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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Globalization – Political aspects – European Union countries"
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Чиркин, Вениамин, et Vyeniamin CHirkin. « GLOBALIZATION AND THE BASIC CHANGES OF MODERN CONSTITUTIONS ». Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 2, no 1 (16 mars 2016) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/18200.
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On the basis of a positive and contrasting comparison, as well as content analysis of new constitutions and fundamental amendments to them the changes in their content, which occur as a result of the modernization, integration and globalization are considered. Modernization and economic (in fact, the economic and political) integration of states leads to the creation of a new form of supranational public legal formation with a different quality of public authorities and supranational law (the most prominent example is the European Union), as globalization leads to the spread of the general regulations of constitutional development in new countries and peoples. The processes of internationalization of the constitutions, the new phenomenon of constitutional convergence, harmonization and antagonisms on a world scale are appeared. Constitutional globalization is seen as the most general direction of development of the constitutional law of the world countries. Modernization and economic integration of states often involves the adoption of the principal amendments to the Constitution, “the Basic Law”, or even the whole constitution in the Muslim fundamentalism countries, where such a document as the Constitution, previously was considered unacceptable and was replaced by the Quran and Sunnah. In the countries of totalitarian socialism the processes of convergence has occurred (on the aspects of regulation of economic relations), but there is no harmonization, there are antagonisms with the constitutional decision of the basic questions of social and political system. In the states — members of the European Union the traditional position of the State Sovereignty is revised, new views on the national and supranational authorities are appeared. The mutual influence of international, supranational (so far only in the EU) and constitutional law takes place.
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Marusynets, Marianna, et Ágnes Király. « Social and political aspects of education reforms in Hungary ». Labor et Educatio 8 (2020) : 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25439561le.20.010.13001.
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The article concentrates on the issue of Hungarian education reforms brought about by radical political changes, in particular, the country’s admittance to the European Union. The paper outlines priorities in educational process transformation, as well as risks emerging in the system of teacher education and lifelong learning. The challenges associated with our times transform the teacher’s consciousness, shiftingfocus to the mandatory use of information technology, the activation of students’ information mobility, and the detailed analysis of employers’ requirements. The study reveals the Hungarian government’s key activities in relation to the socialization of the Roma minority and other national minorities compactly residing in Ukraine. The research illustrated educational resources used to train teachers at educational institutions to instill tolerance and mutual respect. The 2020s’ are marked by powerful globalization and political factors penetrating all spheres of social life. The dynamic formation of the civilized information society is accompanied by a number of contradictions and conflicts, the strengthening of social ties, and changing living conditions (R.ti, 2009), (V.g. and Vass 2006). Despite numerous methodological and conceptual studies, the issues of updating the modern teacher’s training to enableteachers to train and educate students and adequately react to challenges imposed by digitalization remain open. In this respect, the experience of European states that successfully carried out a number of educational reforms is of great scientific interest and deserves to be systematically studied, popularized and introduced into the domestic educational system. One of such countries is Hungary, which borders on Ukraine both territorially and functionally (Transcarpathia is compactly inhabited by Hungarian national minorities). The aim of the article is to substantiate the essence of the key educational reforms in Hungary and to identify the risks and priorities brought about by transformational changes in the country.
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Minakova, Irina V., Tatyana N. Bukreeva, Оlga I. Solodukhina et Оlga G. Timofeeva. « SPECIAL ASPECTS OF THE MODERN WORLD ECONOMY : TRANSITION FROM A UNIPOLAR TO A MULTIPOLAR WORLD SYSTEM ». CBU International Conference Proceedings 6 (25 septembre 2018) : 356–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.12955/cbup.v6.1182.
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This paper reveals the consequences of the unipolar system of the world economy provided by the United States leadership in the military-technological, financial-economic, geopolitical and information-ideological spheres. It was established that after the collapse of the socialist camp, the concepts of ‘humanitarian intervention’ and ‘spreading democracy’ were brought to the forefront. In practice, Western European countries have demonstrated their readiness to judge the solutions of domestic political disputes in other countries of the world, especially when it comes to geopolitically important countries. A series of ‘colour revolutions’ have become a demonstration of this policy. Therefore, the globalization of the modern world does not mean the homogenization of development indicators of countries’, but instead leads to further delamination and inequality. The gap between the world leaders and the rest of the world in terms of indicators reflecting the dynamics of the standard of living, the quality of life, scientific and technological progress, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, has significantly increased.It is illustrated that attempts of the US to consolidate its hegemony in the form of ‘leadership’ in the world had led to the erosion of international legal principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter. Therefore, the United States attempts to solve the problems in Iraq and Afghanistan unilaterally has failed.The objective and subjective signs of a global restructuring of the existing unipolar world system are revealed.
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Falkovskyi, Andrii, et Olga Dzhezhik. « FORMATION OF THE MODERN CONCEPT OF EUROPE IN THE CONTEXT OF SOCIAL NEO-INSTITUTIONALISM ». Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 5, no 4 (29 octobre 2019) : 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2019-5-4-221-226.
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In the scientific discourse of the XXI century, the concept of modern Europe is being reformed under the influence of reforming the activities of the European Union. Scientific publications and research are conducted based on a study of the policies of the European Union countries, EU institutions and structural elements, and the problems that arise in the process of activity and development. The concept of modern Europe is a general term that embraces European values, the European standard of living, European policy, and European priorities, giving the concept of European studies a stable association with the European Union. In this context, the main causes and consequences for the scientific discourse, political practice, and future development of European countries must be considered. Neoinstitutionalists have attempted to analyse institutions based on atomistic methodology. Institutional transformations, processes of intra-European integration and enlargement of the EU, discussions on membership and exit from the EU raise issues of identity and development of governance in Europe. Europeanisation can be seen as a discourse, governance, and institutionalisation. The first interpretation emphasizes that modern Europe is a discourse, not only ideological but also administrative. In this sense, Europeanisation can be a means of expression of institutional globalization through domestic policy. In the article, the hypothesis is put forward and proved that the interpretation of the concept of modern Europe directly correlates with the future development of the European Union and its members. The dissemination of exclusive practices will help to spread the ideas of radical “Eurosceptics”, which could lead to the collapse of the European Union. The inclusive aspect of the concept of Europe is represented by the ideas of “Europeists” who, based on the common history, culture, mentality of the peoples of Europe, substantiate the positive influence on the state development of integration, non-state cooperation, and extrapolation of EU norms and principles into the new territories of Europe. There are three main reasons for shaping the concept of Europe as the boundaries of EU policy: The consolidation of political positions of the European Union and its growing role as an actor in world politics; Essence of the EU enlargement concepts; Features of development within the European community. The modern concept of Europe is considered in the context of a modern multi-level governance model. Therefore, Europeanisation is the interaction of different layers of interests, including structures of regional, multi-level governance, legitimacy of domestic and foreign policy. The impact of the multi-level governance system on the functioning of public administration systems in the Member States and neighbouring countries is considered. Four approaches are identified based on the analysis of relationships between different levels of governance. The necessity of formulating new theoretical paradigms defining the relations between the Member States and the technocratic institutions of the EU, as well as between the Europeanised system of national agencies and the ministries overseeing their activities, has been proved.
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Tkachyk, Fedir. « CORRELATIONAL MONITORING OF FISCAL FEDERALISM IN THE CENTRALIZED AND DECENTRALIZED SYSTEMS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION ». Economic Analysis, no 32(2) (2022) : 261–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/econa2022.02.261.
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Introduction. Modern pandemic threats, military-political tensions and conflicts, foreign economic risks, trade wars, financial imbalances encourage the EU countries to group and agglomerate financial potentials in the vertical and horizontal planes. There is a need to study the paradox of what role in this agglomeration is played by the mastery of using the principles of fiscal federalism, tested by a number of both unitary states and federal republics of the European continent. The purpose of the article is to monitor the main determinants of fiscal federalism in increasing the financial potential of the member states of the European Union. Method (methodology). In the course of the research, the following methods were used: dialectical, correlational, generalization, comparison, system analysis, observation, induction and deduction. The results. The article highlights the importance and place of fiscal federalism in the architecture of the financial policy of the European Union. Pragmatic aspects of financing public services in the member states of the European Union have been studied. This made it possible to identify active recipients in the field of attracting financial resources to ensure the priority needs of economic development. It is emphasized that the functional direction of general public spending in the European Union was aimed more at social protection and health care, and to a lesser extent at environmental protection and development of the housing and communal sphere. It has been established that most of the member states of the European Union combine the principles of centralization, federalism, and decentralization (in most cases) in their fiscal doctrine, but there are also clear systems of classical fiscal federalism (Germany, Switzerland). The European approach emphasizes that a secondary effect of globalization is excessive tax optimization, because the functioning of the integrated market makes tax evasion more attractive. An assessment of the influence of key parameters of fiscal federalism on the functioning of centralized and decentralized models of financial policy was carried out. This made it possible to identify the level of influence of the determinants of fiscal federalism on the relevant model through the prism of distinct factors. It is summarized that the use of determinants of fiscal federalism in the financial policy of the European Union is able to strengthen the budgetary and tax effects, which in the final (transformed) vector will lead to a strengthening of the economy and improvement of social standards both in the member states of the union and in individual municipal entities.
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Mashevskyi, Oleh. « EUROPEAN UNION AND GREAT BRITAIN IS SEEKING NEW FORMS OF COOPERATION Review of the monograph by A.V. Grubinko, A. Yu. Martynov “The European Union after BREXIT : a continuation of history” (Ternopil – Kyiv, 2021. 258 p.). » European Historical Studies, no 19 (2021) : 97–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.8.
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The authors of the monograph focused on the scientific analysis of an actual scientific and applied topic, which concerns the problem of adaptation of the European Union to the new conditions that have emerged since the UK left the EU. It is symbolic that this process coincided with the crisis of the globalization process due to the pandemic and its challenges to international security. The modern European Union is both an international and a state-like entity, which combines the features of at least three state unions: an international intergovernmental organization, a confederation and a federation. This not only determines the complexity of the subject of study, but also its inconsistency. In conditions of radical social change, it is always difficult to track and adequately analyze them. This titanic task is further complicated by the presence of an in-house methodological crisis in the family of social sciences. Therefore, given all these objective difficulties, we can only welcome attempts to find a new theoretical and methodological synthesis, which should help society to understand the essence of historical time and act in it as rationally and efficiently as possible. The pages of the monograph raise questions about the heuristic potential of the study of the problem of European historical experience; in addition, significant attention is paid to the coverage of a systematic approach to the social vector of European policy. It also addresses the issue of solving key social problems that stand in the way of qualitative deepening of European integration while maintaining the basic guidelines of social market economy. Among these issues, the authors highlight and analyze the most important aspects, which relate primarily to overcoming poverty and combating unemployment. The monograph outlines the range of methodological problems of transformational historical period, involved in its study synthesizing approach, which consists in the use of historical, socio-philosophical, economic, political science, legal approaches. This approach allows to restore the synthesis of scientific knowledge, which is often disrupted not only by the tendency to specialized fragmentation of complex objects of study, but also allows to take into account the specifics of the transitional historical period. In a geographical sense, not all European regions are equally developed, due to their different economic specialization, which has developed as a result of the historical division of labor. Eventually, there is a tendency to shifting responsibility for solving the problems of poor regions to themselves. The same German experience with the unification of East and West of the country has shown that even huge investments in infrastructure development, introduction of new technologies, efforts to increase productivity – all this together do not solve quickly enough the problem of social convergence. The leveling of the social space of richer and poorer federal states is rather slow. Last but not least, these problems became a good reason for the Great Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union. The issue of the monograph is of practical importance for the foreign policy of Ukraine. After all, the European Union is an important neighbor, trade and political partner of Ukraine and accession to it is actually declared as a prototype of a strategic national idea. The European project is essentially postmodern, as it seeks to overcome the modernism with which nationalism is associated and to reach a level of tolerant agreement of different national interests. The intensification of the globalization process has prompted integration structures to perform functions that limit national sovereignty. Historiographical discourse of common foreign and defense policy of European Union proves that this strategic course of European integration depends on the ability of elites and peoples of Europe to find a common European identity and organize around it the process of determining the place and role of the European Union in the modern system of international relations. This process in the distant historical perspective remains an open possibility with an unguaranteed positive or negative result. Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union, which was unexpected for many researchers of European integration, matured gradually. The authors of the peer-reviewed monograph list the main trends that influenced this decision. First of all, we are talking about the unregulated EU development strategy, the fate of the common European currency, the imperfection of the system of decision-making in the field of common foreign and security policy, which led to an ineffective EU response to Russian and Chinese autocratic challenges. Despite the objective problems associated with mutual adaptation of old and new EU member states, the European integration project continues to be seen as the key to addressing the challenges of modern life and finding answers to the challenges of globalization. In particular, in the final sixth chapter, the author focuses on the theoretical, methodological and practical analysis of the problem of democracy. The authors of the monograph are looking for an answer to the question of what the European Union will be like after the exit of Great Britain. No less important is the question of whether Britain will become a “global” Britain after leaving the European Union. Of course, Britain is concerned about turning the EU into a superpower that has not only its own flag, anthem, currency, but also the germ of a common European army and tries to pursue a common foreign and defense policy. London advocates stronger resistance from China and ousting Russia from Europe. Changing regional influences in the EU may create a new structure of conflict of interest not only for individual countries but also for various regional groups. The issue of a clear division of powers between supranational and national authorities at all levels seems ripe. More adequate to this trend will be not so much a more centralized federalist Europe as a decentralized confederative one. By the way, the model of the latter looks more open for further expansion. This work is imbued with the spirit of realistic Europeanism. Therefore, not least because of this, the peer-reviewed monograph will become a notable phenomenon in domestic European studies.
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Varol, Cigdem, et Emrah Söylemez. « Border Permeability And Drivers Of Cross-Border Cooperation In The Turkish And Eu Border Region ». KnE Social Sciences 1, no 2 (19 mars 2017) : 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18502/kss.v1i2.649.
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<p>With the impact of globalization, increasing flows of social, economic and political relations have begun to redefine the state borders which causes the rising of new border identities. By this redefinition process, European Union (EU)'s external wall forming the boundaries with the neighbourhood countries have also begun to be rebuilt at local and regional level. Throughout this process, new frontier identities are formed with a degree of permeability where the state’s security policies act as the prior issue in the international relations.</p><p> </p><p>Border permeability, that contains grey values varying from closeness to full openness, defines the degree of permeability according to the size, shape and direction of the flows. Dynamic feature of the flows converts border space into a subject of continuous social, economic and political movement. In such places, actors leading the flows appear as the basic elements of permeability and they can be described as economic, political and socio-cultural agents. At the edge of supranational and national border, actors use networks, which are connected to both local and regional levels, in order to build up cross-border cooperation in different aspects. In this context, border regions transform into a space, where local actors develop methods to overcome the restrictiveness of constraints for the flows among the supranational and the national borders.</p><p> </p><p>This paper aims to evaluate the permeability between EU supranational border and Turkish national border and to define the new cross-border cooperation formed by the social, economic and political flows of the actors. In this context, the permeability and the new border identity will be assessed through three type of administrative body (supranational, national EU and national non-EU) by using the national and local level data supported by EU cross-border programmes and by in-depth interviews conducted at various actors including national institutions, local organizations and NGOs in Turkey.</p>
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Cherkasov, P. « IMEMO in the First Half of the 2000s (Results of the Research) ». World Economy and International Relations 66, no 4 (2022) : 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-4-119-132.
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The article summarizes the results of the IMEMO academic affairs in the first half of the 2000s. Like before, the Institute combined fundamental theoretical and applied research. In its work, IMEMO focused on the study of global, regional and national problems of the modern world. An important achievement of the Institute during these years was the prepared long-term forecast of the world economy development until 2015. The annual (2000–2005) analytical reports on the study of armed conflicts, their prevention and control, as well as of global and regional trends in the development of military expenses can be considered another achievement of this kind. These reports were prepared at IMEMO together with the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). IMEMO’s accomplishments include the fundamental work “Transitional Economy: Theoretical Aspects, Russian Problems, International Experience”. In this research, the theoretical problems of the transitional economy were deeply investigated with an emphasis on the achievements of world economic thought, international and accumulated Russian experience of transitional processes was analyzed. The IMEMO scientists were involved in comparative analysis of the influence of new factors (globalization, information civilization, integration processes, international terrorism, etc.) on modern Russia and foreign countries. Along with theoretical research, the Institute regularly prepared analytical materials and expert opinions for the Administration of the President of Russia, the Government, the Federation Council and the State Duma. The IMEMO employees took part in the preparation of materials for the annual messages of the President of Russia to the Federal Assembly, gave their recommendations on military reform and updating the Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation. The Institute was engaged in constant monitoring of the economic and internal situation in various regions and major states of the modern world. The focus of IMEMO analysts was the foreign policy of the United States, the European Union countries, the states of the Middle East, Central Asia and Latin America, as well as the Asia-Pacific region. This ongoing work was carried out in various departments and sectors of the Institute. The author presents the directions and main results of the work of these scientific departments. In general, one of the indicators of the overall performance of IMEMO in 2001–2006 are 256 monographs, collections of scientific papers, conference materials, brochures and reports published by its employees. During these years, the results of current work began to be posted on the IMEMO website.
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COȘEA, Mircea. « A VISION OF THE POST-PANDEMIC ECONOMY ». STRATEGIES XXI - National Defence College 1, no 72 (15 juillet 2021) : 333–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2668-5094-21-23.
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Coronavirus has generated changes and mutations not only in the conduct of our daily lives, but also in the organization and functioning of the economic mechanism at national and global level.The rapid changes and shifts that are taking place in the economy are for the moment the result of the political mainstream, especially the governmental one, and of the system of internationalfinancial institutions. What is visible and certain is the elimination of some limits in giving up ideological principles and established rules of the functioning of the economic mechanism. Thus, the neoclassical ideology, the foundation of the whole scaffolding of the global economic policies, easily compromises by admitting that in the current conditions state interventionism has a more important role than free market laws in counteracting the effects of the pandemic on the economy. This process easily went beyond the regulations of the liberalization of trade in goods, returning to protectionism with nationalist accents as well as to bans on food and medicine exports. The principle of European solidarity is being threatened by unilateral decisions taken by Member States, or by the abandonment of European agreements in order to replace them by national decisions. Globalization was based on the imperative to produce, sell and buy, move, circulate, move on. Its ideology of progress is based on the idea that the economy must definitely replace politics. The essence of the system was the abolishment of limits: more trade, more and more goods, more and more profits to allow money to circulate and turn into capital. This whole concept of development has ceased to be the guiding principle of economic growth and development, thecurrent trend being the return to national borders, if not in a strictly territorial sense, at least in an economic sense. That is why one of the important changes of recent months is the emergence of policies designedto change the meaning of supply chains. Rethinking supply chains is a consequence of border closures or of the sudden closure of transport. It is a critical point of pressure that weighs mainly on car manufacturers and capitalgoods. As a result, there will be a trend of relocating production to European or Maghreb countries where wages remain lower than the European average. Another quick and important change is the one related to the role of the state in the economy, neoliberalism successfully promoting throughout the global economy the idea of the need for the limited role of state decision and state interventionism in the economy. The current change consists precisely in reversing the role of the state from passivity to activity, considered as the only one capable of ensuring an efficient system for managing the pandemic and restarting the economy. For many analysts, the coronavirus crisis could lead to a profound change in the global economic model and in the individual economic behavior.This is an extremely important issue also from the perspective of Romania's future. We are at a turning point and will have to make quick and complex decisions, because Romania risks entering a post-crisis period in an economic stagnation difficult to overcome, due to the lack ofproductivity, innovation and modern management. The gaps between Romania and the vast majority of European countries will be maintained, condemning us to occupy a marginal and lower place in the hierarchy of the European economy, characterized by a high and dangerous degree of dependence on the evolution and dynamics of markets in the strong states of the European Union. The explanation of this situation lies in the type and functioning of the structure of the Romanian economy. The current structure of the Romanian economy lies on the last concentric circle of European integration, if its center is considered the western core of theEU. There is no doubt about this inevitability. The crisis caused by the pandemic already exists and despite the optimism of some international financial institutions it will profoundly affect the state of the world economy and the life of the citizens. There will be not only major changes in the paradigm of the neoliberal model of the global economy but also changes in the balance of power between the world's major economic and political actors. The trade war between the USA and China is also beginning to have important political aspects, as the fight for world leadership between these two superpowers is generating tensions over the entire world. These tensions will surely have many "collateral victims" through the direct and indirect damage that many national economies, even the European Union, will suffer, as a result of the economicand political consequences of the US and China entering a state that some Western analysts define as " a cold war but with a tendency to warm up". These elements will aggravate the pressure that the pandemic crisis will put on the state of the world economy, determining the extent and depth of the effects of the crisis not only on the economic field but also on the balance and stability of international relations.Keywords: coronavirus crisis; value chains; multilateralism-unilateralism; protectionism, neoliberal global economic model.
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Angheluță, Petrică Sorin, Svetlana Platagea Gombos, Ciprian Rotaru et Anna Kant. « Aspects of globalization of employment in the European Union ». SHS Web of Conferences 129 (2021) : 08001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202112908001.
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Research background: The influence exerted by globalization manifests predominantly in field of employment. The challenges generated by this process are amplified by technological developments. Facilities of movement and establishment in various regions, and the new opportunities for conducting professional activities, have led to increased mobility of employment. Globalization has led to a growing interest of businesses to operate outside their own country. Purpose of the article: In the current context, the purpose of the article is to analyze whether in the field of employment there is a tendency to increase the share of persons employed in enterprises controlled from outside the EU in total EU employment. Methods: The article presents the comparative situation of the number of persons employed for enterprises controlled from outside the EU. The article also presents an analysis of the number of persons employed for enterprises controlled from inside the European Union. Findings & Value added: Following the analysis, there is an increase in employment in enterprises controlled from inside the EU in total EU employment. Also, depending on the economic activity, there is a higher distribution for the following economic activities: Manufacturing, Wholesale and retail trade, Administrative and support service activities, Information and communication, Transportation and storage. Regarding the comparative situation of the number of employed persons for enterprises controlled by all countries of the world for total business economy, except financial and insurance activities, a number of over 5 million employed persons was registered in 6 countries (Germany, France, Italy, Spain, Poland, Netherlands). Regarding the situation of the foreign control of enterprises by economic activity, controlled by all countries of the world for total business economy, except financial and insurance activities, at the level of the European Union the economic activities in which more than 10 million people are employed are: Manufacturing, Wholesale and retail trade, Administrative and support service activities, Construction, Professional, scientific and technical activities, Accommodation and food service activities and Transportation and storage.
Thèses sur le sujet "Globalization – Political aspects – European Union countries"
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RUIZ, SOLER Javier. « Is Twitter the new coffee house ? : the contribution of the European political Twittersphere to the European public sphere and European demos ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/63305.
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Defence date: 12 June 2019Examining Board: Prof. Alexander Trechsel, University of Lucerne (Supervisor); Prof. Giovanni Sartor, European University Institute; Prof. Luigi Curini, University of Milan; Prof. Anamaria Dutceac Segesten, Lund University
A Public Sphere and a demos are intrinsic key elements of any democratic society. The literature has pointed out that social media platforms can play an important role in developing direct interactions between users and creating a sense of community. Can Twitter contribute to the emergence of a transnational networked European Public Sphere and European demos? This thesis examines the contribution of the European Political Twittersphere to this question. I divide the question into three articles. In each I use a different theoretical framework and methodological approach to two datasets of two issue publics (the Schengen agreement and the transatlantic trade partnership, TTIP) collected through the public Twitter Streaming API from August 2016 to April 2017. In the first article I explore the actor level of the networks created from the Twitter data. I investigate whether these Twitter networks constitute networked publics where non-elite actors receive attention and play an important role by the number of mentions and retweets. In the second article I explore the question of the constitution of European transnational networks. To do so, I geolocate the accounts involved in the two networks to identify the type of interactions the users establish, whether national or transnational. In the third article I analyse the content of these networks by extracting what sentiments the users express for the topics, and whether they see themselves and the topics as national or European. The three articles capture three features of the European Political Twittersphere. First, the results indicate the presence of transnational European networks. Second, built from the bottom-up where non-elite actors receive most of the attention. And third, composed of a multilingual demoi where the users see themselves and the topics as European. However, although these mapped Twitter networks contribute to some extent to transnational interaction and a sense of community, the deliberative quality of these networks is low.
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Schilcher, Daniela, et n/a. « Supranational governance of tourism : aid, trade and power relations between the European Union and the South Pacific island states ». University of Otago. Department of Tourism, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080508.150955.
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This thesis examined the role of supranational organisations (SOs) in the governance of tourism in a North-South context. Focusing on the issue area of development cooperation, this thesis investigated the question of how and why SOs got involved in tourism in developing countries, and more specifically, in small island developing states. Such involvement may occur either directly through aid funded projects or indirectly through international trade regimes that impact on tourism in the aid recipient countries. The thesis adopted a case study approach focussing on the European Union�s (EU�s) involvement in the governance of tourism in South Pacific island states. Grounded in a history of colonialism, the EU has been involved in the �development� of the South Pacific for more than three decades, which allowed to track changes in development philosophy over time. Focusing on the concept of power, the case was assessed in a multi-scalar manner, analysing the EU�s involvement from the global down to the local level. Never before has an entire multilevel polity been assessed in one coherent case study, incorporating actors situated at all levels and ranging from supranational organisations to national governments, businesses, communities, and individuals.
The methods employed in this thesis included interviews, participant observation, document analysis (policy documents and newspapers), and subsequently critical discourse analysis. The latter served to highlight the so-called �third face of power� (Lukes 1974), which is closely related to the concept of ideological hegemony. Interviews were conducted in Fiji and Samoa with officials of the South Pacific Delegations of the EU, officials of tourism authorities, NGOs, tourism operators and community members. Elite interviews in Brussels were conducted with officials of the European Commission and the European Parliament.
Under all scales and �faces� of power the EU was found to be the dominant actor, while the issue of self-interest appeared to play a key role. At a macro-level, the EU clearly dominated in most overt decision-making situations during negotiations on aid and trade agreements. As concerned the inclusion of tourism in the agreements, the relative importance of the sector was clearly dependent on the European Commission�s prevailing attitude on �tourism and development� at any point in time. At a meso- and micro-level, the EU�s influence was less obvious yet nonetheless existent, for example through funding rules and the use of European consultants. Indirect influence also occurred at the national level. In particular the substitution of a preferential trade regime with a free trade agreement (the Economic Partnership Agreements), which is currently being negotiated between the EU and the Pacific Islands, is likely to have a significant impact on the economic importance of tourism, as well as public policy in the South Pacific. In a mini case study of Samoa, it was found that the resulting changes in tourism policy would have a significant impact �on the ground�, in particular with regard to rates of local ownership and control.
Overall, power relations were found to be highly unequal and self-determination and empowerment have largely not been achieved. However, more research is needed to examine the ability to generalise the findings to other geographic regions or other types of SOs. The key contribution of this thesis in the theoretical realm constitutes its bridging of agency and structure within multi-level governance, which may be conceived as a �third way� to either dependency theory-influenced studies (global/structure) or community approaches (local/agency).
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Marengo, Umberto. « The European Union in the international energy regime and relations with the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council, 1981-2013 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709420.
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Papandropoulos, Sylvie-Pénélope. « Issues in european competition policy : lobbying, reputation and R&D co-operation ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211988.
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Weerts, Laurence. « Mutations et utilisations du concept de "frontière" dans l'intégration européenne : une analyse des recompositions des modes de gouvernement et de légitimation dans l'ordre politique européen ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211212.
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Penwarden, Mia. « Suur druiwe ? Wyn, die TDCA en Suid-Afrika ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53076.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In October 1999 South Africa and the European Union (EU) signed a free trade agreement, the Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA), which came into effect on 1 January 2000. The TDCA was developed to enhance bilateral trade, economic-, political- and social cooperation and consists of three components - the creation of a Free Trade Area between South-Africa and the EU, EU financial aid to South Africa through the European Programme for Reconstruction and Development (EPRD), and project aid. However, the EU, in an effort to secure the best possible deal for itself, often behave in its own interests (through the manipulation of the Wine and Spirits Agreement) during the negotiations for the TDCA. The goal of this study was to establish what exactly trademarks are, and what implications the EU's protection of intellectual property rights on wine and spirits trademarks will have on i) the South African wine industry, ii) whether South Africa could have exercised another option, iii) whether this action has created a precedent with which the EU can, in future, again force South Africa or any of its other developing trade partners to make concessions, and iv) who gains the most from the TDCA. The concludes that the EU, through the manipulation of the Wine and Spirits Agreement, left South Africa with no choice by to concede the use of the contested trademarks - something that has already taken its toll on the South African wine industry - in order to save the TDCA. This action created a precedent that the EU will, in future, again be in a position to threaten developing countries with the termination of an agreement should they fail to comply with its demands. Finally, the conclusion is made that even though the TDCA was created to assist South Africa with its reintegration into the world market, it will ultimately be the EU that benefits most from the agreement.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika en die Europese Unie (EU) het in Oktober 1999 In vryehandelsooreenkoms, die Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) onderteken, wat op 1 Januarie 2000 in werking getree het. Die TDCA is ontwerp om bilaterale handel-, ekonomiese-, politieke- en sosiale samewerking te bevorder en bestaan uit drie komponente, naamlik die skep van 'n vryehandelgebied tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika; finansiele steun deur die EU aan Suid-Afrika onder die European Programme for Reconstruction and Development (EPRD) en projekhulp. Die EU het egter dikwels in eiebelang opgetree (deur middel van die manipulasie van die Wyn- en Spiritus Ooreenkoms) tydens die onderhandelingsproses in 'n poging om die beste moontlike ooreenkoms vir homself te beding. Die doel van hierdie studie was om te bepaal wat presies handelsmerke is, en watter implikasies die EU se beskerming van intellektuele eiendomsregte aangaande wyn- en spiritushandelsmerke op i) die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf sal he, ii) of Suid-Afrika 'n ander opsie kon uitoefen, iii) of hierdie aksie In presedent geskep het waarmee die EU Suid-Afrika of enige van sy ander ontwikkelende handelsvennote in die toekoms weer sal kan dwing om toegewings te maak, en iv) wie die meeste baat vind by die TDCA. Die studie het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die EU deur die manipulasie van die Wyn- en Spiritus Ooreenkoms aan Suid-Afrika geen keuse gegee het nie as om die gebruik van die betwiste handelsmerke op te se - iets wat reeds die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf geknou het - in 'n poging om die TDCA te behou. Hierdie optrede skep 'n presedent dat die EU voortaan in onderhandelings met ander ontwikkelende state weer kan dreig om die hele ooreenkoms te verongeluk indien daar nie aan sy eise voldoen word nie. In die laaste instansie is daar tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat, alhoewel die TDCA daarop gemik was om Suid-Afrika te help met sy herintegrasie tot die wereldmark, dit uiteindelik die EU is wat die meeste daarby gaan baat.
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Renard, Philippe. « Les politiques de l'enseignement supérieur en Europe : de l'intégration à l'harmonisation ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211983.
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Paparouni, Evgenia. « La rhétorique des institutions européennes : le débat sur les perspectives financières 2007-2013 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209385.
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Abstract (version française suit)Although the EU is a privileged point of focus for political science studies, its discursive activity has not received all the attention it deserves. This corpus analysis adopts a descriptive approach, based on the Neo-Aristotelian trend in argumentation theory, by using both analytical categories of classical rhetoric and (emic or etic) categories that belong to the conceptualization of the debate entertained by its own participants. The corpus consists of public interventions by representatives of the three main EU Institutions (Commission, European Council and Parliament). The speeches were pronounced between June and December 2005. Since it is discussed every seven years, the topic of the Financial Perspectives offers the possibility of making diachronic comparisons; it also allows identifying values, projects and means of the European construction at a rhetorical level. The last six months of 2005 followed two significant events: the conflicting attitudes of European Governments regarding the Iraq war and the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty by referendums.
In the absence of any other metaphysical or natural foundation, the technocratic enterprise provides the European project with a rational and secular justification that is not always assumed as such, though, by the presidents of the Commission. The conceptual metaphors stemming from the preambles to the treaties convey the idea that European integration will be achieved by triggering a gradual process that should lead to the realization of an ultimate aim.
From a rhetorical point of view, the Financial Perspectives are in need of legitimacy. In 2005, the rhetorical invocation of dates/milestones, abundantly used by former presidents of the Commission, does not seem to work anymore. Both the requirement of unanimity in the legislative procedure and the habitus of European deliberation make it necessary to find an agreement; this consequently promotes “consensus” as a meta-communicational argument. The notion of a “consensus” runs against such theoretical (epistemological) and pragmatic objections that it proves imperious to wonder about its origin and roots. One should take into account not only scholarly conceptions of “consensus” (Habermas, the Deliberative Democracy movement), but also naïve and popular visions of it.
The EU Institutions are aware of the difficulty they meet in awakening citizens’ interest, and they have developed their Communication Policy in order to give themselves the means to overcome this obstacle. A systematic reflection on their strategy should take into account the divergent opinions of Moravscik and Hix, as well as the possibility of grounding the EU project anew on a revival of ancient homonoïa.
DISCLAIMER. The content of this thesis represents solely the views of its author and cannot in any circumstances be regarded as the official position of the European Commission.
Résumé
Quoique l’Union Européenne (UE) soit un objet de prédilection pour les politologues, son activité discursive n’a pas reçu toute l’attention méritée.
La thèse offre une analyse de corpus effectuée sur base d’une grille de lecture incluant des catégories rhétoriques étiques et émiques. Elle adopte une approche descriptive puisée dans le versant néo-aristotélicien de l’étude de l’argumentation. Le corpus a été constitué d’interventions publiques tenues par les représentants des trois principales Institutions Européennes (Commission, Conseil Européen, Parlement Européen) entre juin et décembre 2005. Le sujet des Perspectives Financières, débattu à intervalles réguliers, permet des comparaisons diachroniques ;il permet aussi de contraster les valeurs, les projets et les moyens de la construction européenne. La conjoncture des six derniers mois de 2005 présente la particularité supplémentaire que le projet de Traité Constitutionnel venait d’être rejeté et que les gouvernements européens s’étaient auparavant divisés sur l’intervention en Irak.
En l’absence d’un fondement métaphysique ou naturel, l’entreprise technocratique fournit au projet politique européen une justification rationnelle et laïcisée, même si elle n’est pas assumée explicitement en tant que telle par tous les présidents de la Commission. Les métaphores conceptuelles mobilisées dans les préambules des traités traduisent le fait que l’unification européenne devrait s’accomplir à la fois par l’entremise de réalisations progressives et à travers la poursuite d’un objectif lointain.
Sur le plan rhétorique, les Perspectives Financières sont en manque d’une légitimité emblématique. La clause des rendez-vous, des étapes cruciales, abondamment utilisée dans le passé par les présidents de la Commission, cesse de fonctionner en 2005. La nécessité d’un accord, issue tant de la lettre de la procédure législative par unanimité que de la coutume des délibérations, est devenue matière à un argument méta-communicationnel qui en est arrivé à englober toute circonstance susceptible de faciliter le « consensus ». Cette dernière notion soulève des réticences théoriques (épistémologiques) et pragmatiques qui imposent de s’interroger sur son origine. La problématisation que nous avons opérée tient compte non seulement des conceptions savantes du « consensus » (Habermas, courant de la Démocratie Délibérative), mais aussi de ses variantes populaires ou vulgarisées.
Les Institutions Européennes sont conscientes de la difficulté qu’il y a à motiver l’intérêt citoyen, et elles ont voulu, à travers leur Politique de Communication, se donner les moyens de dépasser cet obstacle. La thèse mène, à ce propos, une réflexion plus générale qui tient compte des avis opposés de Moravcsik et Hix, et d’une éventuelle refondation dans l’homonoïa de la rhétorique classique.
DISCLAIMER. Le contenu de cette thèse représente le point de vue de son seul auteur et ne peut en aucune circonstance être considéré comme la position officielle de la Commission Européenne.
Doctorat en Langues et lettres
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Bauer, Sibylle. « The europeanisation of arms export policies and its impact on democratic accountability ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211210.
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Menuet, Laetitia. « Le discours sur l'espace judiciaire européen : analyse du discours et sémantique argumentative ». Phd thesis, Université de Nantes, 2006. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00133442.
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La recherche menée dans cette thèse traite du discours de l'Union européenne sur l'espace judiciaire européen entre 1996 et 1999. En convoquant l'analyse du discours et la lexicométrie dans un cadre théorique de la sémantique argumentative, elle analyse le sens des mots autour de l'expression « espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice ». L'objectif est de définir comment s'élabore la réappropriation de valeurs universelles au profit du discours et de l'identité européenne véhiculée par les procédés argumentatifs utilisés pour représenter l'espace judiciaire européen. Le contexte politique et les théories linguistiques de la méthode d'analyse exposés, cette thèse porte sur les conditions de communication du discours et de sa particularité sémantique, en montrant qu'il construit une identité en triade renvoyant aux trois valeurs de son emblème triptyque (« liberté, sécurité et justice ») : les institutions, la criminalité organisée et les citoyens. Elle révèle les indices linguistiques de cette construction identitaire avec ses enjeux politiques et de légitimation en introduisant la notion de « normalisation discursive ». Celle-ci adopte un schéma linguistique très marqué conduisant à la mise en œuvre d'un processus de « manipulation argumentative » défini et démontré dans ce travail. Les résultats illustrent que la normalisation et la manipulation engendrent une circularité du discours reposant sur le conflit de deux orientations discursives : celle d'un discours sécuritaire et celle d'un discours sur l'État de droit et la démocratie.
Livres sur le sujet "Globalization – Political aspects – European Union countries"
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The European Union : A political sociology. Malden, MA, USA : Blackwell Publishers, 2002.
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Rumford, Chris. The European Union : A political sociology. Oxford : Blackwell Publishers, 2002.
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1978-, Orbie Jan, et Tortell Lisa Ann, dir. The European Union and the social dimension of globalization : How the EU influences the world. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon : Routledge, 2008.
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Pompeo, Della Posta, Uvalić Milica et Verdun Amy 1968-, dir. Globalization, development, and integration : A European perspective. New York, N.Y : Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.
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Schneider, Christina J. Conflict, negotiation and European Union enlargement. Cambridge, UK : Cambridge University Press, 2009.
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1976-, Doidge Mathew, dir. Development policy of the European Union. New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.
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Kühnhardt, Ludger. European Union--the second founding : The changing rationale of European integration. Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2008.
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European Union--the second founding : The changing rationale of European integration. Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2008.
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Kühnhardt, Ludger. European Union--the second founding : The changing rationale of European integration. Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2008.
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Hanspeter, Kriesi, dir. West European politics in the age of globalization : Six countries compared. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2008.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Globalization – Political aspects – European Union countries"
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Griffith-Jones, Stephany, et Bettina De Souza Guilherme. « Introduction ». Dans Financial Crisis Management and Democracy, 1–7. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54895-7_1.
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AbstractThis book is the result of the first 3 years of the comparative and multidisciplinary Jean Monnet Network, “Crisis-Equity-Democracy for Europe and Latin America”, of senior academics and policy advisors from four European and three Latin American countries, including experts on the European Union and Latin American regionalism. The rationale of the project and the common link is that both Europe and Latin America can learn from their respective experiences on “crisis”, its management and the distributive and democratic implications at national and regional level. The main purposes of the joint research can be summarised as to (1) locate in the current global financial system as one of the very major causes of the financial and debt crises in the EU and Latin America; (2) demonstrate the impact of the paradigm change on global and EU economic governance; (3) analyse key systemic aspects of the global crisis, i.e. climate change, macro-financial instability and the weakening of democracy and their inter-connections; (4) map and evaluate how both regions and individual countries within both regions have tried to manage these crises; (5) discuss the economic, political and social effects of these crises on both regions and individual countries; (6) finally, to make policy suggestions on how to transition from finance capitalism to a more sustainable real capitalism, on how both regions can better manage/govern/respond to such systemic pressures and on how they can increase their cooperation.
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Del Percio, Enrique. « Argentina : The Philosophical Resistance to the Conquest of the Soul1 ». Dans A Post-Neoliberal Era in Latin America ?, 159–76. Policy Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529200997.003.0008.
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In 1976, a terrible dictatorship was established in Argentina, even before Foucault claimed with crystal clarity that the fundamental difference between classical liberalism and neoliberalism was the substitution of the homo economicus −related to the exchange− by the homo economicus as entrepreneur of himself (lecture delivered on 14 March 1979); and also before Margaret Thatcher (in Ronald Butt’s interview, Sunday Times, 3 May 1981) confirmed Foucault´s analysis stating that: “Economics are the method; the object is to change the heart and soul”. In the same year, Milton Friedman received the Nobel Prize in Economics. The explicit purpose of the Military Junta was to promote a profound cultural transformation, based on the premise that the causes of the alleged “underdevelopment” were not so much economical but cultural and political. Nevertheless, as García Delgado and Molina (2006) pointed out, the problem is not related to a sort of inevitable structural poverty, due to the culture of our people. It is a matter of a decline in society, produced by the policy orientation of the dictatorship. Until then, the income distribution was similar to that of the countries from the Southern Europe with an almost frictional unemployment. Until the coup d’état, Argentina had a poverty rate of 8% and the best distributive structure of income in Latin America. However, 1976 was a turning point; the surge of the neoliberal model promoted a process of over-indebtedness, wealth concentration, unrestricted opening of markets with an unfavourable exchange rate for national industry, labour flexibilization, with the insertion in a competitive globalization of “savage capitalism” that “strengthened the asymmetries and transfers of resources from the periphery to the centre. This concept differs from thinking about inequality as a problem related to culture, corruption and poor institutional quality” (García Delgado, 2006).Despite the overwhelming adverse evidence, it is still a commonplace to blame all the ills of our society on that culture, the maximum expression of which would be Peronism. In fact, the great majority of disappeared people during the dictatorship were Peronist political, trade union and social leaders. The motto of the Ministry of Economics during the dictatorship was “towards a change of mentality”. The current Argentine situation, in terms of advances of neoliberalism as well as resistances to it, cannot be understood without referring to the dictatorship. In Poratti words, “the coup d’état of 1976 does not only put an end to a government, a political system and project, but also to a 'world' in which Argentinians were living at least from the independence project of 1810. In those days, there was not an abrupt differentiation between generations and, in many aspects, people could identify themselves, diachronically, with a historical line beyond the particular generational characteristics” (Various Authors, 2009).These aspects go along with others that appeared in other areas, such as the implementation of new computer and communication technologies and, as a consequence, individual and social fragmentation. The impact of these technologies on daily life was decisive to the emergence of what some authors, like Sloterdijk (2002), called “mass individualism.” No doubt, this is a necessary aspect to explain the rise of the neoliberal subjectivity in developed countries. Yet, in Argentina, the existence of political, social, trade-union and ecclesiastical movements based on popular roots, with solidarity as a fundamental value, hampered the conquest of the “heart and soul” in 1976; and they are still now an obstacle to be overcome by sectors interested in imposing a neoliberal model. It is impossible to explain any isolated phenomenon of popular resistance to the hegemonic attempts from neoliberalism without analysing the common conceptions and understandings found in Argentina. Indeed, the popular culture substrate in Argentina is made up, mainly, by the confluence of different cultures: Andean, Guaraní Indians, Afro and Criollo (native). All of them are characterized by their relational and solidarity conceptions, intrinsically opposed to a subjectivity that conceives the individual as an entrepreneur of himself/herself.
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Madai, Sándor. « The Impact of Economic Policy on Economic Crime ». Dans Criminal Legal Studies : European Challenges and Central European Responses in the Criminal Science of the 21st Century, 361–70. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.evcs.cls_12.
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This study presents the parallelism of the characteristics of the economic crimes of the Central and Eastern-European countries participating in the project. That is, it notes aspects of criminal law that clearly show that such countries in the past decade employed (and still employ) similar regulatory principles, owing to reasons such as geographical proximity and others. This study provides an over- view of the regulatory directions of the countries after World War II, which, from the Soviet sphere of interest, were common. We then review the main steps in the field of action against economic crimes, which can be perceived as stemming from democratization. Notably, most of the examined countries are European Union members, and more countries want to join. Therefore, among the countries, the integration process indeed reveals a similar legal and political background. Consider- ing the limitations of the study, it was not possible to examine the changes in the regulations of each country in detail. Thus, we only tried to draw attention to the similarities of common processes and characteristics.
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Vargas-Hernández, José G. « Institutional and Cultural Implications of Mexican SMEs Internalization ». Dans Handbook of Research on Globalization, Investment, and Growth-Implications of Confidence and Governance, 451–73. IGI Global, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-8274-0.ch022.
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The aim of this chapter is to analyze from the perspective of institutionalism if the European Union market is a potential market for the internationalization of Mexican SMEs. This chapter identifies a framework of the current situation of Mexican SMEs, encompassing as the political-economic aspects that govern the cooperative relationship as the normative and cultural factors that impact directly businesses, concluding that the complexity of the European Union resulting from the uniqueness of each of its members is reflected in a set of formal and informal rules that negatively impact on the internationalization of Mexican SMEs to that market.
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Kalinowski, Thomas. « Integration-Led Capitalism in the EU ». Dans Why International Cooperation is Failing, 142–86. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198714729.003.0004.
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The global role of the European Union and its position in the trilemma triangle differ substantially from the global–hegemonic approach pursued by US finance-led capitalism. This chapter first explores the historical choices that countries in Europe made after the collapse of the BWS and the internal, regional dynamics of an emerging integration-led euro capitalism. We show that the EU (and until 1992 the European Economic Community) developed a distinct regional solution for the challenges of globalization with the creation of the single market and the European Monetary Union. This growth model is based economically on a specific European complementary specialization production system and politically on a distinct form of euro-corporatism. This does not mean that national governments and national political economies have become irrelevant, but rather that there is a convergence towards a common EU position when it comes to global economic governance.
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Bhagwati, Jagdish N., Pravin Krishna et Arvind Panagariya. « The World Trade System Today ». Dans The World Trade System. The MIT Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7551/mitpress/9780262035231.003.0001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter discusses on going trends in the world trade system. The landscape of the international trade system has undergone substantial change in recent decades. While many multilateral successes were achieved under the GATT, the failure of the WTO member countries to successfully close the Doha round of trade negotiations has now engendered a mood of pessimism regarding the future of the multilateral system. Countries have turned to preferential (and thus discriminatory, albeit GATT-legal) trade agreements and many new deals are now under negotiation, including the “mega-regional” agreements – the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) between the United States and Pacific-rim countries and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment partnership (TTIP) between the United States and the European Union. At the same time, developing countries having expanded their participation in international trade, challenge the international system to accommodate their interests and aspirations. Finally, worsening global economic conditions and a populist focus on the alleged links between the inequality of incomes within countries and globalization, have generated a protectionist backlash affecting political outcomes in many countries.
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Ruiz Ben, Esther, Michaela Wieandt et Martina Maletzky. « Offshoring in the ICT Sector in Europe ». Dans IT Outsourcing, 310–39. IGI Global, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-60566-770-6.ch018.
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In the context of globalization and internationalization, offshoring processes in the ICT Industry have increased considerably in the software and service sector in recent years due to the cost saving strategies and market entry policies of ICT organizations. Through the heterogeneity of the European ICT sector a regionalization trend regarding host country selection for ICT offshore is, nevertheless, observable. Historical and cultural ties between host and home countries as well as related national stereotypes play an important role in the regionalization process. Moreover, due to favorable EU policies and regulations, off- and nearshoring within the European Union acquire an additional attractive character for some major European producers, such as, for example, Germany. Thus the Eastern European Member States, which already build out certain sectoral specialization in regard to ICT service provision, have benefited from direct foreign investments. Off- and nearshoring also imply risks and hidden costs linked to structural aspects in host countries as well as to the overestimation of cultural and historical nearness. In our chapter we discuss the trends of the internationalization process in the European ICT sector taking into account related risks in off- and nearshore processes. We argue, furthermore, that long-term cooperation and intercultural training, with the support of local and European institutions, should be considered to confrontin a better way the challenges of the internationalization of ICT in Europe.
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Badó, Attila. « The Constitutional Challenges of the Judiciary in the Post-Socialist Legal Systems of Central and Eastern Europe ». Dans Comparative Constitutionalism in Central Europe : Analysis on Certain Central and Eastern European Countries, 339–59. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.lcslt.ccice_18.
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Despite theoretical experimentation, although one cannot speak of a separate post-socialist legal family,1 it is without a doubt that CEE, post-socialist countries – and more precisely, the countries aspiring for EU membership – have had to cope with similar problems since the 1990s. Among the difficulties concerning the transition from dictatorship to democracy,2 a political – or rather, professional – discourse that mostly occurs in constitutional courts and is aimed at the true nature and the method of ensuring judicial independence has been and is now given more emphasis in Western countries as well. Independence from party politics or governmental authority plays an increasingly important role in CEE countries since the collusion of the single-party state and courts frequently had tragic consequences during the Stalinist period3 (the later and milder phase of the dictatorship in some countries was not always associated with an unfailing prevalence of judicial independence either, although direct political pressure could not be detected in a considerable part of legal disputes.4 ) In light of this saddening historical period, it is understandable that the chances of party political aspects that appear are more resounding than usual in post-socialist societies. Such fears are predominant in a narrow social stratum since the system of CEE political traditions, a weakened democratic legacy and frail or malfunctioning autonomies result in indifference towards institutional changes concerning the judicial independence as well. In this study, the most important constitutional foundations of the judicial systems of post-socialist CEE countries are presented. The judicial system of the assessed legal systems is presented by defining the constitutional bases and the rules laid down in the most important laws through the presentation of the literature on the institution. Having clarified the structural issues and the constitutional status of the courts – the central forms of administration – an assessment is conducted as to how well-known aspects of judicial independence and accountability play a role in the administration of justice of a given legal system. At the heart of the analysis is the much-misunderstood concept of judicial independence. Within this, the organisational independence of the judiciary, which determines the relationship of courts with other branches of power, on the one hand, determines the actual margin of appreciation of judges, and on the other hand, it may shed light on the reforms of CEE judicial systems on their way to democracy following dictatorship and the single-party system. The above may also reveal how these systems tried to meet the requirements of European accession and how they responded to societal needs. Although the system of the organisation of the judiciary in post-socialist countries has also undergone changes, mainly due to constitutional amendments aimed to enforce the principle of access to justice, no analysis of the changes is conducted here due to a lack of space. Although we can talk about a broader and narrower meaning of the concept of justice, in this chapter, the situation of CEE legal systems based on the narrower concept is also presented for reasons of length. Thus, we specifically deal with courts, which are the central actors in the application of the law. We also dispense with the presentation of constitutional courts’ activities, to which this volume devotes a separate chapter. At the beginning of this chapter, we conduct an analysis of how the Court of Justice of the European Union and the Council of Europe, which connects the wider Europe, interpret the concept at its heart: judicial independence. Afterwards, we discuss the constitutional fundations and the central administration of courts. As a conclusion, we outline possible ways of development in post-socialist judicial systems.
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Carayannis, Elias G., et Christopher Ziemnowicz. « Information and Communication Technology-Enabled Economic Growth and Convergence ». Dans IT-Enabled Strategic Management, 295–319. IGI Global, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59140-908-3.ch014.
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Globalization can be viewed as a process of increased freedom and capacity of individuals and firms to conduct economic activities with residents of other countries. The driving forces of globalization stem from the reduction in barriers for conducting business across political and geographic barriers, as well as the reduction and convergence of transaction costs via advances in “transport of information.” There is a consensus that innovation and the accompanying progress in information and communication technology (ICT) serve as a catalyst for economic growth. This chapterdiscusses the ICT environment within the Central and Southeastern European (CSEE) counties and the changes in this sector within the European Union (EU). Examination of strategies taken by these nations to improve their economic performance may offer decision makers in other regions some options to deal with impending changes. Particular emphasis is on the efforts of CSEE nations to build a creditable government, reliable political system, and competitive economy. These nations serve as a laboratory for implementing radical changes in their political economy from a centrally planned, one-party system to a democratic market-based system. Specific recommendations include emphasis on effectual dissemination of information between purchasers and suppliers. Information broadcasting is highly related to the creation of an efficient digital system. Specific needs include improved capacity to standardize reports, forms and information transmission functions. Furthermore, IT support and training programs are essential to reduce market distortions.
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Geray, Haluk, et Funda Basaran Özdemir. « Reproducing Dependency ». Dans Handbook of Research on Information Communication Technology Policy, 599–615. IGI Global, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-61520-847-0.ch038.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Although many critical scholars in the West have acknowledged the unequal distribution of power across the globe, few have attempted to undertake systematic research on how countries in the periphery are drawn into the neo liberal project of globalization under the discourse of Knowledge Based Economy (KBE) and how this process effects policy formation regarding ICTs. The purpose of this chapter is to analyze Knowledge Based Economy (KBE)/Information Society (IS) discourses in constructing global dependency relations on ICT policies within the context of Turkey. These dependency relations have many aspects including a discursive one. In this study, the focus will be on policy documents to better understand the overall discourse, social processes and structures which have been reflected in, represented and constructed or constituted by this discourse to theorize and transform. Four documents were selected as representing the hegemonic center, one produced by the World Bank and three policy documents from the European Union. Additionally three documents which represent the Turkey context were selected. Upon examination two documents were found to be counter hegemonic and the other supported the hegemonic visions of the World Bank and the European Union. Turkey has signed a number of stand-by agreements with the IMF/World Bank due to economic crisis over the last twenty years and Turkey’s bid to become a full member of the European Union necessitated alignment of legal infrastructure and domestic policies. The chapter also explains how the dependent discourses reversed ICT and network policy formation based on local capabilities and local needs.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Globalization – Political aspects – European Union countries"
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Petrishchev, Vyacheslav. « ETHNO-CULTURAL ASPECTS OF GLOBALIZATION : EXPERIENCE OF EUROPEAN COUNTRIES ». Dans Globalistics-2020 : Global issues and the future of humankind. Interregional Social Organization for Assistance of Studying and Promotion the Scientific Heritage of N.D. Kondratieff / ISOASPSH of N.D. Kondratieff, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.46865/978-5-901640-33-3-2020-340-349.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article deals with the ethno-cultural aspects of globalization on the example of European countries, members of the European Union. The influence of the ethno-cultural factor on political, economic and cultural relations within the EU member-states, between the EU member-states and relations with immigrants from Africa, Asia and the Middle East is shown. The forecast for the further development of the European Union as a major factor of globalization is given.
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Panagoreţ, Andreea, Dragos Panagoreţ et Tomislav Kandyija. « Sustainable Development and Environmental Policy of the European Union ». Dans G.I.D.T.P. 2019 - Globalization, Innovation and Development, Trends and Prospects 2019. LUMEN Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/gidtp2022/16.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Sustainable development approaches the concept of quality of life in all its complexity, from an economic, social and environmental point of view, promoting the idea of the balance between economic development, social equity, efficient use and conservation of the environment. By its very nature, sustainable development represents the need for responsibility and education for environmental protection, and this aspect is reflected in the evolution of community policy in recent years, a policy marked by the transition from an approach based on constraint and sanction, to a more flexible, based one on incentives. Thus, it is acting in the direction of a voluntary approach, in order to promote this environmental responsibility and to encourage the use of environmental management systems. The environmental policy does not act independently, but reflects the interest of civil society in this direction, manifested by the creation of numerous environmental movements and organizations. Moreover, in some countries the creation and development of "green" political parties has been achieved, with real success in the political arena. However, resistance - or, more properly, the restraint and inertia that manifests itself, should not be forgotten, when environmental objectives seem to limit industrial competitiveness and economic growth; but this aspect only emphasizes once again the need for a concerted approach at European level and the need for an active and integrated environmental policy, capable of responding to the challenges that appear economically. The European environmental policy is based on the principles of precaution, prevention, correction of pollution at source and "polluter pays". The precautionary principle is a risk management tool that can be invoked if there is scientific uncertainty about a possible risk to human health or the environment, arising from a particular action or policy.
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ÖZTÜRK, YUSUF KEMAL, et Selami Sedat Akgöz. « European Union’s Expansion and Globalization Strategies : A Special Investigation on Poland ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00503.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the development process, particularly Middle and Eastern European Countries have increasingly integrated into the Union economy while parliaments, governments, public and private sectors have put forth significant effort to prepare for membership to European Union. European Union, on the other hand, prepared a financial framework in 1989 to actively support such efforts. Thus the Union financial and institutional regulations were realized to finance the process of transition to market economy. In this regard, Poland has quickly completed the necessary steps for harmonization and accelerated its efforts towards this goal. Following the radical change Poland experienced after 1989, the process of democratization and transition to open market economy. In our study we compared and investigated Poland economic and political situation before joining European Union, with the developments during the harmonization process and its economic structure today. In this process, it will be appropriate to take a look at Poland recent political and economic life as well as the reasons as to why Poland is an important state for Europe.
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Tufaner, Mustafa Batuhan, Hasan Boztoprak et İlyas Sözen. « An Alternative to The European Customs Union for Turkey in The Framework of Economic Integration Theory : Eurasian Customs Union ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c09.01957.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The liberalization policies begun after 1980 and globalization process bring with new economic associations and trade blocs among countries. The European Customs Union which established to improve economic relations and to make the political integration possible after World War II, reached large trade capacity today. On the other hand, the Post-Soviet countries that followed similar way like European ones established Eurasian Customs Union under the leadership of Kazakhstan, Belarus and Russia. The advantage of European Customs Union for Turkey which became a member of it in 1995 is still discussed. From this viewpoint the study aims to answer a question that Eurasian Customs Union can be an alternative to European Customs Union for Turkey in point of trade capacity. The aim of the study is to discuss the possibility of the Eurasian Customs Union and to compare it with the European Customs Union in which Turkey is involved. In this context, at first, the conceptual framework about the subject will be discussed and European Customs Union and Turkey relations will be examined. After, the current situation of the Eurasian region will be analyzed and the possibility of the Eurasian Customs Union will be discussed. And, which customs union will be more advantageous in terms of Turkey will be examined by VAR analysis.
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Miceski, Trajko, et Natasha Stojovska. « Comparative Analysis of Birth Rate and Life Expectancy in Macedonia, Turkey and the European Union ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01036.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The comparative analysis of birth rate and life expectancy will provide information about the position of Macedonia in relation to Turkey and the EU and also about the factors that have the greatest impact on the population’s movement and vitality. This information should help the policy creators in the process of defining and implementing measures for increasing the birth rate and life expectancy of the population, which is aim of every country. In this paper will be put out some theoretical aspects about the economic, social, psychological, technological, cultural and political factors that have impact on the birth rate and life expectancy of the population. Also, the tabular and graphical displays will show the movement of these two demographic features in the period from 1980 to 2011. Changes in birth rate and life expectancy in Macedonia, Turkey and the European Union have been leading to demographic aging of the population in the last three decades. The birth rate in these countries shows a trend of continuous decline, despite the gradual increase in life expectancy of the population. Although the declined birth rate and increased life expectancy of the population have been a common features of these countries in the last decades, the percentage of this changes is different for each country.
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Stepina, Mairita, et Modrite Pelse. « European Union funding support to Latvian municipalities for degraded areas revitalization ». Dans Research for Rural Development 2022 : annual 28th international scientific conference proceedings. Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/rrd.28.2022.033.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The formation and existence of degraded areas is one of the consequences of civilization, which has a negative impact on both the environment and economic development in the municipality. The problem of degraded areas has been faced by all countries worldwide, including Latvia, when as a result of the change of the state political system in the 1990s after the collapse of the Soviet system, a large number of inactive production companies appeared, resulting in a significant number of polluted / degraded areas. To solve the existing problem, local governments in Latvia use European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) funding under the Operational Program ‘Growth and Employment’ 5.6.2, specific support objective ‘Revitalization of territories by regenerating degraded areas in accordance with local government integrated development programs’ (SSO 5.6.2) to ensure the sustainable development of the territory by revitalizing degraded areas. In the implementation of projects, local governments must ensure the fulfilment of the indicators planned in the projects in the following groups of indicators: the area of degraded areas has been renewed, adapted for the location of new businesses or expansion of existing businesses in order to promote employment and economic activity in local governments; new jobs created in supported areas; non-financial investments made by businesses located in the supported territory in their own intangible investments and fixed assets. Therefore, it is necessary to evaluate the indicators of the implemented projects in order to be able to draw conclusions about the financial aspects of the project implementation and the progress of the project implementation.
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Ma, Chao, et Pasi T. Lautala. « Railway Education Today and Steps Toward Global Education ». Dans 2011 Joint Rail Conference. ASMEDC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/jrc2011-56109.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Both passenger and freight railway transportation has changed dramatically during the past decades in most parts of the world. Many new technologies have emerged or have been increasingly applied in rail industry to improve the competitiveness of the mode. At the same time, globalization and changes in the political landscape have contributed to the growing pressure to expand the use of rail transportation across national boundaries. All the development is accelerating the need for international cooperation in railway design, construction and operation and the educational framework should shift accordingly to consider rail transportation beyond national boundaries. In addition to discussing the changes with global dimensions that are taking place in the railway industry, this paper reviews the history and current status of university level railway education in the world, including examples from the USA, Russia, China and selected countries in the European Union (EU). The paper also reviews some of the current methods and approaches used by the other industries and engineering fields to improve the global reach and cooperation in education. Based on these proven concepts, the paper provides some recommendations and suggestions for the railway industry how it can start taking its first steps toward a more global railway education.
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Ciconkov, Risto. « Climate Change and HVACR Systems ». Dans 50th International HVAC&R Congress and Exhibition. SMEITS, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.24094/kghk.019.50.1.245.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Indicators at a global level are presented: population in the world today and forecasts for developed and developing countries. The following diagrams are presented: world total primary energy consumption, global CO2 emissions from combustion since 1971, as well as cumulative CO2 emissions by regions since 1750. Facts for climate change are included (according to WMO and IPCC): increase in GHG concentrations, increase in air temperature, rise in sea level, etc. The consequences of global warming are listed: extreme rainfall and floods; high temperatures – heat waves, droughts, wildfires; huge damage to agriculture; harmful impacts on the environment, etc. The IPCC provides several scenarios for a global rise of air temperature up to 2100, for a global rise of sea level etc. The activities of the international community on climate change are organized through: IPCC, UNFCCC, Kyoto Protocol, Paris Agreement and continuous negotiations. The European Union (EU) is probably the most advanced in the battle against climate change. Some important strategies are outlined: by 2020, by 2030, and by 2050. Heating, air-conditioning and refrigeration systems (HVACR) are connected with energy consumption, which means they are a source of GHG emissions. The situation with HVACR systems is such that even in EU countries, the fossil fuels are dominant in the heating systems. Future solutions for HVACR systems are described. The first step is to increase the energy efficiency of buildings and HVACR equipment. The concept of "nearly zero-energy buildings" should be worked on. HVACR systems should be based on renewable energy sources (RES). The considered solutions include heat pumps, solar panels, thermal storage, district heating, combined heat and power, condensing boilers, reversible air conditioners, the concept of "smart" buildings, automation of HVACR systems with digital technology, etc. The political, economic and social aspects of climate change are analyzed. Capitalism society, market economy, profit, is the main reason for today's climate change situation. On the end, there is a discussion highlighting the need for urgent and major investment in RES and energy efficiency. For rich countries, this is really achievable. But developing countries, representing 83% of the world's population, need financial assistance, and this needs to be regulated through the Paris Agreement. Obstacles of a political nature are also possible (US and Paris Agreement).