität. Der Autor diskutiert die politischen, historischen und wirtschaftlichen Rahmenbedingungen der Macht Fidel Castros. Der zeitliche Schwerpunkt der Analyse liegt in den Jahren von 1990 bis 2006, wobei auch vorherige Entwicklungen beleuchtet werden.
Das Buch basiert auf einer Dissertation, die 2008 an der Universität Augsburg erfolgreich verteidigt wurde.
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Bernard, Erin J. Vos Tim P. « Patria o muerte ideograph and metanarrative in Cuban state-produced media during the battle of ideas / ». Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri--Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/6488.
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Title from PDF of title page (University of Missouri--Columbia, viewed on Feb 17, 2010). The entire thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file; a non-technical public abstract appears in the public.pdf file. Thesis advisor: Dr. Tim. P. Vos. Includes bibliographical references.
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Aubou, Audrey. « La légende noire de Fidel Castro : d'un mythe à sa déconstruction : contribution à l'étude de la dissidence littéraire cubaine (1959-2008) ». Antilles-Guyane, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010AGUY0379.
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Avec le triomphe de Ia Révolution en 1959 s'est imposé un nouvel ordre social, politique et économique, mais aussi une nouvelle mythologie centrée sur la figure imposante et charismatique de Fidel Castro. Incarnant la Révolution, il est devenu le héros d'un « grand récit» épique qui organise autour de lui un système de représentations qui en fait dès tôt un personnage de légende, un mythe vivant. C'est contre ce système de représentations que s'élèvent les auteurs dissidents qui, dans leurs oeuvres de fiction, entreprennent de dénoncer le régime en prenant pour cible le dirigeant cubain. S'emparant de cette figure fondatrice de l'histoire cubaine et de cette icône internationale qu'est le Lider Maximo, ils en font un personnage littéraire autour duquel ils élaborent des représentations négatives, une" légende noire ". S'appuyant sur l'étude de textes et d'auteurs contemporains comme Guillermo Cabrera Infante, Reinaldo Arenas, Zoé Valdés, Carlos Eire, Amir Valle et Abilio Estévez, ce travail analyse le processus de déconstruction littéraire de la figure de Fidel Castro opéré dans la littérature dissidente cubaine et interroge les stratégies mises en oeuvre par les auteurs dissidents pour dénoncer un régime et revendiquer une légitimité face à un pouvoir avec lequel ils sont engagés dans un conflit autant politique que symboliqueWith the victory of the Cuban Revolution in 1959 a new social, political and economic order was instituted, as weil as a new mythology centred on the impressive and charismatic figure of Fidel Castro. As an embodiment of the Revolution, Castro became the hero of a great epic narrative in which he stands, at the heart of a system of representations, as a legendary character and a living myth. Dissident writer have surged up against this system of representations : in their works of fiction they aim to denounce the regime by targeting the Cuban leader. They appropriate this founding figure of Cuban history, and turn the international icon of the Lider Mâximo into a literary character around which they construct negative representations, namely a sort of « Black Legend ». Based on the analysis of fictional works by such contemporary authors as Guillermo Cabrera Infante, Reinaldo Arenas, Zoe Valdés, Carlos Eire, Amir Valle and Abilio Estévez, this dissertation studies how the figure of Fidel Castro is deconstructed in dissident Cuban literature. We explore the strategies deployed by dissident writers to denounce the regime and assert their legitimacy in confronting it bott politically and symbolically for more than sixty years
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Åhström, Magnus. « Kuba och historiens slut : En studie om svenska tidningars gestaltningar av Kuba under Fidel Castros kommunistiska styre ». Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Jönköping University, HLK, Ämnesforskning, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-49312.
Texte intégralRésumé :
I denna studie undersöks hur tre rikstäckande svenska dagstidningar med varierande ideologisk grund gestaltat ett urval av politiska händelser på Kuba under Fidel Castros kommunistiska styre 1962–1994. De politiska händelserna på Kuba som granskats är Kubakrisen 1962, Olof Palmes Statsbesök 1975 samt Specialperioden 1990–1994. Frågeställningarnas fokus har dels legat på hur gestaltningarna av Kubas politik bibehållits eller förändrats under den undersökta perioden, och dels hur tidningarna förhållit sig till sin politiska grundideologi över tid. Avslut- ningsvis har detta resultat ställts mot Francis Fukuyamas tes om ”Historiens slut”. Gransk- ningen av materialet har skett med ett gestaltningsteoretiskt ramverk där en kvalitativ aspekt granskat gestaltningens perspektiv och urval, samt en kvantitativ aspekt som fokuserat på jour- nalistikens värdeomdömen mot Kubas politik. Resultat visar att det fanns betydande skillnader mellan tidningarnas gestaltningar och värdeomdömen under 1960- och 1970-talet. Under Spe- cialperioden på 1990-talet förenades dock samtliga tidningar i en samstämmig kritik mot Fidel Castros kommunistiska styre på Kuba. Detta tycks dels vara ett resultat av tidningarna i allt högre grad blivit nyhetsstyrda snarare än idéstyrda. Ideologiska nyanser skiljer tidningarnas gestaltningar åt, dessa perspektiv överskuggas dock på 1990-talet av att tidningarna samlas i en typ av liberaldemokratisk mittfåra som enhälligt fördömer kommunismen på Kuba.This study examines how three nationwide newspapers in Sweden framed a sample of political events on Cuba during Fidel Castro's communist rule during the period 1962–1994. The news- papers are all linked to different political ideologies. The political events examined were the Cuban missile crisis 1962, Olof Palme's state visit 1975 and the Special Period 1990–1994. The purpose of the study was on one hand to examine if the framing of Cuba’s politics was main- tained or changed during this period, and on the other hand how the newspapers adhered to their political ideology over time. In conclusion these results are discussed in relation to Francis Fukuyamas thesis “The End of History?”. The study uses a frame analysis as a theoretical framework which has a qualitative aspect that examines the salient perspectives and selections, and a quantitative aspect which focus on value judgments towards Cuba's political leadership. The study shows that there were significant differences between the newspaper framing and value judgements during the 1960s and 1970s. During the 1990s there were a substantial shift, as the newspapers now united in a unanimous condemnation of the communist rule on Cuba. This seems to be a result of the newspapers becoming more news-driven rather than idea-driven. Although some ideological nuances persisted during the 1990s, overall the ideologies expressed by the newspapers seem to converge in the support of political and economic liberalism. Based on the results of this study, the major ideological battle of the 20th century was replaced by minor ideological disputes in the 1990s.
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Habel, Janette. « Cuba dans les Caraïbes : identité, utopie et réalités ». Paris 8, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA080832.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La gravite de la crise qui sevit a cuba n'a pas de precedents depuis la victoire de fidel castro. La desintegration de l'urss a mis a nu la structure maintenue de la monoculture sucriere. 35 ans apres la prise du pouvoir les ressources du pays ne permettent de garantir ni son approvisionnement energetique ni l'alimentation de la population. Tel est le bilan d'une integration dependante et subordonnee dans le comecon. La reintegration du pays dans l'economie mondiale va compromettre de nombreux acquis sociaux et remettre en cause le poids politique acquis par la havane sur la scene internationale. Les reformes economiques engagees en 1993 par fidel castro permettront-t-elles d'assurer une transition pacifique vers une economie de marche ou la crise politique est-t-elle inevitable ?There has never been such a severe crisis in cuba since fidel's castro victory. The demise of the soviet union which put and end to the previous relationship had revealed that the dependance of the economy on sugar crops remain steady. 35 years after castro's victory the resources of the country are not sufficient to guarantee neither the energetic needs of the country nor the food for the population. This is the balancesheet of the integration in the comecon which have put cuba in a subordinate and dependant status. The reinstatement of the country in the world economy will jeopardize its social achievements and the political influence la havana had won on the world scale. Will the economc reforms which have been initiated in 1993 by f. Castro be able to secure a peaceful transition towards a market economy or is a political crisis unavoidable ?
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Castro, Sarah. « A Historical View of Cuban Immigration Policy ». Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1548.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cuba is a communist country an estimated population of 11,075,244(2013), Cuba is located about ninety-three miles south of Key West, Florida. Cuba has been ruled by the communist regime of Fidel Castro, and now his younger brother Raul Castro. For over fifty years this regime has forced a major increase in the amount of people migrating to the United States. The regime has been disregarding basic human rights for decades and oppressing Cuba’s citizens. Hundreds of thousands of Cubans have come to the United States using boats, rafts, or any means available. The Cuban Adjustment Act of 1966 (amended in 1994 to contain the Wet Foot, Dry Foot Policy) states that if Cubans trying to reach the United States are intercepted at sea, they will be sent back to Cuba, or a third country. If they make it to United States soil, they will have the chance to start the journey to becoming citizens of the United States. Many Cubans die at sea trying to reach the United States for this chance at citizenship. There have been attempts to implement immigration policy in the past. President Obama is now trying to reform current immigration laws. What effects could a new immigration policy have on Cuban immigration versus the legislation put forth in the past? This study will be an examination and analysis of past and Cuban immigration policy and issues. This research paper utilizes government websites, news articles, presidential addresses, books and various sources to address this question. My hope is that this study will help to explain the impact past policies and reform had on Cuban immigration, and the impact proposed policy and current issues may have in the future.B.A.
Bachelors
Health and Public Affairs
Legal Studies
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Čápková, Tereza. « Vztahy Kuba - SSSR 1959-1991 : charakteristika a definice jednotlivých etap ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-18098.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Diploma thesis analyses mutual relations between Cuba and Soviet Union between 1959 (victory of the Cuban revolution led by Fidel Castro) and 1991 (the dissolution of Soviet Union). The thesis is divided into five chapters, first of which deals with the historical development of the island. The rest of the chapters describe circumstances leading to establishing, deepening, or worsening mutual relations and explains the causes of such development. Motivation factors leading both countries to cooperation are object of the work. This thesis intends to find out whether geographical location of Cuba was the main reason for Soviet Union to cooperate and support financially the Caribbean island. The role of Marxism-Leninism ideology in mutual relations is also clarified.
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Šplíchalová, Eva. « Projednávání amerických sankcí proti Kubě na půdě Valného shromáždění OSN ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-261792.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The United States imposed the longest lasting sanction regime on Cuba in 1960 as a result of strained relations in recent years. Each US administration modified form of the sanctions regime, depending on the attitude toward the Cuban issue. General Assembly, the highest authority of the UN, adopts not legally binding but politically significant resolutions. Resolution condemning US sanctions regime has been adopted annually since 1992. Discussion on changes of the sanction regime in the General Assembly is a sign of reflection on current events and unrigid process of resolutions adoption. The main purpose is to determine whether the changes of the sanction regime were mentioned in the discussions on the adoption of the resolutions. The result of the analysis shows the reflection of the events in the speeches of ambassadors. The amount of mentioned events in speeches depends whether they were positive or negative step toward easing the embargo, and also how important the event was.
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BOLAÑOS, Andrés Felipe González. « La revolución cubana a través de la caricatura política en los periódicos El País y El Tiempo de Colombia 1958-1962 ». Universidade Federal do Pará, 2016. http://repositorio.ufpa.br/jspui/handle/2011/8261.
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Esta investigación, analiza cómo fue representa la Revolución Cubana en la caricatura política de los periódicos colombianos El País y El Tiempo entre 1958 y 1962. Para cumplir con este propósito, el siguiente trabajo se divide en dos capítulos. El primero estudia la caricatura política y los intelectuales de la opinión pública como una fuente para la historia. Abordando de manera general, algunos planteamientos teóricos y metodológicos de Erwin Panofsky. De igual forma, se identifica a un grupo de caricaturistas que representaron, cuestionaron y satirizaron con mayor frecuencia los acontecimientos políticos relacionados con la Revolución Cubana. Además se describir los orígenes, posturas políticas e influencias de poder de los periódicos El País y El Tiempo en Colombia. En el segundo, identificamos las diferentes formas de representación que los diarios El País y El Tiempo realizaron sobre la Revolución Cubana entre 1958 y 1962 en la caricatura política, señalando las temáticas más recurrentes en estos periódicos. Para ello, estudiaremos la manera de como la opinión pública fue cambiando en la medida en que se consolida el proyecto revolucionario liderado por Fidel Castro y su Movimiento 26 de julio, desde su lucha armada en la Sierra Maestra, hasta la salida de Cuba de la Organización de los Estados Americano (OEA).
Esta dissertação busca analisar a representação da Revolução Cubana na caricatura politica impressa nos periódicos El País e El Tiempo entre os anos de 1958 a 1962. Para tanto, o estudo encontra-se dividido em dois capítulos. O primeiro estuda a caricatura política e os intelectuais da opinião pública, considerando-os como fontes para a analise dos processos históricos, a partir dos fundamentos teóricos- metodológicas de Erwin Panofsky. Do mesmo modo, se identifica um grupo de caricaturistas que representaram, questionaram e satirizaram os acontecimentos políticos relacionados à Revolução Cubana. Ademais, se descrevem as origens, posturas politicas e influencias do poder dos jornais El País e El Tiempo na Colômbia No segundo capítulo, identificam-se as diferentes representações assumidas pelos ditos periódicos sobre o processo da Revolução Cubana, entre os anos de 1958 e 1962, a partir das caricaturas políticas neles impressas, assinalando, sobretudo, as temáticas mais recorrentes. Para tanto, busca-se compreender o modo como a opinião publica reconfigurou seus olhares sobre os fatos, na medida em que o projeto revolucionário liderado por Fidel Castro e seu Movimento de 26 de julho consolidou suas bases, desde sua luta armada na Serra Maestra, até a saída de Cuba da Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA).
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Gustavsen, John Andrew. « Tension under the Sun : Tourism and Identity in Cuba, 1945-2007 ». Scholarly Repository, 2009. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_dissertations/298.
Texte intégralRésumé :
My dissertation on Cuban tourism links political, economic, social, and cultural history to show how the development of tourism on the island between 1945 and 2007 has been crucial in helping to cultivate identities for Cuba and the Cuban people on multiple levels. I focus on three distinct periods - 1945 to 1958, 1959 to 1979, and 1980 to 2007. While significant shifts occurred within each of these three phases, this periodization best illuminates the relationship between tourism development and identity. The fall of the Soviet Union, for example, certainly altered the pace of the industry's growth. Arrivals soared beginning in the 1990s, yet much of the institutional framework for conditioning the relationships between touristic actors had been established years earlier. Cuban planners had begun to target a range of specific markets by 1980, over a decade before the economic strife of the 'Special Period' in the early 1990s virtually forced them to move in this direction. For the entire period between 1945 and 2007, tourism and Cuban identity were linked in two very important ways. Tourism provided a lens for foreign visitors to view the island, its people, and its culture; to know what it meant to be Cuban. As well, the industry offered a framework for powerful interests to control the behaviors of Cuban citizens; to instruct them on how to be Cuban.
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Jacobs, Matthew D. « A “Psychological Offensive” : United States Public Diplomacy, Revolutionary Cuba, and the Contest for Latin American Hearts and Minds during the 1960s ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1427980665.
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Grullón-García, Diana M. « Epistemologías culturales del Caribe : modelos conceptuales metafóricos en el ensayo caribeño del siglo XX ». FIU Digital Commons, 2015. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1759.
Texte intégralRésumé :
El Caribe ha sido reconocido por considerarse una pluralidad de espacios que simultáneamente son solo uno. Contrario al contexto de su fragmentada geografía, su segregada historia colonial y su diversidad racial y lingüística, los intelectuales caribeños han establecido puentes de unidad cultural con la intención de configurar una identidad pan-caribeña. Por consiguiente, los ensayistas del siglo XX se enfrentan a la necesidad de examinar críticamente los factores que formulan sus respectivas identidades, en contraste con aquellas tradicionalmente impuestas bajo el discurso colonial y metropolitano. Desde el tercer cuarto del siglo, pensadores como Aimé Césaire (1913-2008), Fernando Ortiz (1881-1969), Fidel Castro (1926-), George Lamming (1927-), Kamau Brathwaite (1930-), Juan I. Jiménes-Grullón (1903-1983), Hubert Devonish (1953-), Edouard Glissant (1928-2011), Antonio Benítez-Rojo (1931-2005), Arcadio Díaz Quiñones y Maryse Condé (1937-), entre otros, cuestionan el sistema colonial, los procesos étnicos y las propuestas lingüísticas, relacionándolos con conceptos tales como la hibridez, el sincretismo, la transculturación y la heterogeneidad. Estas teorías culturales, de alguna manera, reescriben ideas antecedentes en reacción a discursos hegemónicos previos como consecuencia de los cambios políticos que trajeron las guerras de independencia en América Latina durante el siglo XIX.
En mi tesis demuestro que estos planteamientos delinean un mapa de modelos epistemológicos de la cultura del Caribe. Para indicar que estas propuestas constituyen metáforas que muestran una consciencia cultural, las proposiciones acerca de la cultura de Jorge Luis Borges (1899-1986) y Hayden White (1928-) sirven como marco teórico apropiado. Así, a través de las representaciones literarias ensayísticas de los modelos metafóricos de la cultura caribeña, este trabajo redefine algunos aspectos importantes de la identidad cultural vis a vis la mirada parcial que usualmente se utiliza para estudiar el archipiélago antillano. Igualmente, incluso aunque estos modelos proponen una representación metafórica de la cultura pan-caribeña, la construcción de un modelo del Caribe puede ser utilizado en otras regiones y espacios culturales en el contexto de la globalización, ya que elucida una gnoseología cultural que sirve para describir distintas realidades globales.
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Rossodivito, Anthony M. « The Struggle Against Bandits : The Cuban Revolution and Responses to CIA-Sponsored Counter-Revolutionary Activity, 1959-1963 ». UNF Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/508.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Following the 1959 victory of the Cuban revolution, the United States government along with the CIA and their Cuban émigré allies immediately undertook a campaign of subversion and terrorism against the Cuban revolution. From 1959 until 1963 a clandestine war was waged between supporters of the revolution and the counter-revolutionary organizations backed by Washington. This project is a new synthesis of this little-known story. It is an attempt to shed light on a little known aspect of the conflict between the United States government and the Cuban revolution by bringing together never-before seen primary sources, and utilizing the two distinct and separate historiographies from the U.S. and Cuba, concerning the clandestine struggle. This is the story of Cuba’s resistance to intervention, the organization of the counter- revolution, and finally how the constant defeat of CIA plots by the Cubans forced changes in U.S. strategy concerning intervention in Cuba and in other parts of the developing world that would have far-reaching and long-last effects.
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Schumannová, Klára. « Obraz Castrovy Kuby v díle disidentských spisovatelů ». Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-358168.
Texte intégralRésumé :
(in English): The topic of the present thesis is the image of Castro's Cuba in the work of dissident writers. The theoretical part is dedicated to the historical and political circumstances of Cuba in the second half of the 20th century, it briefly outlines the origins and evolution of the Cuban dissent and, most importantly, it pays attention to the literary dissent. The main part of the present thesis concentrates on to the dissident Generation Mariel and its main characterics, and especially on life and literary work of his most important member, Reinaldo Arenas. The theoretical background serves as the basis for the practical part of the thesis, in which the image of Castro's government in the work of Reinaldo Arenas, Before night falls and The color of summer: or The New Garden of Earthly Delights, is examined.
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« Spanish foreign policy : distinct interpretations about the relationship between francos spain and cuba under fidel castro ». Tese, MAXWELL, 2004. http://www.maxwell.lambda.ele.puc-rio.br/cgi-bin/db2www/PRG_0991.D2W/SHOW?Cont=5991:pt&Mat=&Sys=&Nr=&Fun=&CdLinPrg=pt.
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Keller, Renata Nicole. « Capitalizing on Castro : Mexico's foreign relations with Cuba and the United States, 1959-1969 ». Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/25101.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation explores the central paradox of Mexico's foreign relations with Cuba and the United States in the decade following the Cuban Revolution--why did a government that cooperated with the CIA and practiced conservative domestic policies defend Castro's communist regime? It uses new sources to prove that historians' previous focus on the foreign and ideological influences on Mexico's relations with Cuba was misplaced, and that the most important factor was fear of the domestic Left. It argues that Mexican leaders capitalized upon their country's "special relationship" with Castro as part of their efforts to maintain control over restive leftist sectors of the Mexican population. This project uses new sources to illuminate how perceptions of threat shaped Mexico's foreign and domestic politics. In 2002, the Mexican government declassified the records of the two most important intelligence organizations--the Department of Federal Security and the Department of Political and Social Investigations. The files contain the information that Mexico's presidents received about potential dangers to their regime. They reveal that Mexican leaders overestimated the centralization, organization, and coordination of leftist groups, and in so doing gave them more influence over policy than their actual numbers or resources logically should have afforded. The dissertation uses the concept of threat perception as an analytic and organizational tool. Each chapter considers a different potential source of danger to the Mexican regime in the context of the Cold War and the country's relations with Cuba. For the sake of clarity, it breaks the threats into the categories of individual, national, and international, even though these subjective categories may blend into one another throughout the course of the analysis. The first chapter begins with an individual threat: Lázaro Cárdenas, a powerful former president who became one of Fidel Castro's most dedicated supporters. The next three chapters analyze threats on the national level by looking at the domestic groups that Mexican leaders perceived to be the greatest dangers to their regime. The final two chapters move to the international level and examine the roles of Cuba and the United States. As a whole, this study of the connections between Mexico's foreign and domestic politics makes a significant and timely contribution to the historiographies of modern Mexico, U.S.-Latin American relations, and the Cold War.text
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Kotrman, Václav. « Kubánské zahraniční mise v Africe v 60. letech 20. století a Československo ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-389823.
Texte intégralRésumé :
1 Abstract A Group of revolutionaries led by Fidel Castro has been struggling to overthrow the Cuban President Fulgencio Batista since the half of 1950s. After they succeeded on New Year's Eve 1959 the Revolutionary Cuban Government changed strategy in all aspects of the state administration. One of the most visible change happened in the sector of foreign policy. Cuba began to act not only as a sovereign country in relation to the neighbouring states which led to the conflict with the United States, but also began to actively export her model of revolution. The main initiators in this turn were Ernesto "Che" Guevara and Fidel Castro. The first region where Havana attempted to export the revolution was Latin America. Nevertheless, all attempts failed during 1960s. At the same time, the process of decolonisation in Africa visited by Guevara in the middle of 1959 was in progress. In Egypt, he established his first contacts with revolutionary leaders and subsequently informed Havana about the situation. The socialist character of a number of revolutionary movements was close to Cubans, so they started to widen relationship with them. First aid to Africa was sent by Cuban government at the end of 1961 to Algeria which fought for independence on France since 1954. Strengthening of relations between Havana and...
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Griffiths, Thomas. « The development of secondary school education in revolutionary Cuba, 1959-1991 : A world-systems approach ». 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/31764.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)In 1959 the popular Revolution of national liberation and independence triumphed in Cuba, extended a few years later into a Marxist-Leninist strategy for building socialism and communism on the island. In this radical social and political context, conditions were ripe for a radical alternative approach to secondary school education. This research confirms and extends existing evidence and analyses, showing that the model of secondary schooling established in revolutionary Cuba shared fundamental aspects of dominant models throughout the world. In particular, Cuba’s revolutionary schools are shown to have adopted a similar approach to mass education, as an investment in human capital and citizen formation. In the analysis of this historical phenomenon, a world-systems geocultural approach is used to describe and explain the non-exceptional form and character of Cuba’s secondary schools. The approach synthesises world-system level economic and cultural aspects, within the concept of a world-systems ‘geoculture’ of development, describing how these interrelated influences historically conditioned secondary school education policy and practice in Cuba. This process is traced through the impact of the world-economy, and related world-systems geocultural assumptions and objectives, over the political economy of Cuba’s socialist project, with direct implications for secondary school education. The world-system level conditioning influence on school policy and practice is shown to have been mediated by the particular national conditions, such that features specific to Cuba’s secondary schools are identified within the broad framework and constraints of the world-system level influence. The world-systems geocultural approach provides a viable, historical account of secondary school policy and practice in revolutionary Cuba. General continuity is identified, in accordance with the broad, world-system level influence. The historical analysis demonstrates the need for a world-system level approach, and supports the need to include world economic and cultural factors, under the geocultural framework.
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Griffiths, Tom G. « The development of secondary school education in revolutionary Cuba, 1959-1991 : A world-systems approach ». Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/31764.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)In 1959 the popular Revolution of national liberation and independence triumphed in Cuba, extended a few years later into a Marxist-Leninist strategy for building socialism and communism on the island. In this radical social and political context, conditions were ripe for a radical alternative approach to secondary school education. This research confirms and extends existing evidence and analyses, showing that the model of secondary schooling established in revolutionary Cuba shared fundamental aspects of dominant models throughout the world. In particular, Cuba’s revolutionary schools are shown to have adopted a similar approach to mass education, as an investment in human capital and citizen formation. In the analysis of this historical phenomenon, a world-systems geocultural approach is used to describe and explain the non-exceptional form and character of Cuba’s secondary schools. The approach synthesises world-system level economic and cultural aspects, within the concept of a world-systems ‘geoculture’ of development, describing how these interrelated influences historically conditioned secondary school education policy and practice in Cuba. This process is traced through the impact of the world-economy, and related world-systems geocultural assumptions and objectives, over the political economy of Cuba’s socialist project, with direct implications for secondary school education. The world-system level conditioning influence on school policy and practice is shown to have been mediated by the particular national conditions, such that features specific to Cuba’s secondary schools are identified within the broad framework and constraints of the world-system level influence. The world-systems geocultural approach provides a viable, historical account of secondary school policy and practice in revolutionary Cuba. General continuity is identified, in accordance with the broad, world-system level influence. The historical analysis demonstrates the need for a world-system level approach, and supports the need to include world economic and cultural factors, under the geocultural framework.
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Stanley, Laura. « Mates and missiles : the Menzies Government and the Cuban Missile Crisis ». Thesis, 2010. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/30231/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the Menzies Government's response to the Cuban Missile Crisis of
October 1962. This is the first historical investigation of the Crisis in the context of
Australian-American relations. Its primary objective, therefore, is to fill a historiographical
gap in Australia's Cold War history.
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Douglas, Robert. « Being successfully nasty : the United States, Cuba and state-sponsored terrorism, 1959-1976 ». Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/1058.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Despite being the global leader in the “war on terror,” the United States has been accused of sponsoring terrorism against Cuba. The following study assesses these charges. After establishing a definition of terrorism, it examines U.S.-Cuban relations from 1808 to 1958, arguing that the United States has historically employed violence in its efforts to control Cuba. U.S. leaders maintained this approach even after the Cuban Revolution: months after Fidel Castro’s guerrilla army took power, Washington began organizing Cuban exiles to carry out terrorist attacks against the island, and continued to support and tolerate such activities until the 1970s, culminating in what was the hemisphere’s most lethal act of airline terrorism before 9/11. Since then, the United States has maintained contact with well-known anti-Castro terrorists, in many cases employing and harbouring them, despite its claims to be fighting an international campaign against terrorism.