Articles de revues : « Germany – Social policy »

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Podolskiy, Vadim A. « Social policy in Germany ». Proceedings of the Southwest State University. Series : History and Law 11, n^o 6 (2021) : 145–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21869/2223-1501-2021-11-6-145-155.

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Relevance. German social policy solutions became an example for imitation for other countries, including Russia, and are usually considered to be a standard due to their coverage and efficiency. Studying the German experience is valuable for development of the political science and for reforming the social policy systems. Purpose – to describe the origins and implementation of the social state in Germany. Objectives: to present the development and functioning of the pension and medical insurance systems, unem-ployment insurance and measures of the public social support. Methodology: comparative and historical approach, analysis of legal documents and institutions. Results. The foundations of the social assistance in Germany were created in the end of the XIX century and the beginning of the XX century, with introduction of programs of insurance funding for medical expenses and old-age and disability pensions, followed by unemployment insurance. The system operates for more than a century and effectively accomplishes the task of risk pooling, and it mainly relies on self-government. In the second half of the XX century the law that regulated the social assistance in Germany was extended significantly, the burden on the budget increased, as well as size of the insurance contributions. Citizens obtained the right for family benefits, the role of the housing benefits, unemployment and low-income support was increased. In the end of the XX century Germany introduced insurance to fund the long-term care. Conclusion. A developed system of social support exists in Germany, it relies on centuries-old traditions of local and corporative mutual help, with coordination and subsidies coming from the federal centre. The most powerful elements of the German social policy, which secure its’ efficiency, are historically established self-government and soli-darity

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Hagedorn, Konrad, et Peter Mehl. « Germany : Social Policy Reforms for German Agriculture : Challenges and Recommendations ». International Social Security Review 54, n^o 1 (janvier 2001) : 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-246x.00086.

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Luh, Andreas. « Großunternehmen und Betriebssport in Deutschland vom Kaiserreich bis in die Gegenwart. Ein (zu) wenig beachtetes sozial- und sporthistorisches Phänomen ». STADION 44, n^o 2 (2020) : 300–337. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0172-4029-2020-2-300.

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Since the end of the 19th century, company sports appeared as a part of company’s social welfare policy. Large companies in Germany still offer company sport activities as a part of voluntary social benefits today, but their scope, kind and function have changed enormously. The present study focuses on the development of company sports during the German Empire, its expansion and institutionalization as a part of company’s social welfare policy in the Weimar Republic as well as its restructuring in the context of the efforts of the German Labour Front in NS Germany. Furthermore, the study examines the reorganization of company sports based on social partnership concepts and corporate identity - and corporate social responsibility strategies in the Federal Republic of Germany. It asks, what kind of changes took place in company sports in Germany under the conditions of a structural changing economic and capitalist system from the 19th to the 21st century, in four political epochs of German history, from the German Empire to the Federal Republic of Germany?

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ADOMEIT, HANNES. « The German Factor in Soviet Westpolitik ». ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 481, n^o 1 (septembre 1985) : 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285481001002.

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The author begins with a broad overview of Russian-German relations and observes that Russian diplomacy has historically vacillated between close cooperation with Germany and the construction of alliances against Germany. The latter has always been important to the Soviet Union, especially since 1945. The first section of the article evaluates the importance of East Germany in Soviet policy. The second section evaluates Soviet-West German relations in terms of Soviet long- and short-term interests. The author argues that Soviet policies toward both Germanys in the late 1970s and early 1980s have failed to produce positive results. The campaign against West German “revanchism” and “militarism” lacks credibility. The recent Soviet attempt to limit intra-German relations is likely to be met with resistance. The Soviet approach has been a setback and an embarrassment. Soviet control over East Germany will become more difficult than it has been in the past.

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Dutt, Pawan Kumar, Mike Wahl et Tanel Kerikmae. « Using Patent Development, Education Policy and Research and Development Expenditure Policy to Understand Differences Between Countries – The Case of Estonia and Germany ». International and Comparative Law Review 19, n^o 1 (1 juin 2019) : 190–233. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/iclr-2019-0007.

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Summary Innovation is the key factor for economic growth. RDI policies pursued in a wholesome manner can have long term social significance. The true value of an invention depends upon factors such as its economic value, strategic value, cultural value and social value. Estonia and Germany share a long historical and legal connection. The German economy is strong and Germany has safeguarded it’s manufacturing, mining and construction sector through incremental innovation and focused state funding for RDI activities. Germany runs cost efficient entrepreneurship promotion programs. RDI in Estonia is dependent upon EU funding. Estonia lags behind Germany in respect of several global rankings related to technology and innovativeness. To make the Estonian economy knowledge-driven and technologically intensive, the state must focus on cultural, economic, social and strategic factors. Estonia should adopt RDI policies similar to Germany and also use the new UP regime to help its SMEs to acquire foreign patents.

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Lees, A. « Social Reform, Social Policy and Social Welfare in Modern Germany ». Journal of Social History 23, n^o 1 (1 septembre 1989) : 167–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/23.1.167.

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Stiller, Sabina. « Governance in Contemporary Germany : The Semisovereign State Revisited ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, n^o 2 (juin 2007) : 560–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390707059x.

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Governance in Contemporary Germany: The Semisovereign State Revisited, Simon Green and William E. Paterson, eds., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005, pp. 338.Nearly twenty years after Katzenstein's diagnosis of the German polity as “semisovereign state,” this volume re-evaluates unified Germany in the light of the original study. It starts with a concise introduction by the editors to the original argument and to the challenges of unification to semisovereign governance. Then, eleven contributions cover Katzenstein's “policy nodes” (political parties, federalism, and parapublic institutions), developments in previously covered policy areas (economic and social policy, industrial relations, immigration, administrative reform) and two additional ones: the environment and EU integration. The volume is concluded by Katzenstein himself, arguing that despite many political and socio-economic changes, semisovereignty still reigns in Germany.

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Sharikov, Pavel. « AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY PRIORITIES TOWARDS GERMANY ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 24, n^o 6 (31 décembre 2021) : 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran620214149.

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The article addresses the priorities of US relations with Germany. The victory of Joseph Biden and Democratic Party on the elections of 2020 signified quite radical twist in US foreign policy. The election slogan «America is back» which won the White House for the Democratic Party and Congress, means restoration of transatlantic relationship, damaged by the previous administration. Germany has a special place in this process. Elections in Germany in 2021 resulted in a victory of a Social Democratic Party. Decision making in Washington on Relations with Germany are influenced by many factors, including those related to domestic policies and international relations. Domestically there have appeared contradictions between Democratic and Republican parties on a number of priority issues on the bilateral agenda. In particular, the main differences were related to the Nord Stream 2 project. The situation in Afghanistan remains an urgent problem for both sides. It is noteworthy that following the results of the last elections in the United States, the German Caucus again became active in Congress, including both democratic and republican politicians. It is clear that Biden’s administration pursues the developing of economic ties with Germany.

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Kim, Sang-Cheol. « Social Policy and Social Integration in East Germany after Reunification ». Ordo Economics Journal 22, n^o 2 (30 juin 2019) : 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20436/oej.22.2.001.

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Jang, Tae-Seok. « Stabilization Policy and Social Market Economy in Germany ». Koreanische Zeitschrift fuer Wirtschaftswissenschaften 34, n^o 4 (31 décembre 2016) : 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.18237/kdgw.2016.34.4.087.

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Chaebok Park. « Multicultural Challenges and Social Integration Policy in Germany ». Journal of Contemporary European Studies 30, n^o 2 (août 2012) : 347–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17052/jces.2012.30.2.347.

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Sokolov, A. P., et A. D. Davydov. « Germany’s Colonial Policy in Contemporary German Social and Political Discourse ». Journal of International Analytics 13, n^o 3 (30 septembre 2022) : 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2022-13-3-67-78.

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The intensification of the discussion on the German colonial past at the present stage combines the experience of historical research on this topic with the domestic and foreign policy objectives of Germany’s leadership. The purpose of this article is to examine the process of rethinking the colonial past in the Federal Republic of Germany as a part of ideological support for the FRG’s foreign policy on the African direction. The article examines how the debate over Germany’s colonial past has evolved in recent years, and how the intensification of the debate affects the government’s policy towards African countries. The conclusion is that Berlin’s address to this topic so far rarely goes beyond academic and socio-political debate, while the tangible steps of the government remain mostly at the level of declarative intentions. While expressing willingness to admit responsibility for the destruction wrought, the authorities of the Federal Republic of Germany seek to maintain control over its “monetization,” as they fear to get a flow of bills with potentially unlimited sums. Most initiatives are in the first stages of implementation and far from meeting the requests of African states. Germany’s colonial history, marked by both crimes against the local population and the infrastructure development of its controlled territories, is a potential resource for engagement with African countries. The importance of Africa for German foreign policy as expected will increase in the future due to economic, demographic and geopolitical factors.

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Thiemeyer, Guido. « The “Social Market Economy” and its Impact on German European Policy in the Adenauer Era, 1949-1963 ». German Politics and Society 25, n^o 2 (1 juin 2007) : 68–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2007.250205.

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This article focuses on the economic aspects of German European policy in the 1950s and raises the question whether the economic system of the Federal Republic of Germany, “Soziale Marktwirtschaft” had any impact on the European policy of the West German state. It argues that Social Market Economy as defined by Ludwig Erhard influenced German European policy in certain aspects, but there was a latent contradiction between the political approach of Konrad Adenauer and this economic concept. Moreover, this article shows that West German European policy was not always as supportive for European unity as it is often considered.

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Mathis-Masury, E. Hollister. « Gendering in the Ascription of Symbolic Meaning to Dance in Germany ». Congress on Research in Dance Conference Proceedings 40, S1 (2008) : 175–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2049125500000662.

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This presentation deals with the current status of dance studies in Germany, focusing particularly on the situation in Baden-Württemberg, the home state of the internationally renowned Stuttgart Ballet. Whereas German dance companies enjoy some of the highest subsidies in the world, and freelance dancers in Germany benefit from privileges in the German social system, dance is not an independent subject of study at any level of the German educational system. The strong discrepancies in educational, cultural, and social policy on dance are indicative of the limits to and disagreements within symbolic meaning ascribed to dance. The relevant areas of policy will be presented, as well as the historical factors in the development of these discrepancies. A discussion of the role of gendering in the ascription of symbolic meanings to dance follows, especially considering current developments regarding community building and social justice.

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Podolskiy, Vadim A. « Philosophy of the social policy in German conservatism of the XIX century ». Philosophy Journal 14, n^o 3 (2021) : 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2072-0726-2021-14-3-65-81.

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The article describes the attitude of the German conservative thinkers of the XIX century towards social policy. Works by Carl von Haller, Adam Muller, Wilhelm von Ketteler and Carl von Vogelsang are studied, the philosophic background of their views, and the impact of their arguments for the intellectual history of Germany. Their conservative critique of capitalism and socialism is studied. The paper also analyzes the conception of “sustainable development” understood as an approach towards economy that is focused not on the increase of production, but on maintenance of acceptable level of welfare. The article presents ideas of corporate organization of society that can restore the harmony of medieval social, political and economical relations. The ideology of aristocratic paternalism is explored together with its philosophical and religious foundations as well as its focus on the preservation of social peace and its concern about the needs of the population. The article presents the claims of the conservative thinkers on the value of the nonmaterial components of the social life, which serve as the foundation for social policy, namely respect towards tradition, responsibility, service, trust, justice, frugality, religiosity. The emergence of the German conservatism is explored in relation to Russian political philosophy. The article shows that the scientific and public activity of the German conservatives led to the introduction of social laws in Germany and Austria.

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Belov, Vladislav. « The Coronavirus Crisis versus Social and Market Economy of Germany ». Contemporary Europe 104, n^o 4 (1 août 2021) : 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope420215870.

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The coronavirus crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic has had a significant negative impact on all aspects of the German social market economy. For the first time in history, the crisis was caused by factors of a non-economic nature. They manifested themselves in all economies of the world, including Europe. Since March 2020, the federal and state executive authorities of Germany, along with the introduction of restrictive measures for the population and business, have adopted several large-scale economic and political programmes aimed at preventing bankruptcies of economic entities, preserving jobs and social stability in the country. Along with short-term instruments designed to stop the decline in GDP and give impetus to its growth, the German state pursued an active and coordinated with Brussels structural policy aimed at ensuring an energy and digital transition to a climate-neutral economy, including the overcoming the deficits and problems revealed by the pandemic in the country's economy. To this end, Berlin abandoned the budget surplus policy and switched to large-scale external borrowing to finance programmes to bring economy out of the crisis. The author analyzes the results of the impact of the coronavirus crisis on the economic space of Germany, including aspects of its stress resistance and competitiveness, explores the effectiveness of state policy to counter crisis and assesses the prospects for the development of Russia's leading foreign economic partner in the west of the Eurasian continent.

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Koffas, Stefanos. « Social Policy in Germany : The Dual Model of the Social State ». International Journal of Social Work and Human Services Practice 4, n^o 5 (novembre 2016) : 111–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.13189/ijrh.2016.040503.

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Timoshenkova, Ekaterina. « GERMAN DEVELOPMENT POLICY : MAIN OBJECTIVES, PRINCIPLES AND STRUCTURE ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 23, n^o 5 (31 octobre 2021) : 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran52021109118.

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The Federal Republic of Germany plays not only a leading role in the EU, but is also a global player with interests around the world. At the same time, the FRG has succeeded in establishing itself as an «honest broker» and mediator in international conflicts. Its image as a democratic state under the rule of law with a developed social system and a stable economic development model is attractive to many countries, including «developing» ones, which aspire to cooperate with Germany and are guided by its experience and recommendations. The German Development Policy is an important instrument of soft power, which is used not only for humanitarian purposes, but also to meet specific economic and political objectives. Thanks to its effective development policy, Germany manages to maintain contacts with representatives of various political elites, even if relations with the official government deteriorate. Non-governmental organizations play a major role in promoting German interests. Moreover, an outside observer might get the impression that it is these organizations that largely determine the development policy of the Federal Republic of Germany. In order to understand how this foreign policy mechanism functions, what its strengths are, and what role the state and civil society actors (NGOs, party-political foundations, charities, etc.) play in development policy, it is necessary to analyze the structure, goals and principles of German development policy. This article is devoted to this question.

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Kolodeznikova, Inna V., Roman V. Kondurov et Diana V. Galitskayа. « SOCIAL INSURANCE SYSTEMS IN RUSSIA AND GERMANY : SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS ». Moscow State University Bulletin. Series 18. Sociology and Political Science 25, n^o 2 (27 juillet 2019) : 93–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.24290/1029-3736-2019-25-2-93-115.

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Social insurance occupies a special place in the entire social policy of the state. Developed system of social insurance in the country provides citizens with effective protection mechanisms and thereby ensures economic stability and creates an atmosphere of social cohesion in society. At present, social insurance systems in Russia and Germany have significant differences that include both the structure and functioning of each type of insurance separately. These differences in the organization of social insurance systems in Russia and Germany are traceable from the very beginning. System of social insurance in modern Russia has been developing to a certain extent inconsistently and to the present time still is not completely formed. The German system developed gradually and improved with regard to the features of the interests of society at various stages of its development. The establishment of the Federal Republic of Germany as a social state determined the modern model of the social insurance system. Therefore, the study of the German model is interesting from the point of view of the subsequent possible introduction of its elements into Russian insurance practice. The article compares social insurance systems of Russia and Germany. The components of the systems are studied; their similarities and differences are revealed. Opinions of experts of the Federal Service for Labor and Employment on the prospects and problems of the development of the Russian model of the social insurance system and the possibility of using the German insurance experience in Russian practice are given.

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Nefedov, Vyacheslav. « The influence of Soviet Union on the post-war culture development of Eastern Germany (1945–1949) ». Tambov University Review. Series : Humanities, n^o 178 (2019) : 175–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/10.20310/1810-0201-2019-24-178-175-181.

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The study of cultural problems in the countries of the socialist community has acquired considerable relevance in historical research recently. At the same time there are considerable gaps in the study of culture of German Democratic Republic. For the period from 1945 to 1949 it is especially true. Appeal to the sources of the Soviet period can make it partly up. Nevertheless, this is insufficient. A modern view of the culture of East Germany after Second World War is ne-cessary. The policy of Socialist Unified Party of Germany at the socialist culture formation period is the subject of this research. The consideration of the influence of Soviet Union and ideas of Oc-tober Revolution on the postwar cultural development of East Germany (1945–1949) is the aim of this research. The realization of research tasks based on the using of Soviet and German books, newspapers and magazines is achieved. Sociopragmatic method, that allows to objectively investigate the processes in Soviet occupation zone of German is the main in this work. Social processes that occurred from 1945 to 1949 in East Germany are investigated. The degree of influence of Soviet Union and the ideas of October Revolution on the cultural policy of Socialist Unified Party of Germany is determined. The study of the Soviet influence on the cultural policy of Socialist Unified Party of Germany in the German society allowed to determinate its level as quite high. The study confirms the conclusions of researchers that party persons of SUPG sought to conduct cultural policy in East Germany based on the Soviet sample.

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Schunk, Michaela V., et Carroll L. Estes. « Is German Long-Term Care Insurance a Model for the United States ? » International Journal of Health Services 31, n^o 3 (juillet 2001) : 617–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/ve9q-l54y-bc90-2wph.

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German long-term care insurance, implemented in 1995, significantly extends the coverage of care-related risks. Given the similarities of German and U.S. institutional features, the German social insurance approach has been put forward as a possible model for long-term care in the United States. Using a political economy framework, the authors conducted a policy analysis that compares the main shortfalls of long-term care (LTC) provision in the United States and Germany, examines the responses provided by LTC insurance in Germany, and relates them to broader trends and proposals for change in welfare policy in both countries. German LTC insurance includes a high degree of consumer direction and compensation and protection for informal caregivers; it supports the extension of community-based services. Its shortfalls include the continued split between health and LTC insurance. In both countries, decentralization and institutional and financial fragmentation are some of the characteristics responsible for the failure to promote egalitarian social policy and substantially expand social protection to family- and care-related risks. The German LTC program is a good model for the United States. With a social insurance approach to LTC, costs are spread across the largest possible risk pool. Major goals that can be reached with such a program include establishment of universal entitlements to LTC benefits, consumer choice, and equitability and uniformity.

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Glatzer, Wolfgang, et Heinz-Herbert Noll. « Social Indicators and Social Reporting in Germany ». Journal of Public Policy 9, n^o 4 (octobre 1989) : 425–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x0000828x.

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Social indicators research developed in the United States at the end of the 1960s and the principal ideas and approaches were received by West German social scientists soon thereafter. It became common usage to speak of a social indicators movement, an expression which is rather unusual in regard to a scientific approach.

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Höhn, Maria. « John Willoughby, Remaking the Conquering Heroes : The Postwar American Occupation of Germany. New York : Palgrave, 2001. xiii + 187 pp. $45.00 cloth. » International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (avril 2004) : 188–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904280139.

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Scholars in both the US and Germany have studied the American occupation of Germany extensively. Until recently, however, much of that work focused on the emerging Cold War rivalry between the US and the Soviet Union to explain the rapid shift from an occupation intended to punish the Germans to one that increasingly included West Germans as partners and allies. While not dismissing the importance of the Cold War struggle in shaping US foreign policy, John Willoughby suggests that a more comprehensive understanding of how American power was projected during the Cold War is only possible if attention is shifted from the policy makers in Washington to the players on the ground. By exploring how the American military government dealt with the chaotic social and economic conditions within Germany, the widespread disciplinary problems of American GIs, and the pervasive racism within the military, Willoughby makes a compelling argument that US foreign policy and the “institutions of occupation” were transformed by the “more mundane problems of social control and organizational capability” (3). The American objectives in Germany changed, not because of the Cold War, but because financial pressures, personnel shortages, and economic disarray forced military authorities to hand over power to the Germans much sooner than envisioned by Washington. While Willoughby—by his own admission—does not provide new material to the professional historian of the era, his book nonetheless offers a fresh interpretation that draws on social and cultural history while also paying attention to race and gender.

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Schmacke, Norbert. « Overdramatization of the Burdens on Health and Social Services : A Continuing Debate in the History of German Medicine ». International Journal of Health Services 27, n^o 3 (juillet 1997) : 559–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/22tt-hmx4-3bpb-vrb9.

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Departing from the latest academic research into Nazi medicine in Germany, the author looks at theoretical and ideological concepts in German history that left their mark on the formation of race hygiene. He argues that the overdramatization of the economic burden caused by the special requirements of the chronically ill and handicapped runs through all epochs of modern medical history and that this culturally pessimistic way of looking at a serious social problem in Germany reveals a frightening tradition which reached its crudest climax in the so-called T4 operation of the Nazis. The author makes a plea for this dark chapter of German medical history to be carefully analyzed and for the results of this research to be used in the current discussion on the further development of the health system, particularly in regard to patients who require special care.

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Anderson, Karen M., et Traute Meyer. « Social Democracy, Unions, and Pension Politics in Germany and Sweden ». Journal of Public Policy 23, n^o 1 (janvier 2003) : 23–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x03003027.

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This article investigates the politics of reforming mature, pay-as-you-go pensions in the context of austerity. In both Sweden and Germany the Social Democratic party leadership advocated reform in response to similar financial and demographic pressures, but the Swedish reform was more successful in correcting perceived program weaknesses and in defending social democratic values. To explain this difference in outcomes, we focus on policy legacies and the organizational and political capacities of labor movements. We argue that existing pension policies in Germany were more constraining than in Sweden, narrowing the range of politically feasible strategies. By contrast, in Sweden, existing pension policy provided opportunities for turning vices into virtues and financing the transition to a new system. In addition, the narrow interests of German unions and the absence of institutionalized cooperation with the Social Democratic Party hindered reform. By contrast, the Swedish Social Democrats' bargaining position in pension reform negotiations with non-socialist parties was formulated with blue collar union interests in mind. The encompassing interests of Swedish unions and their close links with the Social Democrats facilitated a reform compromise.

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Koh, Myongduck. « Labour Market Policy and Social Market Economy in Germany ». Koreanische Zeitschrift fuer Wirtschaftswissenschaften 34, n^o 4 (31 décembre 2016) : 255–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.18237/kdgw.2016.34.4.255.

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Stollfuß, Sven. « Is This Social TV 3.0 ? OnFunkand Social Media Policy in German Public Post-television Content Production ». Television & ; New Media 20, n^o 5 (15 février 2018) : 509–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527476418755514.

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This article investigates how social media affects German public television. Due to recent dynamics in the field of social TV, notions of social TV as basically “tweeting while watching TV,” or as an “additional function” of television, need to be revised. As an addition to existing ideas of “Social TV 1.0” and “Social TV 2.0” and other characterizations, I refer here to “Social TV 3.0.” Current social TV features need to be characterized in the light of a “network of content” that combines the “media logic of television” and the “logic of social media” by means of their dynamic, flexible, and horizontal integration into the “matrix-media strategy” of TV executives impelled by a social media policy. By taking the content network funk (“a consortium of public broadcasters” [ARD] and “Second German Television” [ZDF]) as a prime example of social TV 3.0 in Germany, I analyze the merging of television and social media.

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Ostner, Ilona. « ‘Individualisation’–The Origins of the Concept and Its Impact on German Social Policies ». Social Policy and Society 3, n^o 1 (janvier 2004) : 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746403001520.

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‘Individualisation’ did not enter German social policy debates until the end of the 1980s. Mainstream feminists argued first in favour of individualised benefits for women, and labour market individualisation, for women as well as for men, now scores high on the German social policy agenda. Benefits and other provisions are being increasingly (re-)designed in the expectation that both men and women in households will be employed. This article briefly examines the original meaning of individualisation and the way in which it was transformed in the influential writings of Ulrich Beck and Elisabeth Beck-Gernsheim. It then argues that the current social policy reforms in Germany reveal ambiguities in respect of individualisation which were debated in the earlier sociological literature.

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Molnar, Christopher A. « Imagining Yugoslavs : Migration and the Cold War in Postwar West Germany ». Central European History 47, n^o 1 (mars 2014) : 138–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891400065x.

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In recent years historians have argued that after the collapse of the Nazi regime in May 1945, the concept of race became a taboo topic in postwar Germany but that Germans nonetheless continued to perceive resident foreign populations in racialized terms. Important studies of Jewish displaced persons, the black children of American occupation soldiers and German women, and Turkish guest workers have highlighted continuities and transformations in German racial thought from the Nazi era into the postwar world, particularly in West Germany. In a programmatic essay, Rita Chin and Heide Fehrenbach argue that “the question of race remained at the very center of social policy and collective imagination during the occupation years, as the Western Allies worked to democratize Germany, and during the Bonn Republic,” and they call for a new historiography that is more attentive to the category of race and the process of racialization in Germany and Europe after 1945. While this newfound emphasis on race in Germany's postwar history has been salutary, an approach that puts race and racialization at the center of German interactions with resident foreign populations runs the risk of sidelining the experiences of foreign groups that Germans did not view in primarily racial terms. Indeed, to a certain extent this has already occurred. By the mid-1980s, public and policy discourse on immigrants in West Germany came to focus overwhelmingly on Turks and the problems raised by their “alien” Islamic cultural practices. That West Germany's guest worker program had resulted in the permanent settlement of hundreds of thousands of Italians, Greeks, Spaniards, Portuguese, and Yugoslavs was largely forgotten. When historians, anthropologists, and scholars in other disciplines began taking more interest in Germany's migration history in recent decades, they too focused overwhelmingly on Turks. Only in recent years has the historiography of Germany's postwar migration history started to reflect the multinational character of Germany's immigrant population.

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Herz, Dietmar. « Germany Today : Continuity and Change ». International Area Review 3, n^o 1 (juin 2000) : 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590000300105.

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Events of recent months have changed the face of German politics. Or, to be more precise, they have shown that Germany has changed in recent years. Seen from the year 1999, these transformations have been twofold: on one hand, important fundamental conditions of German politics have changed over the past ten years; on the other hand, since last fall, a new government established new priorities. In a first step, this paper will give a short description of the internal and external state of German affairs at the end of Helmut Kohl's long reign. It will then analyse the current domestic and foreign policy situation in Germany, its new political directions, the reforms and setbacks of the new coalition of Social Democrats and Greens. In concluding, the more thoroughgoing aspects of change in Germany since unification will briefly be discussed.

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Siegel, Tilla. « Wage Policy in Nazi Germany ». Politics & ; Society 14, n^o 1 (mars 1985) : 1–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003232928501400101.

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Efanova, L. D., et S. A. Shmukler. « LIVING STANDARDS IN MODERN GERMANY ». Vestnik Universiteta, n^o 11 (27 décembre 2019) : 12–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2019-11-12-17.

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This article reflects the main directions of achieving an optimal standard of living for German citizens, determines the main aspects of its maintenance. It has been noted, that the citizens of Germany have a sufficiently high, in comparison with other countries, standard of living, all the necessary social guarantees for decent living. Today, Germany is the optimal country for living, which forms a socially-oriented economy. The most priority feature of the implemented policy of the country is, that all the rights of citizens are realized in practice, and criminality is almost not widespread.

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Metz, Karl H. « From Pauperism to Social Policy ». International Review of Social History 37, n^o 3 (décembre 1992) : 329–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000111320.

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SummaryThe first part of this paper establishes the outlines of social policy in the course of the nineteenth century using Great Britain, Germany and France as examples, with particular emphasis on the differences arising from the varying political cultures of these countries. In the second part the paper attempts to establish comparisons for a generalized framework, also covering developments into the twentieth century. ‘Social policy’ in this instance means all state measures to safeguard the physical and social existence of employed workers on the basis of a criterion of fairness which is derived from their citizenship, it is political in other words. Safety ar work is as much a part of this as protection during illness, old age or unemployment. This study as a whole sets out to achieve some standardizations which will be useful in the analysis of the history of social policy and may also be helpful in the discussion of current socio-political problems.

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Schmidt, Manfred G. « West Germany : The Policy of the Middle Way ». Journal of Public Policy 7, n^o 2 (avril 1987) : 135–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00005213.

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ABSTRACTThis article focuses attention on the distinctive characteristics of economic and social policy in West Germany during the last four decades. It will be argued, that the distinctiveness of state intervention in West Germany resides in a combination of policies of conversative-reformist, liberal and social democratic complexion. The policy of the middle way which results from this combination differs from the extreme poles that are marked by the model of Social-Democratic welfare capitalism on the one hand and market capitalism on the other, but it also comprises elements of both types of political economies. The emergence and the maintenance of the policy of the middle way can largely be attributed to distinctive characteristics of the policy process, and of processes of learning from historical catastrophes.

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Münz, Rainer, et Ralf Ulrich. « Immigration and Citizenship in Germany ». German Politics and Society 17, n^o 4 (1 décembre 1999) : 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503099782486761.

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In Germany, as in many other European democracies, immigrationand citizenship are contested and contentious issues. In the Germancase it was both the magnitude of postwar and recent immigration aswell as its interference with questions of identity that created politicaland social conflict. As a result of World War II, the coexistenceof two German states, and the persistence of ethnic German minoritiesin central and eastern Europe, (West) Germany’s migration andnaturalization policy was inclusive toward expellees, GDR citizens,and co-ethnics. At the same time, the Federal Republic of Germany,despite the recruitment of several million foreign labor migrantsand—until 1992—a relatively liberal asylum practice, did not developsimilar mechanisms and policies of absorption and integration of itslegal foreign residents.

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Hinrichs, Karl. « Reforming labour market policy in Germany ». Benefits : A Journal of Poverty and Social Justice 15, n^o 3 (octobre 2007) : 221–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.51952/xjar5423.

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Active and passive labour market policy in Germany has been reformed by a series of laws implemented between 2003 and 2005. This article focuses on the fundamental and most controversial change of income support for unemployed people. The so-called Hartz IV reform had grave implications for many of those who were long-term unemployed and came at a high price for the then incumbent coalition government of Social Democrats and the Green Party, eventually leading to premature federal elections in September 2005. Although the labour market situation started to improve in 2006, it remains unclear whether and to what extent declining unemployment figures are in fact due to the recent labour market reforms.

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Campbell, Andrea Louise, et Kimberly J. Morgan. « Federalism and the Politics of Old-Age Care in Germany and the United States ». Comparative Political Studies 38, n^o 8 (octobre 2005) : 887–914. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414005277575.

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Until the early 1990s, Germany and the United States had similar systems of long-term care. At that time, Germany created a new social insurance program, whereas American reform efforts stalled. As conventional explanations of social policies—rooted in objective conditions, policy legacies, interest group mobilization, and party politics—fail to explain the diverging trajectories, the authors show how differing federal structures shaped reform efforts. German federalism gives states a strong voice and encourages collective responses to fiscal problems, enabling comprehensive restructuring of long-term care financing. In the United States, states lack a political mechanism to compel federal policy makers to tackle this subject. This analysis suggests reform of social welfare issues with weakly mobilized publics is unlikely without proxy actors that have institutional or political means to forcibly gain the attention of policy makers. In addition, scholars should pay more attention to “varieties of federalism” in analyses of the welfare state.

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Rouette, Susanne. « Mothers and Citizens : Gender and Social Policy in Germany after the First World War ». Central European History 30, n^o 1 (mars 1997) : 48–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900013352.

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Historians have generally interpreted the early years of the Weimar Republic as an important stage in the development of the German welfare state. For the first time in the history of Germany, the state established in the constitution not only its own wideranging responsibilities and opportunities for intervention, but also the political and social rights of its citizens. Apart from “fundamentally” equal citizenship rights for womenand men (Art. 108) these also included entitlement to state support for the family and maternity as well as special state protection for marriage which, the constitution proclaimed, was to rest on an “equality of the two sexes” (Art. 119).

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Kim, Hyeong Min. « Multicultural Policy for Social Integration - Case of Germany and Korea - ». Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology 2, n^o 2 (31 décembre 2012) : 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.14257/ajmscahs.2012.12.03.

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Kim, Sang Cheol. « Ideology and Practice of Social Policy in Formal East Germany ». Ordo Economics Journal 19, n^o 1 (31 mars 2016) : 153–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20436/oej.2016.19.1.153.

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Kesler, C. « Social Policy and Immigrant Joblessness in Britain, Germany and Sweden ». Social Forces 85, n^o 2 (1 décembre 2006) : 743–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sof.2007.0013.

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Deeg, Richard. « Institutional transfer, social learning and economic policy in Eastern Germany ». West European Politics 18, n^o 4 (octobre 1995) : 38–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389508425106.

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Stevenson, Patrick. « The Language Question in Contemporary Germany : The Challenges of Multilingualism ». German Politics and Society 33, n^o 1 (1 juin 2015) : 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330106.

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This article addresses the complex relationships between political discourses, demographic constellations, the affordances of new technologies, and linguistic practices in contemporary Germany. It focuses on political and personal responses to the increasingly multilingual nature of German society and the often-conflicting ways in which “the German language” figures in strategies promoting social integration and Germany's global position. In order to do this, the idea of “the German language” is contextualized in relation to both internal and external processes of contemporary social change. On the one hand, changes to the social order arising from the increasingly complex patterns of inward migration have led to conflicts between a persistent monolingual ideology and multilingual realities. On the other hand, changes in the global context and the explosive growth of new social media have resulted in both challenges and new opportunities for the German language in international communication. In this context, the article explores internal and external policy responses, for example, in relation to education and citizenship in Germany, and the embedding of German language campaigns in strategies promoting multilingualism; and impacts on individual linguistic practices and behaviors, such as the emergence of “multiethnolects” and online multilingualism.

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Kalm, Sara, et Johannes Lindvall. « Immigration policy and the modern welfare state, 1880–1920 ». Journal of European Social Policy 29, n^o 4 (12 avril 2019) : 463–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928719831169.

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This article puts contemporary debates about the relationship between immigration policy and the welfare state in historical perspective. Relying on new historical data, the article examines the relationship between immigration policy and social policy in Western Europe in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when the modern welfare state emerged. Germany already had comparably strict immigration policies when the German Empire introduced the world’s first national social insurances in the 1880s. Denmark, another early social-policy adopter, also pursued restrictive immigration policies early on. Almost all other countries in Western Europe started out with more liberal immigration policies than Germany’s and Denmark’s, but then adopted more restrictive immigration policies and more generous social policies concurrently. There are two exceptions, Belgium and Italy, which are discussed in the article.

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Mouton, Michelle. « Rescuing Children and Policing Families : Adoption Policy in Weimar and Nazi Germany ». Central European History 38, n^o 4 (décembre 2005) : 545–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916105775563526.

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When the First World War ended, Germany experienced an unprecedented period of political revolution, economic turmoil, and social upheaval. Among the myriad problems facing the nation was one concern that cut across party lines and prompted attention at both the national and local levels. Lawmakers, doctors, clergy, and ordinary Germans across the political spectrum agreed that the breakdown of the family had weakened the nation, contributed to military defeat, worsened economic misery, and exacerbated societal conflict. High divorce and illegitimacy rates together with an alarmingly low birth rate created a picture of families in crisis. The belief was widespread that only by creating policies that strengthened families would Germany stand a chance of regaining its historical strength. Because both Weimar and National Socialist policymakers saw the family as essential to rejuvenating the battered nation, the interwar era witnessed a wide variety of family-directed policies. Social welfare, unemployment benefits, health insurance, and maternity benefits were just the beginning of a series of programs designed to strengthen Germany and support families. While state programs targeted many different groups within society, children stood out as especially worthy recipients. Policymakers in both the Weimar and National Socialist eras recognized that children, the most vulnerable members of society and the nation's future, required special attention.

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Boysen, Jens. « Niemiecka „cywilność” a rosyjska „bojowość” jako czynniki strategicznej orientacji w kontekście międzynarodowego bezpieczeństwa ». Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, n^o 25/1 (28 avril 2017) : 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2017.25.07.

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Germany and Russia are key players in the area of security policy, particularly in Europe but also outside the continent. The two countries, however, show completely different approaches to specific issues. While Russia (like many other powers) quite openly continues to conduct traditional ‘realistic’ diplomacy guided mainly by national interests, Germany is a ‘champion of multilateralism’ that refers to the ‘interests of all humanity’. This remarkable altruism of the nation state has its origin in the history of National Socialism, which, according to the German political élite, delegitimized the concept and the policy of ‘national interest’. As a result of this peculiar political culture, Germany is indeed a reliable partner in NATO, the European Union and other organizations. However, in political practice, the neurotic attitude of the German élite with regard to military affairs often makes cooperation with its partners difficult in the area of security and defence. This attitude has also severely affected the condition of the Bundeswehr and led to disregard for the interests of German soldiers in peacekeeping missions. In contrast, Russia (again) has never reviewed its Stalinist past and the social position of the army is as high as it was in Soviet times. As a result, the country may be less sympathetic than Germany and lacks civic culture, but the cynical policy of Moscow is somewhat more predictable when it comes to hard politics.

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HOLLIFIELD, JAMES F. « Immigration Policy in France and Germany : Outputs versus Outcomes ». ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 485, n^o 1 (mai 1986) : 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716286485001010.

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This article looks at the successes and failures of immigration policy in France and Germany. Particular attention is given to comparing immigration and foreign-worker policies—outputs—and the results of these policies—outcomes—in each state since the suspension of immigration in the mid-1970s. The analysis of the French and German experiences suggests that the gap between outputs and outcomes results from the inability of the state fully to control the migratory process. Inevitably, many foreign workers will choose to settle in the country in which they work. Stopping the movement of workers into and out of the country and suspending immigration tends to speed up the process of settlement and increase family and seasonal immigration. The principal lesson for other industrial democracies is that suspending immigration and exporting workers is not an effective way to solve employment problems.

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Canzler, Weert. « Transport Infrastructure in Shrinking (East) Germany ». German Politics and Society 26, n^o 2 (1 juin 2008) : 76–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2008.260205.

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Policy on transport infrastructure in Germany will come under increasing pressure thanks to considerable changes in basic conditions. Demographic change, shifts in economic and regional structures, continued social individualization, and the chronic budget crisis in the public sphere are forcing a readjustment of government action. At root, the impact of the changes in demographics and economic structures touches on what Germans themselves think their postwar democracy stands for. Highly consensual underlying assumptions about Germany as a model are being shaken. The doctrine that development of infrastructure is tantamount to growth and prosperity no longer holds. The experience in eastern Germany shows that more and better infrastructure does not automatically lead to more growth. Moreover, uniform government regulation is hitting limits. If the differences between boom regions and depopulated zones remain as large as they are, then it makes no sense to have the same regulatory maze apply to both cases. In transportation policy, that shift would mean recasting the legal foundations of public transport.

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Leibold, Stefan. « Il welfare tedesco : un compromesso confessionale ? » SOCIOLOGIA E POLITICHE SOCIALI, n^o 3 (janvier 2013) : 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sp2012-003004.

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From the end of the 19th century to the present, six political regimes followed one another in Germany: from the monarchy to the Weimar Republic, the national socialist dictatorship, the occupation by the allies after the Second World War, East Germany under Soviet influence, the new established capitalist West Germany and the reunified Germany (the "Berlin Republic" after 1990). Nevertheless, surprisingly enough, the structure of the German welfare state has shown a steady continuity over such a long span of time: Germany is a very prominent example of "path dependency" in matter of welfare state. This direction is characterized by a corporative stance in social policy and it involves economic associations, Unions, private welfare organizations and mainstream Churches as leading actors of this process. The article discusses whether or not the influence of religion is a cause for the distinct features of the German welfare state. It briefly draws on current analysis and a research project in Münster (Germany); it investigates the historical and ideological roots of the typical German welfare model, and the role religion played in that respect. Finally, it focuses upon the German welfare-state model from 1945 to the present.

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Elling, Ray. « Reflections on the Health Social Sciences—Then and Now ». International Journal of Health Services 37, n^o 4 (octobre 2007) : 601–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/hs.37.4.a.

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After its beginnings in the United States, medical sociology started to take hold in Germany in 1958 with a conference that resulted in the first book on medical sociology published in Germany. From uneasy marginality, the field has grown to include disciplines other than sociology—anthropology, economics, and political economy. Today, the field might best be called the “health social sciences.” The main body of work employs the consensual perspective, but work done using a class conflict perspective is increasingly significant.

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