Pour voir les autres types de publications sur ce sujet consultez le lien suivant : Germany – Social policy.
Thèses sur le sujet « Germany – Social policy »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les 50 meilleures thèses pour votre recherche sur le sujet « Germany – Social policy ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Parcourez les thèses sur diverses disciplines et organisez correctement votre bibliographie.
1
Carmel, Emma. « Demanding the possible : social politics, policy and discourse in the German Social Democratic Party, 1986-98 ». Thesis, University of York, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.246980.
Texte intégral
2
White, Robert Edward. « Renewable Energy : The Roles of States, Social Movements, and Policy in California and Germany ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/83422.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This project examines the development of renewable policy in California and Germany through the theoretical lens provided by John Dryzek's democratic theory of social movement engagement with the liberal democratic nation-state. Specifically, this thesis considers the impact of social movements on what the theory identifies as five core imperatives of state. The argument uses a qualitative, comparative, process tracing methodology, supported by critical discourse analysis, to analyze environmental social movement engagements with the state in relation to the development of renewable energy policymaking in the state of California and in the Federal Republic of Germany between 2000 and 2017. Whereas Dryzek and colleagues argue that environmental movement activism may have prompted a new, sixth, environmental conservation imperative of state, this thesis differs. Rather, the analysis finds that if indeed such a sixth imperative is emergent, it might better be defined as a resource conservation imperative. That is, in California and in Germany, it is not so much the environment but rather access to abundant and economically sustainable natural resources that states aim to conserve.Master of Arts
3
Schulte, Katharina [Verfasser]. « Essays on Social Policy in Germany : Analyses Based on Survey and Simulated Data / Katharina Schulte ». Kiel : Universitätsbibliothek Kiel, 2012. http://d-nb.info/1021140155/34.
Texte intégral
4
Weipert, Matthias. « "Mehrung der Volkskraft" die Debatte über Bevölkerung, Modernisierung und Nation 1890 - 1933 ». Paderborn München Wien Zürich Schöningh, 2006. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2753215&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
Texte intégral
5
Fleischer, Julia. « Policy advice and institutional politics : a comparative analysis of Germany and Britain ». Phd thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2012. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2012/6187/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Die Studie schließt an die Debatte in der vergleichenden politikwissenschaftlichen Verwaltungsforschung an, die sich mit der Rolle interner Beratungsakteure in Regierungsorganisationen beschäftigt. Ziel dieser Studie ist es, die Mechanismen zu erklären, durch die interne Beratungsakteure die ihnen zugeschriebene Bedeutung im exekutiven Entscheidungsprozess erlangen. Dabei werden jene Organisationseinheiten untersucht, die proaktiv an exekutiven Entscheidungsprozessen mitwirken und mit ihrer Beratung politischer Akteure in Konkurrenz zur Ministerialverwaltung stehen können. Die Einflussmechanismen dieser Akteure in der exekutiven Entscheidungsfindung werden als Formen einer "Institutionenpolitik" aufgefasst, bei der Akteure die institutionellen Bedingungen von Politikformulierungsprozessen bzw. die "Spielregeln exekutiver Entscheidungsfindung" verändern, um ihre eigene Position bzw. die ihres "Klienten" zu stärken.
Das theoretische Argument dieser Arbeit folgt der neo-institutionalistischen Wende in der Organisationstheorie und definiert Institutionenpolitik als graduelle Institutionalisierungsprozesse zwischen Institutionen und organisationalen Akteuren, wobei einem weiten Institutionenbegriff folgend die Objekte solcher Veränderungsprozesse durch regulative, normative und kognitive Säulen gekennzeichnet sind. In Anwendung des "power-distributional approach" lassen sich graduelle Institutionalisierungsprozesse durch institutionenbezogene Charakteristika erklären, d.h. die Beschaffenheit der Objekte von Institutionenpolitik, insbesondere die Interpretationsfreiheit ihrer Anwendung, sowie die Restriktionen des institutionellen Kontexts. Zudem lässt sich Institutionenpolitik durch akteursbezogene Charakteristika erklären, d.h. den Ambitionen der Akteure sich als "potentielle institutionelle Agenten" zu engagieren. Diese beiden Erklärungsdimensionen drücken sich in vier idealtypischen Mechanismen von Institutionenpolitik aus: Sedimentation, Ersetzung, Drift, und Konversion, die mit vier Agententypen korrespondieren.
Die Studie untersucht die institutionenpolitischen Ambitionen der Akteure explorativ, die Relevanz des institutionellen Kontexts wird mithilfe von Erwartungshypothesen zu den Effekten von vier Merkmalen analysiert, die in der bestehenden Debatte als relevant gelten: (1) die Parteienzusammensetzung der Regierung, (2) die Strukturprinzipien von Kabinettsentscheidungen, (3) die Verwaltungstradition sowie (4) die formale Politisierung der Ministerialverwaltung.
Die Studie folgt einem "most similar systems design" und führt qualitative Fallstudien zur Rolle interner Beratungseinheiten im Zentrum deutscher und britischer Regierungsorganisationen, d.h. der Regierungszentrale und dem Finanzministerium, über einen längeren Zeitraum durch (1969/1970-2005). Es werden jeweils drei Zeitperioden pro Untersuchungsland betrachtet, die britischen Fallstudien analysieren die Beratungsakteure im Cabinet Office, Prime Minister's Office und dem Finanzministerium unter den Premierministern Heath (1970-74), Thatcher (1979-87) und Blair (1997-2005). Die deutschen Fallstudien untersuchen die Beratungsakteure im Bundeskanzleramt und dem Bundesfinanzministerium unter den Bundeskanzlern Brandt (1969-74), Kohl (1982-1987) und Schröder (1998-2005). Für die empirische Untersuchung wurden die Ergebnisse einer Dokumentenanalyse mit den Erkenntnissen aus 75 semi-strukturierten Experteninterviews trianguliert.
Die vergleichende Analyse zeigt unterschiedliche Muster von Institutionenpolitik. Die deutschen Beratungsakteure agieren anfänglich in Ersetzung, später vornehmlich in Sedimentation sowie Drift, d.h. ihre institutionenpolitischen Aktivitäten widmen sich nach anfänglicher Ersetzung bestehender institutioneller Grundlagen zunehmend der Addition neuer Elemente sowie der deliberativen Nicht-Entscheidung zur Anpassung existierender institutioneller Grundlagen an Umweltveränderungen. Die britischen Beratungsakteure sind zumeist in Ersetzung sowie Konversion engagiert, trotz gelegentlicher Sedimentation, d.h. einer direkten Ersetzung bestehender institutioneller Grundlagen durch neue Spielregeln exekutiver Entscheidungsfindung sowie einer bewussten Umwandlung und Neuausrichtung existierender institutionellen Grundlagen, gelegentlich auch eine Addition neuer Elemente zu bestehenden Regeln.
Die institutionen- und akteursspezifischen Charakteristika sind für diese Muster von Institutionenpolitik erklärungsrelevant. Erstens weist die Studie nach, dass der institutionelle Kontext die institutionenpolitischen Aktivitäten in Deutschland beschränkt und in Großbritannien begünstigt. Zweitens ist die Interpretationsfreiheit der Anwendung institutionenpolitischer Objekte bedeutsam, wie sich anhand der institutionenpolitischen Ambitionen der Akteure im Zeitverlauf und im Ländervergleich zeigt und somit drittens bestätigt, dass diese Interessen der Akteure an Institutionenwandel die Mechanismen von Institutionenpolitik beeinflussen. Die Arbeit schließt mit der Erkenntnis, dass die Rolle interner Beratungseinheiten in der exekutiven Politikformulierung nicht nur aus ihren inhaltlichen, parteistrategischen oder medial-beratenden Funktionen für politische Akteure in Regierungsämtern folgt, sondern insbesondere aus ihren institutionenpolitischen Aktivitäten, deren Resultate die institutionellen Restriktionen aller Akteure in exekutiven Entscheidungsprozessen beeinflussen – und somit auch ihre eigene Rolle in diesen Prozessen.This study follows the debate in comparative public administration research on the role of advisory arrangements in central governments. The aim of this study is to explain the mechanisms by which these actors gain their alleged role in government decision-making. Hence, it analyses advisory arrangements that are proactively involved in executive decision-making and may compete with the permanent bureaucracy by offering policy advice to political executives. The study argues that these advisory arrangements influence government policy-making by "institutional politics", i.e. by shaping the institutional underpinnings to govern or rather the "rules of the executive game" in order to strengthen their own position or that of their clients. The theoretical argument of this study follows the neo-institutionalist turn in organization theory and defines institutional politics as gradual institutionalization processes between institutions and organizational actors. It applies a broader definition of institutions as sets of regulative, normative and cognitive pillars. Following the "power-distributional approach" such gradual institutionalization processes are influenced by structure-oriented characteristics, i.e. the nature of the objects of institutional politics, in particular the freedom of interpretation in their application, as well as the distinct constraints of the institutional context. In addition, institutional politics are influenced by agency-oriented characteristics, i.e. the ambitions of actors to act as "would-be change agents". These two explanatory dimensions result in four ideal-typical mechanisms of institutional politics: layering, displacement, drift, and conversion, which correspond to four ideal-types of would-be change agents. The study examines the ambitions of advisory arrangements in institutional politics in an exploratory manner, the relevance of the institutional context is analyzed via expectation hypotheses on the effects of four institutional context features that are regarded as relevant in the scholarly debate: (1) the party composition of governments, (2) the structuring principles in cabinet, (3) the administrative tradition, and (4) the formal politicization of the ministerial bureaucracy. The study follows a "most similar systems design" and conducts qualitative case studies on the role of advisory arrangements at the center of German and British governments, i.e. the Prime Minister’s Office and the Ministry of Finance, for a longer period (1969/1970-2005). Three time periods are scrutinized per country; the British case studies examine the role of advisory arrangements at the Cabinet Office, the Prime Minister's Office, and the Ministry of Finance under Prime Ministers Heath (1970-74), Thatcher (1979-87) and Blair (1997-2005). The German case studies study the role of advisory arrangements at the Federal Chancellery and the Federal Ministry of Finance during the Brandt government (1969-74), the Kohl government (1982-1987) and the Schröder government (1998-2005). For the empirical analysis, the results of a document analysis and the findings of 75 semi-structured expert interviews have been triangulated. The comparative analysis reveals different patterns of institutional politics. The German advisory arrangements engaged initially in displacement but turned soon towards layering and drift, i.e. after an initial displacement of the pre-existing institutional underpinnings to govern they laid increasingly new elements onto existing ones and took the non-deliberative decision to neglect the adaption of existing rules of the executive game towards changing environmental demands. The British advisory arrangements were mostly involved in displacement and conversion, despite occasional layering, i.e. they displaced the pre-existing institutional underpinnings to govern with new rules of the executive game and transformed and realigned them, sometimes also layering new elements onto pre-existing ones. The structure- and agency-oriented characteristics explain these patterns of institutional politics. First, the study shows that the institutional context limits the institutional politics in Germany and facilitates the institutional politics in the UK. Second, the freedom of interpreting the application of institutional targets is relevant and could be observed via the different ambitions of advisory arrangements across countries and over time, confirming, third, that the interests of such would-be change agents are likewise important to understand the patterns of institutional politics. The study concludes that the role of advisory arrangements in government policy-making rests not only upon their policy-related, party-political or media-advisory role for political executives, but especially upon their activities in institutional politics, resulting in distinct institutional constraints on all actors in government policy-making – including their own role in these processes.
6
Clark, Matthew Franklin. « The Challenges and Opportunities of Immigrant Integration : A Study of Turkish Immigrants in Germany ». PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/322.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In an ever-globalizing world, societies comprised of myriad people and cultures are quickly becoming the norm rather than the exception. In societies made up of culturally diverse, religiously pluralistic and disparate people, an added layer of complexity becomes apparent when attempting to integrate multiple cultures into a single society. Germany, in its reconstruction effort following World War II, faced such an integration challenge when a massive influx of Turkish migrants arrived as part of a "foreign worker" agreement. The introduction of a large and culturally diverse immigrant population made cultural understanding of paramount importance. Culture is an intangible element that can be difficult to quantify in political, social, or economic terms. As such, understanding culture and the peaceful coexistence of multiple cultures requires an examination beyond traditional perspectives. The implementation of conflict resolution theories and viewing situations from a conflict resolution perspective enables the extra layer of complexity that can occur within culturally diverse societies to be unpacked and better understood. Specifically, the goal of this thesis was to examine the integration challenges for Turkish immigrants in Germany while at the same time looking for opportunities to learn from the challenges facing societies attempting to implement immigration and integration policies in order to promote the coexistence of multiple cultures. The thesis concludes by offering directives or recommendations, formulated from the findings in this study, for multicultural societies facing integration challenges.
7
Perkins, Marianne. « Refugee Resettlement in Germany : An Analysis of Policy Learning and Support Networks ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2021. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/617.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The resettlement of refugees and asylum seekers in Germany since reunification in 1990 has been challenged by two peaks in asylum seeker applications in 1992 and again in 2016. From the 1992 peak, which was fueled by asylum seekers fleeing the former Yugoslavia, extensive research has already been conducted over the past thirty years. These studies have demonstrated the actual outcomes of these primarily Yugoslavian asylum seekers and refugees with these findings indicating legal and economic uncertainty having a detrimental effect even years after resettlement. Using Germany as a case study, this analysis aims to survey the available information in the more recent example of asylum seekers arriving in Germany from 2014 onwards primarily from the Syrian Arab Republic, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Ultimately, successful resettlement equates to successful integration measures. The issues of policy legacy and learning as well as elements of the available support network for asylum seekers in housing, Integrationskurse (integration courses), and advice centers are examined to understand how each relates to successful integration and security for asylum seekers. The findings indicate that Germany has achieved successful resettlement and integration of asylum seekers through policy learning from the early 1990s onwards and a strong support network available for those seeking asylum, yet the exclusion of certain groups from integration measures unfairly leaves some behind. A continuous evaluation of these integration measures is necessary to ensure the successful resettlement of refugees and asylum seekers in Germany in anticipated future peaks in asylum seeker applications.
8
Glatte, Sarah. « Sex and the party : gender policy, gender culture, and political participation in unified Germany ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:117e7b70-e1ba-402e-acb2-59cf1b916d2b.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores the relationship between gender policy, gender culture, and political participation in unified Germany. It investigates the extent to which political regimes shape citizens' attitudes towards gender roles and examines the effect of such attitudes on women's participation in politics. The thesis is divided into three parts: The first part explores the differences in gender regime types between the former German Democratic Republic and Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War period. Building on existing studies, the analysis considers how generations that were socialised in the divided Germany differ in their attitudes toward gender roles. It finds that citizens from West Germany are more socially conservative than citizens from the East. The second part of the thesis tests the effects of these traditional gender attitudes on citizens' participation, focusing on party membership. The analysis highlights that gender gaps in formal political participation in unified Germany still exist, but that these gaps are smaller in the new federal states. The investigation further shows that traditional gender attitudes exert a negative effect on women’s political engagement beyond the predictive power of socio-economic and demographic factors. The final part of this thesis casts a critical look at the political controversy in Germany over the introduction of a cash-for-care subsidy (the so-called Betreuungsgeld). It explores the normative assumptions and ideas about gender roles that have been promoted by Germany's main political parties throughout the policy negotiation process. Using a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, the research presented in this thesis draws on, and contributes to, studies on gender, welfare states, political socialisation, and political participation.
9
Grimmer-Solem, Erik. « The science of progress : the rise of historical economics and social reform in Germany, 1864-1894 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cff7d27b-b020-46d4-b2e0-b98d686c1f3b.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis reassess the so-called 'Historical School of Economics' of Gustav Schmoller and his colleagues Lujo Brentano, Adolf Held and Georg Friedrich Knapp, analysing the close relationship between the development of historical economics and the rise of social reform in Germany. It reveals that there is little evidence for a cohesive 'Historical School' and suggests that it was not primarily an outgrowth of romantic and historicist currents of thought as is commonly believed. Schmoller and his colleagues were a pragmatic, empirically-inclined group of statistically-trained economists who drew inspiration from the advances made in the natural sciences. Having directly observed the effects of rapid urbanisation, industrialisation, and the rise of labour movements and socialism in Prussia and abroad, they became dissatisfied with classical economic doctrines and laissez-faire, subjecting these to empirical tests and criticism. Drawing inspiration from British reforms and developments throughout Europe, they devised alternative hypotheses and made innovative policy recommendations. They were also important professionalisers of economics, modifying the curriculum, organising professional bodies, and creating new monographs and journals, the latter substantially aided by the interest and generosity of a leading publisher. Using empirical studies, statistics and history as analytical and critical tools, they sought practical solutions to economic and social problems by disseminating information to both the public and government officials through publications, conferences and petitions. They became leading advocates of trade union rights, factory inspection, worker protection laws, education reforms, worker insurance, agricultural reforms, and the democratisation of industrial relations. Their influence on economic and social policy, while indirect, was considerable, especially through government officials. However, the close association of historical economics with reform and social policy also made them a conspicuous target of criticism within academia and politics. Despite this, by the early 1890s the research methods and social legislation they propounded were gaining wider currency not only in Germany but also in Austria.
10
Colman, Richard Geoffrey. « A comparative evaluation of personal social and youth service responses to youth of foreign origin and their communities in West Germany and the United Kingdom ». Thesis, Leeds Beckett University, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.240204.
Texte intégral
11
Goritz, Leif. « The ideological orientation and policy formulation of organised labour during a period of societal transition : a comparison of South Africa and Germany ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53642.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This project attempts to assess critically the 'dualistic' role of Organised Labour within the complexities of societal transition processes. As observed by Bendix (1976/2000), the Industrial Relations System, and Organised Labour within it, is a generator for societal and political change. At present, the German union federation Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) do not only hold prominent positions in their respective collective bargaining systems, but also a considerable amount of political power. In both societies, strict labour legislation and strong social-democratic or even communist factions prevent government from adopting more liberal and flexible labour laws. In this paper, the historical and the present role of Organised Labour in its wider societal, context has been critically examined within the framework of the EQUILIBRIUM CONVERGENCE approach (Willy Bendix, 1979) and the TRADE UNION POLICY MATRIX (Willy Bendix, 1979). Both, the EQUILIBRIUM CONVERGENCE model and the TRADE UNION POLICY MATRIX have been applied to place the Deutcher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) into their own societal perspectives in order to establish their role and policy in the societal transition process of their respective countries. In this respect, great similarities between problems, developments and policy formation have been found. Also that, albeit with a historical 'time lag', COSATU appears to follow the structural developments of its German counterpart, the DGB. Perhaps the most salient observation and conclusion is that, while the adaptation of the trade union movement in Germany within this country's societal, industrial transition phases, and particularly in the period of the reunification of East and West Germany, entailing the integration of a communist-socialist system into a social market economy and parliamentary democracy, was of a relatively realistic nature and resulted in a high degree of co operation between the social partners at the highest level leading to 'post modern unionism', South Africa, in its present industrial transition phase, has still to contend with strongly ideologically driven 'fighting unions'. This might hamper an effective economic policy formulation by the government.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie werkstuk is 'n evaluasie van die 'tweeledige' rol van die arbeidsbeweging binne die kompleksiteit van 'n sosiale oorgangsproses. Soos deur Bendix (1996/2000) beweer, is die nywerheidsverhoudingsstelsel met arbeid as hoofakteur daarbinne as 'n dryfkrag, die katalisator vir sosiale en politiese verandering. Die vakbondfederasies Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB) end die Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) speel tans nie net prominente rolle in hulle individuele nywerheidsverhoudingsstrukture nie, maar het ook sterk magsbasise in hulle sosiale konteks. In albei samelewings verhinder streng progressiewe arbeidswetgewing en oorweldigende sosiaal-demokratiese, of selfs kommunistiese faksies die regering daarvan om meer liberale en buigbare arbeidswetgewing in te stel. In hierdie skrif word die geskiedkundige en huidige rolle van georganiseerde arbeid ondersoek binne die raamwerk van die EQUILIBRIUM CONVERGENCE Benadering (Willy Bendix, 1979) asook die TRADE UNION POLICY MATRIX (Willy Bendix, 1979). Albei, die EQUILIBRIUM CONVERGENCE model en die TRADE UNION POLICY MATRIX is toegepas om die Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB) en die CONGRESS OF SOUTH AFRICAN TRADE UNIONS (COSATU) in hulle samelewingskompleksiteit te plaas om hulle rolle en beleid in hulle eie lande te bepaal. In hierdie proses van ondersoek is 'n groot ooreenstemming tussen hulle ontwikkelinge en posisies gevind, en ook dat, alhoewel met 'n historiese 'time lag', COSATU die pad van strukturele ontwikkelings van sy eweknie in Duitsland, die Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB), volg. Miskien die mees belangrikste bevinding en gevolgtrekking is dat, terwyl die aanpassing van die Duitse vakbondbeweging binne die land sy industriele oorgangsfase, en besonders in die periode van die herenigingsproses van Oos en Wes Duitsland, en dus die inlywing van 'n sosialistiese sisteem in 'n sosiale markekonomie en sosiale demokrasie op 'n relatiewe, realistiese basis bewerkstellig was, wat in 'n hoe mate van samewerking tussen die sosiale venote op die hoogste vlak bewerkstellig het, wat na die stadium van 'post modern unionism' voer, Suid Afrika in sy teenwoordige industriele oorgangsfase nog steeds aan die probleem van sterk ideologies gedrewe 'fighting unions' bloot gestel is, wat 'n effektiewe proses van ekonomiese beleidsformulering mag benadeel.
12
Granath, Hansson Anna. « Institutional prerequisites for affordable housing development : A comparative study of Germany and Sweden ». Doctoral thesis, KTH, Fastighetsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-213672.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis was written against the background of intense public debate on increasing housing shortages and housing policy reform in Germany and Sweden. Potential reforms to increase housing development volumes, especially in the affordable segment, are analysed using theories of institutional change with focus on urban planning, building law and housing policy. The instruments analysed are divided into measures intended to increase housing supply elasticity and targeted affordable housing measures. Three measures intended to increase housing supply elasticity that could be transferable to Sweden are identified: 1) Development planning could be reformed through facilitated procedures, the introduction of private initiative in planning and new incentives of planning authorities. 2) The planning and building legislation could be reformed to facilitate building approvals in relation to serial housing construction, which in turn could increase the number of affordable homes being built. 3) City housing policy could promote housing development through more intense use of the policy instruments of organisation, urban planning, municipal land and subsidies, with city organisation and political attention to housing markets being identified as crucial. However, effectively targeted affordable housing policies are difficult to implement under the current Swedish housing policy regime. In the short term, Swedish housing policy should therefore concentrate on housing supply elasticity-enhancing measures. However, considering the increasing pressure on the affordable housing supply and future expected demographic changes, public discussion of potential future solutions would be valuable. A first step would be to compile housing statistics such that the affordable housing shortage and the opportunities to design effective measures to counter it could be better understood.QC 20170905
13
Faryadová, Zuzana. « Nemecko ako sociálny štát v kontexte sociálnej politiky EÚ ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-10353.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper is discussing German social policy with an emphasis on labour market policy. The topic is set into the context of European social policy and European employment policy. The paper is divided into three parts. The first part informs the reader about European employment policy as a whole. It describes its evolution and targets specified by the European union. The second part is devoted to German labour market policy with an accent on the extensive reforms of the last years. Subsequently, the evaluation of these reforms and the current situation on the labour market in Germany are described. The last part is dealing with German labour market policy in the European context: German National reform programme and a comparative analysis with other member states of the EU. At the end of this chapter there are implications for the German labour market policy. The aim of this paper is to answer the question: How efficient is the German labour market policy comparing with other member states of the EU with regard to the target indicators of European employment policy? What direction is it heading and what are the possibilities of making it more efficient?
14
Faber, Pierre Anthony. « Industrial relations, flexibility, and the EU social dimension : a comparative study of British and German employer response to the EU social dimension ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:959fa1ee-cd08-450b-8e94-68b9858dd9e3.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study sets out to explore employer response to the EU social dimension, in answer to the question, "How are employers in the UK and Germany responding to the EU social dimension, and why?" Using case study evidence from nine large British and German engineering companies, as well as material from employers' associations at all levels, it is argued that there is little employer support for extending the social dimension. Focusing on micro-economic aspects of the debate, it is also argued that a common feature in both British and German employer opposition is a concern for the impact of EU industrial relations regulation on firm-level flexibility. This stands in direct contradiction of the EU Commission's own contentions about the flexibility-enhancing effects of its social policy measures, and appears paradoxical in light of earlier research findings of a German flexibility advantage over UK rivals on account of the country's well-structured regulatory framework for industrial relations. Evidence from participant companies, however, suggests that, in the global environment of the late 1990s, much of Germany's former flexibility advantage has been eroded, and the regulation-induced limitations on both the pace and scale of change are increasingly onerous to German companies. German managers perceive a need for targeted deregulatory reform of their industrial relations system; by strengthening (and often extending) existing industrial relations regulation, EU social policy measures meet with firm disapproval. In the UK, by contrast, the changed context has contributed to a significant increase in firm-level flexibility. British companies now operate to levels of flexibility often in advance of their German counterparts, at far lower 'cost' in terms of the time taken, and the extent to which change measures are compromised, to reach agreement. For British managers, EU social policy measures are perceived as a threat to these beneficial arrangements, and vigorously opposed. The thesis concludes by suggesting that such fixed opposition, in the face of Commission determination to extend the EU social dimension, points to an escalation of the controversy surrounding the social dimension.
15
Moeller, Richard R. « Shadow foreign policy : the relationship of the Social Democratic Party of West Germany and the Socialist Unity Party of East Germany and the negotiations surrounding the 'common dialogue', 1984-1987 ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/20693.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Foreign policy formulation and implementation is, for the most part, associated within the parameters of an executive centred examination. Moreover, foreign policy when it deals with a political party, is nearly always explored within the confines of a party in government. There are, however, circumstances that challenge both of these premises. The German political system allows for a substantial influence of political parties in foreign affairs as well as the leverage of opposition parties in influencing foreign policy of the government. Given the particular character of the German political system, political parties there have been able to influence foreign policy much more than those of other Western European nation-states. This thesis examines the influence of the Social Democratic Party of West Germany (SPD) on foreign policy and the party's attempt to practice foreign policy while in opposition. During the mid-1980s, the West German Social Democratic Party conducted negotiations and produced three joint proposals with the East German Socialist Unity Part (SED). This thesis specifically examines these three joint proposals, known as the "Common Dialogue," produced by the two parties from the years 1984 to 1987. The first two SPD-SED proposals relate to security affairs and attempt to create a chemical and a nuclear weapons free zone in Central Europe. The third proposal formulated a set of ideological norms in order to establish a political "culture of dispute" in which opposing Eastern and Western viewpoints could be argued without the threat of conflict. The SPD's intention was to put pressure on its own government as well to pressure the military blocs with the aim of replacing the established practice of deterrence with the new concept of "common security".
16
Büdgen, Escario Christian. « The Consequences of the Social Contract in Income Inequality : A comparison study of Germany and Brazil ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/669223.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Reputable international organisations, such as OECD and ECLAC have revealed that although the tools actually do exist to tackle inequality, policy-makers have not been able to undertake effective policies to face this phenomenon (ECLAC, 2012) (OECD, 2011). Also a new team of researchers, led by Dani Rodrik, have created a network named Economics for Inclusive Prosperity (ECONFIP). In their introductory brief, they claim that the economy is not only the foundation of the market, but it should serve for the inclusive prosperity of all, not only for the top 1% (Rodrik, Naidu & Zucman; 2019). This ECONFIP group take some of their institutional approaches from Karl Polanyi, namely the double movement and embeddedness: “crucial markets (e.g. the “fictitious commodities” of labour, land, and capital) must be embedded in non-market institutions, the “rules of the game” supplied by government” (Rodrik, Naidu & Zucman; 2019: 6). Also, Kate Raworth (2018: 171) takes a multidimensional approach by delving into the correlation of income inequality with health - life expectancy – as well as education levels.
Two very different approaches of welfare state policies from Brazil and Germany are taken to study their impact on income inequality from 1990 to 2016. On the one hand the (a) Corporatist-welfare model, represented by Germany, and on the other hand; the (b) hybrid between a Residual and Universal model according to the Esping-Ansersen (1990) classification, as undertaken by Brazil. Both have been proven to possess advantages and drawbacks regarding their impact on income inequality.
This study goes in line with the literature that describe the welfare state models in emerging countries and more specifically, Latin American countries. The most known welfare state classifications from Titmuss (1974) to Esping Andersen (1990) are mainly focused on European countries. However, Latin American countries have not been the object of welfare state classifications until recently when Julianna Martinez (2007) has undertaken one of the most comprehensive study regarding Latin American welfare state classifications (Ubasart-González & Minteguiaga, 2017).
On the one hand, for the quantitative study, Germany and Brazil represent the cases of this longitudinal comparative study, which are analysed from 1990 to 2016, or the latest data available depending on the source of the database. The dependency relation between the explanatory variables together with the control is tested through a multiple linear regression. This statistical model is commonly used to test the relationship between two or more explanatory variables and a response variable by fitting a linear equation to observed data.
On the other hand, the descriptive study attempts to give an explanation for the results of the empirical study by analysing the following elements: the direction of social expenditure (how to spend the social budget) and the finance of this social budget (who contributes to the welfare state). Social expenditure allocations are divided and analysed through a longitudinal study from the early 1990s to the mid-2010s to understand the modifications in the social expenditure function in both countries. Afterwards, the different components of the social budget are classified from a sociological perspective following the so-called welfare classification of Esping-Andersen (1990). This descriptive analysis frames the results of this study within the current debates about the different outcomes of a welfare model in one and another socioeconomic context, especially within the discussions between less developed and OECD countries.
The conclusions of the thesis show that social contract plays an important role in reducing income inequality. In developing countries (Brazil) the focus on social assistance policies may help at first to bring people from the informal to the formal social contract. However, once most of the population work in formality conditions, welfare states policies become more complex and its power its more limited due to the existence of stronger forces that affect the strength of the formal labour market (dualization in the case of Germany).
17
Langlois, Thomas. « European Security and Foreign Policy in a post-Cold War era. A study of France, Germany and Great Britain ». Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-4314.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the Cold War era, the edifice of the world configuration was built on a bipolar structure. The security of west European countries was not only important in the eyes of the Europeans but also in the American ones. But the end of this era in 1989-91 also put an end to this world structure and brought it into a unipolar one. The US became the world hegemon and Europe started to fear that US security priority would not remain Europe in the awakening of this structure. Therefore, some improvements occurred in terms of EU cooperation security in the framework of the conflict in Kuwait, but the main change happened because of the conflict in Ex-Yugoslavia. Especially Great Britain and France became aware of the need to develop an EU military capability in order to handle autonomous peace-keeping operations, outside of the NATO framework. The EU understood that any action developed by NATO was reliant on the US and without the support of the US the possibility to operate was restrained.
The move towards a more autonomous European security from the cooperation within NATO created a fear of loss of American influence over European politics. However, when the EU stated that NATO would remain the primary organisation to handle European security matters and that the CFSP would only reinforce the European pillar of NATO, the US appeared to support the cementation of this pillar.
France, Germany and Great Britain are contributing actively to the development of this pillar and they have all their reasons to support it. Germany is self-committed to the European integration process and cooperation in order, on one hand, to inhibit the raise of nationalism into Germany and on the other hand, to use it as a mean to play a major role in the international arena. France is a medium size power trying to keep its voice in the world arena. Its presence in the EU is marked by its strong link with Germany to enhance its role internationally. France uses the EU in order to promote its national interests. Great Britain maintains special relations vis-à-vis of the US and has not the desire to commit to any European cooperation that could hurt or threaten this link. But Great Britain changed its attitude towards its foreign and security policy due to its new interpretation of the structure during the Ex-Yugoslavian conflict. Therefore, its policy shifted in the need to develop a closer EU cooperation within the security, even if they stated that NATO still remains the primary organisation to handle European Security. This change is also strategic because Great Britain is motivated to become a EU leader instead of a spoiler.
The EU has to face a number of issues in different areas before it will be able to implement an efficient CFSP. First of all, the military capability gap that has widened the dependence on NATO military assets. Secondly, the difficult decision making process that has to deal with the domestic demands of all MS generated by a reluctance in ceding sovereignty of security matters to a qualified majority vote.
The development of the CFSP has electrified the transatlantic relations creating tensions but nothing that will damage the transatlantic link between the EU and the US. The CFSP will become complementary of NATO and not a competitor at all. The military capabilities and the domestic demands of all EU MS will guarantee this statement. The US will remain an unenthusiastic global actor in a unipolar world, pushing the international agenda in favour of a unilateral approach.
18
Banerjee, Aditi. « Negotiating Domestic and International Pressures : France and Germany on Refugees ». Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin149340586962603.
Texte intégral
19
Ako, Joshua Ndip. « The Reorientation of Borders in the EU : Case studies Sweden, Germany, and France ». Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-45922.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paradox of contemporary migration in the EU is that new actors, rules, and institutions have emerged and created internal spaces where there is a gradual reorientation of the character of EU border regime. These spaces have become arenas where EU member states are re-categorizing, re-scaling, expanding, and diversifying their modes of internal migration control and enforcement. To overcome this paradox, this research seeks to explore migration policies in Sweden, Germany, and France to demonstrate that the narratives about EU common border policy is complex, uncertain, polarising, and conflicting. This paper argues that the emergence of the EU common border regime with a multiplicity of actors have created everyday bordering as a rebordering mechanism of control that threatens the idea of a common EU border, especially at the level of nation states. My theoretical approach is based on ‘everyday bordering and the politics of beloninging’. And I applied an interpretative approach in the analysis of official policy documents, academic articles, media reports, advocacy papers, NGO documents, and political speeches.
20
Pohl, Imke Johanna. « Deutsche Einheit and Europäische Einigung : A Post-Structuralist Account of German National Identity Construction through Foreign Policy ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21012.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines national identity in the context of the empirical case of German foreign policy. In this way, the relationship between identity and foreign policy is analyzed. The thesis does not focus on a specific scenario but rather aims at illustrating the development of the relationship by comparing the time periods of 1990-1994 and 2017-2019. Therefore, the purpose of this thesis is to answer the presiding question of how we can understand the relationship between German foreign policy-making and the formation of national identity seen within the context of its evolution since 1990. Subsequently, this thesis will take on the discursive approach of post-structuralism as well as its non-fixed conceptualization of identity. Furthermore, it will put forward the argument that identity is relational and discursive by demonstrating its constitutive and discursively constructed relationship to foreign policy. As a result, this paper presents the underlying structures of German foreign policy discourse that do not only indicate shifts but also construct German national identity. At the same time, the identity perception influences the country’s discourse on foreign policy by legitimizing specific objectives as well as general directions. While the discourse shows shifts in cases such as Othering, new framings of leadership and the ideas towards Europe, a certain continuity in regard to the German conceptualization of identity can be observed.
21
Pautz, Hartwig. « Think-tanks and public policy in the UK and Germany : a case study of the development of social policy discourses of the Labour Party and SPD between 1992 and 2005 ». Thesis, Glasgow Caledonian University, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.494330.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study analyses the relationship between the activities of think-tanks and the development of, firstly, party-programmatic discourses of the British Labour Party and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) and, secondly, their welfare and labour market policies as parties of government. It addresses the years between 1992 and 2005 during which both parties underwent a programmatic revision resulting in the adaptation of "Third Way" Social Democracy which served as the leitmotif for comprehensive policy reform in both countries. Description and analysis of the interaction of the various policy field stakeholders establish what exactly it is that a number of specific think-tanks did, whether what they did was policy-relevant, and if and how the country-specific political system influenced the modus operandi of think-tanks. The study employs a multilevel perspective which considers the macro-level of the socio-economic structures, the meso-level of the practice of the policy process and the micro-level of individual agency. Adopting a neo-Gramscian approach to the study of think-tanks as civil society actors active in the (re)production of discursive hegemony, the policy network concept of Maarten Hajer's discourse coalition is enlisted as a further tool to understand what the role of think-tanks is in the policy process. The research does not attempt to establish causal relationships between think-tank activity and policy outcomes but seeks to establish congruence between what thinktanks did and policy outcomes. The focused comparison of two similar countries helps to discern why think-tanks were more successful in some instances while not in others. This study contributes to the literature on the relationship between (social) science, policy and politics. It addressesa number of gaps in the literature: policy advice for political parties in general and for Labour and SPD during the specified time span in particular have not been adequately explored.
22
Niemeyer, Maya. « The Cultural and Social Capital of Unaccompanied Refugee Children : A Policy study of the education of unaccompanied refugee children in Sweden and Germany ». Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för pedagogik och didaktik, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-119816.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The globalized world is facing increasing refugee flows over the past years, which brings challenges for the receiving countries. One important part of this challenge is the education of refugee children. Particularly unaccompanied minor refugees are often not noticed by the society and policies. Therefore they are even more vulnerable than other refugee children. Providing a quality education as stated in the Education for All Goals and the right to education given through the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child enables these children to gain stability and reenter a normal life at least in one area; and of course provides them with education. This research attempts to examine the recognition of cultural and social capital of unaccompanied minor refugees in developed countries and how this capital is used in education in two illustrative countries, Sweden and Germany. The study attempts to compare the recognition and use of the capital of unaccompanied minors in policy and practice. The starting point of the paper is that the cultural and social capital of the unaccompanied minors differs from accompanied refugee children and that of the target culture and thus creates obstacles in education for those children; However, recognition of their social and cultural capital in policy could be used in order to provide a need based and equal education as implied by the Education for All Goals. The work shows that some attempts have already been made in using the existing capital from these children to give them opportunities in education, for example the mother tongue tuition in Sweden. However it shows as well that there are still many difficulties for these children, with accessing schools in the first place and unequal treatment in schools.
23
Burger, Csaba. « Occupational pensions in Germany : an economic geography ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:94e64b94-3bf7-4fb6-b8f5-102a472f4be7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
By the end of the twentieth century, the generous German public pay-as-you-go pension system had been struggling with a serious deficit due to the country’s ageing population. In 2001, the German government enacted the “Riester” pension reform, named after Mr. Walter Riester, the Labour Minister brokering it, which reduced the level of publicly provided pensions, and strengthened the funded occupational and private pillars in order to replace the loss in retirement income. This thesis investigates the role and structure of occupational pensions during the Riester-reform and in its aftermath, using an economic geography perspective. In doing so, it discusses the role of trade unions and employer associations (social partners) in moulding the structure of the occupational system, and investigates the geography of occupational pensions both at employer and at employee level. Empirically, the thesis is based on an in-depth interview with Mr. Walter Riester, and a unique, proprietary data-set of a German occupational pension provider, containing information on 332 thousand employees and over 12 thousand employers. The results show that the internal division of social partners played a critical role in leaving occupational pensions voluntary, but they have been successful in setting standards on the occupational pension market by means of collective bargaining. Employers and employees show systematic spatiotemporal patterns in their pension-related decisions, confirming the importance of local relationships and local contexts in implementing social partners’ measures and in the transformation of the welfare state. It is finally pointed out that the Riester-reform was a part of a gradual transition, which has been reducing employers’ autonomy in order to reinforce the social role of occupational pensions. To achieve that and to catalyse the reform process, employers’ and employees’ risk exposure has been mitigated in the hope that old-age poverty can be avoided.
24
Fiala, Elisa. « A critical analysis of the implementation of the right to work and employment in the national context of Germany and Portugal. Implications for Social Policy ». Doctoral thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/17795.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Tese de Doutoramento em Política SocialEm todo o mundo, as pessoas com deficiência enfrentam situações de desvantagem em todos os domínios da vida. Entre estas, incluem-se maiores níveis de pobreza, piores indicadores de saúde, níveis educacionais mais baixos, menor probabilidade de participação no trabalho e no emprego, remunerações menos elevadas, piores condições laborais e oportunidades mais reduzidas de progressão na carreira (World Health Organization 2011). Como consequência desta posição social de desvantagem, as pessoas com deficiência constituem um grupo-alvo importante para a política social. Em muitos países, as políticas da deficiência abrangem áreas tão diversificadas como a saúde, segurança social, educação e emprego. Em geral, as políticas da deficiência dizem respeito à criação e implementação de leis, prorrogativas e proibições, acções estatais e estratégias de taxação que respondem a problemas e necessidades das pessoas com deficiência e das suas famílias (Pinto and Fiala 2015). Até aos anos 1970, o modelo médico da deficiência era o paradigma na base das políticas da deficiência. A preocupação central destas políticas era a prevenção, cura ou eliminação da deficiência e, sempre que tal não fosse possível, a assimilação do corpo e da mente das pessoas com deficiência às normas e estruturas dominantes. A responsabilidade do Estado, nesta abordagem, consiste no desenvolvimento e implementação de leis, políticas e práticas que promovem a segregação e reabilitação das pessoas com deficiência (Rioux and Fraser 2006; Tremain 2006). Desde a emergência do modelo social da deficiência, nos anos 1970, as políticas da deficiência têm sido crescentemente informadas por uma abordagem de direitos humanos. A responsabilidade do Estado e, por inerência, as abordagens políticas, alteram-se quando são guiadas por um entendimento sociopolítico da deficiência. Nesta abordagem, já não é a pessoas com deficiência que tem que ser curada, reabilitada ou assimilada em normas e estruturas hegemónicas, mas são estas que têm que se transformar para acomodar as necessidades das pessoas com deficiência. O direito das pessoas com deficiência a um acesso e cidadania igualitários torna-se um dos principais objectivos políticos. Nos últimos anos, as abordagens de “workfare”, que determinam quem tem acesso a um estatuto de cidadania, tornaram-se predominantes nas políticas da deficiência a nível supranacional e nacional (Abberley 2002). Em muitos países, os benefícios tradicionalmente atribuídos a pessoas com deficiência foram restringidos ou eliminados e a participação em medidas de “workfare” – a participação económica das pessoas com deficiência – tornou-se um pré-requisito para acesso a apoios sociais (Morris 2011; Soldatic and Chapman 2010; Owen and Harris 2012; Soldatic and Meekosha 2012; Bussemaker 2005a). Um dos principais objectivos destes desenvolvimentos políticos é reduzir o “peso significativo” que os benefícios sociais, incluindo as prestações por deficiência, colocam nas finanças públicas (OECD 2010, 12), mas também são o reflexo da importância que o trabalho e o emprego assumem nas sociedades contemporâneas. De facto, a ligação entre a identidade e o estatuto ocupacional, apesar de não ser necessariamente uma experiência universal, tornou-se particularmente dominante nos Estados de bem-estar Ocidentais, em que a participação no mercado de trabalho representa um marco importante de valorização da identidade social (Beck 2001b; Galer 2012; Abberley 2002). Como consequência, aspectos que tendem a ser encarados como positivos, como os efeitos da ocupação e participação laboral sobre o bem-estar individual, raramente são problematizados, tanto na literatura genérica de Política Social, como na literatura sobre deficiência. Os decisores políticos afirmam, pelo contrário, que o emprego e estatuto ocupacional são elementos centrais para a participação plena dos cidadãos na vida económica, social e cultural. O direito ao trabalho é, assim, essencial para a realização de outros direitos humanos e forma uma dimensão inseparável e inerente da dignidade humana. O trabalho deve providenciar uma base de sustento para a pessoa e para a sua família e, quando livremente escolhido e aceite, pode contribuir para o desenvolvimento pessoal e reconhecimento social dentro da comunidade (United Nations 2012b; OECD 2010). O presente estudo visa reflectir criticamente sobre a implementação do direito ao trabalho e emprego, tal como consagrado na Convenção das Nações Unidas sobre os Direitos das Pessoas com Deficiência, em Portugal e na Alemanha. Estes dois países divergem em diversos pontos: Portugal, por exemplo, é habitualmente classificado como um Estado de bem-estar do Sul da Europa, em que a família é o locus primário de solidariedade e apoio social (Karamessini 2007; Ferrera 1996). Em contraste, a Alemanha, geralmente classificada entre os Estados de bem-estar conservadores (Esping-Andersen 1990), apresenta um nível elevado de proteção social e um sistema de benefícios generoso. Adicionalmente, ambos os países têm abordagens diferenciadas no que se refere à participação das pessoas com deficiência no mercado de trabalho. No entanto, Portugal e a Alemanha integram a União Europeia e foram afectados por legislação supranacional, como a Directiva Europeia relativa à Igualdade no Emprego ou a Estratégia Europeia para a Deficiência 2010-2020 ou, de forma ainda mais proeminente, pela Convenção sobre os Direitos das Pessoas com Deficiência (CDPD), que ambos os países assinaram e ratificaram. O objectivo do presente estudo é identificar como as diferenças e semelhanças entre estes dois países afectam as realidades das pessoas com deficiência. Para este efeito, é necessária uma estratégia de pesquisa dual, que integre tanto a análise de leis e políticas (o nível dos sistemas), como a monitorização de experiências individuais. • Como foi o direito ao trabalho e emprego (CDPD) traduzido nas leis, políticas e programas nacionais, no contexto alemão e português? • Como é que as pessoas com deficiência, na Alemanha e em Portugal, experienciam, na prática, a efectivação do direito ao trabalho e emprego? • O que se pode aprender, a partir dos casos alemão e português, que permita informar desenvolvimentos políticos futuros nesta área, ajudando a avançar o direito ao trabalho das pessoas com deficiência na Alemanha, em Portugal e noutros contextos? Enquanto as duas primeiras questões visam produzir conhecimento sobre a situação nos dois países, a terceira questão de investigação dirige-se à dimensão comparativa do estudo, procurando identificar boas práticas que possam influenciar desenvolvimentos políticos em ambos os países. Enquadrando-se no âmbito da teoria crítica, este estudo inclui tanto uma análise crítica das molduras legislativas, documentos políticos e estudos de avaliação de políticas, como uma avaliação crítica da situação de facto. Para recolher informação sobre a eficácia das leis, políticas e práticas existentes, foram conduzidas 38 entrevistas semiestruturadas aprofundadas com pessoas com deficiência residindo na Alemanha e em Portugal. Os resultados deste estudo indicam que alterações legislativas recentes, em ambos os países, fortaleceram uma abordagem da deficiência à luz de um modelo de direitos humanos – pelo menos, ao nível formal. Não obstante, o direito ao trabalho e ao emprego carece ainda de implementação plena. A análise crítica revela que a exclusão e discriminação com base na deficiência, no mercado de trabalho, é ainda generalizada. Enquanto na Alemanha o emprego apoiado aumenta o risco de a pessoa se sentir excluída ou de experienciar condições de trabalho pouco dignas, também possibilita uma resposta alternativa ao emprego, numa escala elevada, que não se regista em Portugal. Em Portugal, as pessoas com deficiência apresentam maior risco de desemprego e, devido à insuficiência de medidas de apoio, designadamente medidas de emprego de longa duração, as redes familiares e outras redes de apoio, são chamadas a compensar este défice, incluindo financeiramente. A análise comparativa sistémica apontou ainda que a interseccionalidade da deficiência com outros factores interfere com os resultados das políticas e medidas existentes. Enquanto a posição de desvantagem das participantes do sexo feminino parece ser um fenómeno transnacional, regista-se uma diferenciação binacional quando a idade dos participantes é tomada em consideração. Em suma, enquanto o sistema alemão providencia os melhores níveis de proteção para os cidadãos mais velhos com deficiência que ainda se encontram a trabalhar, as medidas portuguesas focam-se prioritariamente no acesso ao trabalho e emprego e, consequentemente, são mais benéficas para jovens com deficiência em busca de trabalho. Em ambos os países, no entanto, as pessoas com deficiências intelectuais ou psicossociais encontram-se na situação de maior desvantagem. Pesem embora as lacunas e obstáculos evidenciados, a análise revelou oportunidades de aprendizagem bilateral. As recomendações apontadas pelos participantes e a avaliação crítica das leis e políticas em vigor constitui uma fonte valiosa de apoio ao desenvolvimento de políticas futuras na área do emprego. Globalmente, a tese conclui que políticas sociais que apoiem a inclusão das pessoas com deficiência no trabalho e emprego criam estruturas económicas e sociais mais justas e igualitárias, não apenas para as pessoas com deficiência, mas para todos.
The present study critically reflects on the implementation of the right to work and employment as enshrined in the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities in Portugal and Germany and frames it within the wider scope of Social Policy. Including the narratives of disabled people themselves, the results of this study indicate that recent legislative changes in both countries strengthen a human rights approach to disability. However, the right to work and employment still lacks full implementation. The critical analysis reveals that exclusion from and discrimination in the labour market on the ground of disability is still widespread. Despite persisting gaps and obstacles, the analysis shows that there is scope for binational learning and presents recommendations for future policy development.
N/A
25
Oner, Basak. « Promoting Energy Efficiency In Turkey In The Light Of Best Practices At The Level Of European Union And Selected Member States : Denmark And Germany ». Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12606822/index.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of this thesis is to suggest the ways of promoting energy efficiency in Turkey in the light of best practices at the level of European Union and most energy efficient Member States, Denmark and Gremany. This thesis provides a critical evaluation of Turkish energy efficiency policies in transmission, distribution and consumption stages of energy by pointing out their weaknesses. The evaluations highlight the fact that Turkey has substantial energy saving potential in electricity distribution grids and end-use sectors. The EU, Danish and German experiences demonstrate that the greatest energy efficiency improvement could be achieved in industry sector. By taking these experiences and the problems of Turkey into consideration, this thesis recommends possible measures. It is concluded that, when the energy efficiency potential is evaluated, primarily attention could be paid to industry sector.
26
Bouiller, Sophie. « Le Parti social-démocrate allemand et la justice sociale dans les années 1980. Une identité social-démocrate à l'épreuve de l'unification (1989-1990) ». Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL024.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse propose une analyse des notions de justice sociale et d'État-providence au prisme de la politique sociale du SPD dans les années 1980. À la fois parti d'opposition au Bundestag à Bonn et parti au pouvoir dans certains Länder en RFA, le SPD se trouvait dans une position ambiguë, propre au fédéralisme allemand. Afin de peser sur les réformes sociales initiées par le ministre du Travail Norbert Blüm (CDU) pour résoudre la crise de l'État-providence, les sociaux-démocrates adoptèrent une stratégie alternant opposition et coopération avec le gouvernement Kohl. Dans le même temps, ils engagèrent un travail de refondation programmatique en vue de reconquérir le pouvoir en 1990. Aux divisions générationnelles communément admises par la recherche se substitua une fracture entre une « aile sociale » adepte d'une politique traditionnelle et une « aile réformatrice » sensible aux valeurs post-matérialistes et « écosocialistes ». Du fait de son immédiateté, le processus d'unification de l'Allemagne (1989-1990) constitua un révélateur permettant de juger, à l'épreuve des faits, la validité des programmes et des discours sociaux-démocrates. Malgré les propositions concrètes de Rudolf Dreßler pour améliorer l'union sociale entre la RFA et la RDA, le SPD ne parvint ni à se faire entendre sur la question de l'unité allemande ni à imposer sa volonté de refonder l'État-providence. Les réserves d'Oskar Lafontaine sur l'emballement des coûts économiques et sociaux contribuèrent à entretenir la confusion concernant la position du SPD sur l'unité allemandeThis doctoral thesis analyses the concepts of social justice and the welfare state in light of the social policies of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in the 1980s. Both in the opposition in the Bundestag in Bonn and in office in some West German Länders, the SPD found itself in an ambiguous position, peculiar to German federalism. The Social Democrats took on a strategy based alternatively on opposition and cooperation with Helmut Kohl’s government, in order to influence the welfare reforms introduced by the Labour Minister Norbert Blüm (Christian Democratic Union, CDU). The SPD simultaneously started to overhaul its political platform with a view to taking back power in 1990. The generational conflicts, which have been widely established by researchers, gave way to a new divide between a “social wing” advocating a traditional policy and a “reforming wing” drawn towards post-materialist and “eco-socialist” values. By virtue of its immediacy, the German unification process (1989-1990) proved to be a litmus test, which allowed the efficiency of the SDP’s agenda and rhetoric to be evaluated. In spite of Rudolf Dreßler’s concrete propositions to improve the social union between East and West Germany, the SDP failed both to share its views on German unification and to impose its determination to overhaul the welfare state. Oskar Lafontaine’s reservations about the economic and social costs spiralling out of control contributed to a blurring of the lines on the SDP’s position on German unification.This doctoral thesis analyses the concepts of social justice and the welfare state in light of the social policies of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in the 1980s. Both in the opposition in the Bundestag in Bonn and in office in some West German Länders, the SPD found itself in an ambiguous position, peculiar to German federalism. The Social Democrats took on a strategy based alternatively on opposition and cooperation with Helmut Kohl’s government, in order to influence the welfare reforms introduced by the Labour Minister Norbert Blüm (Christian Democratic Union, CDU). The SPD simultaneously started to overhaul its political platform with a view to taking back power in 1990. The generational conflicts, which have been widely established by researchers, gave way to a new divide between a “social wing” advocating a traditional policy and a “reforming wing” drawn towards post-materialist and “eco-socialist” values. By virtue of its immediacy, the German unification process (1989-1990) proved to be a litmus test, which allowed the efficiency of the SDP’s agenda and rhetoric to be evaluated. In spite of Rudolf Dreßler’s concrete propositions to improve the social union between East and West Germany, the SDP failed both to share its views on German unification and to impose its determination to overhaul the welfare state. Oskar Lafontaine’s reservations about the economic and social costs spiralling out of control contributed to a blurring of the lines on the SDP’s position on German unification
27
Blumen, Sacha Carl. « Granularity and state socialisation : explaining Germany’s 2015 refugee policy reversal ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111430.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Between late August and mid-November 2015, the German Government
liberalised its refugee policy to allow an unlimited number of
people to claim asylum in the country, and then made a
near-reversal on this policy by calling for European-wide quotas
on the number of refugees entering the EU and a reduction in the
number of refugees Germany would admit. The German Government’s
decisions to liberalise and then backtrack on its refugee policy
within a short time period, at a time when many people were still
seeking asylum from the Syrian civil war, present a puzzle to the
dominant International Relations theories of state
socialisation—constructivism and rational choice—which do not
explain well this type of observed real world behaviour.
By using the Foreign Policy Analysis literature to augment the
constructivist and rational choice approaches, I argue that a
more granular approach can help explain
Germany’s backtracking on refugee policy in 2015. I focus on
the domestic actors, institutions, and the contested processes of
their interactions from which state policy emerged. Using this
approach, I explain Germany’s backtracking on its refugee
policy as the result of varying sets of interactions over time
among actors who had different and potentially changing interests
and beliefs. This focus on granularity and contestation within
state policy making processes provides a more precise
understanding of the dynamics of policy making from which we gain
a greater insight into this puzzling example of state behaviour.
Such approaches may also help explain other examples of state
behaviour that are similarly mysterious.
28
Helleberg, Elina. « Framing the role of Russia : An analysis of selected news articles and interviews with Swedish and German journalists on the annexation of Crimea in 2014 ». Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-196375.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This M.A studied how Russia was represented in selected media in Sweden and Germany, focusing on the annexation of Crimea in 2014. The purpose was to study how and which factors that influenced the view of Russia in selected media. The study was accomplished through a qualitative framing analysis of 32 news articles in Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Süddeutsche Zeitung and Die Welt and by interviewing six Swedish and German journalists, applying a thematic analysis. Theoretical perspectives from framing, agenda setting and foreign policy theory were drawn upon to view how it influenced the media reporting. The results show that the representation of Russia was negative and President Putin was seen as the most dominant actor in all four newspapers. The Swedish newspapers DN and SvD took a larger international approach compared to the two German newspapers and focused less on national actors, while German Süddeutsche Zeitung and Die Welt focused and set the agenda for German actors in the conflict. Results from the interviews showed a low influence of foreign policy in the media reporting, that the views of Russia in Sweden and Germany are influenced by each country’s historical, cultural, political and economic factors and respective relations between Sweden and Germany’s relations to Russia.
29
Fürst, Josefin. « Preventing Poverty - Creating Identity ». Thesis, Södertörn University College, Institute of Contemporary History, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-1832.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper has two aims. The first aim is to study and describe the manifest ideology of the EU's social policy. The second aim is to analyse to what extent the manifest ideology might be a part of building a common European identity - by finding common solutions to commonEuropean problems (problems, more or less constructed as common). The research is a critical ideology analysis, made up of a qualitative text analysis of EU social policy documents and National strategy reports (NSR). I ask two questions. Firstly, which are the main features in the manifest ideology of EU social policy as described in the texts? Secondly, what picture of a European identity is visible when reading the EU social policy texts and the National Strategy Reports? I have found five main features of the manifest ideology. These revolve around: how the world and change in the world are described according to the EU; the mutual interaction between the Lisbon objectives and greater social cohesion; the creating of social cohesion; the importance of how policies are constructed and implemented and the EU's self-image. The texts offer either two quite different pictures with regards to the question of a European identity or ones that is partly incoherent. The analysed EU policy texts put across a picture of a uniform Europe, suggest that there is something genuinely European and a common European identity. However, the picture obtained when reading the NSRs and the collected picture of the EU policy texts and the NSRs is much less coherent. The paper argues that the manifest ideology could be a part of building a European identity, but it does not manage to prove that it actually is.
30
Trampusch, Christine. « Arbeitsmarktpolitik, Gewerkschaften und Arbeitgeber ». Doctoral thesis, [S.l. : s.n.], 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-0006-B23A-7.
Texte intégral
31
Fehmel, Thilo. « Weder Staat noch Markt ». Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2016. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-208387.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ziel des Beitrags ist es, den Blick auf einen Trend sozialstaatlichen Umbaus lenken: die Vertariflichung sozialer Sicherung. Darunter versteht der Verfasser die zunehmende Überantwortung der Wohlfahrtsproduktion an die kollektiven Akteure des Systems der industriellen Beziehungen, also an eine Aushandlungs- und Gestaltungsebene, die sich durch ihre Eigengesetzlichkeiten von
Sozialstaatlichkeit ebenso deutlich unterscheidet wie vom Handeln
individueller Akteure auf Wohlfahrtsmärkten. Die Beteiligung der
Tarifpartner an der Wohlfahrtsproduktion ist für sich genommen nichts
Neues. Neu ist, dass die von Tarif- und Betriebsakteuren ausgehandelten Elemente sozialer Sicherung vermehrt substitutiv statt
komplementär zu sozialstaatlichen Leistungen fungieren sollen. Einleitend beleuchtet der Autor das Verhältnis von Tarifsystem und
staatlicher Sozialpolitik; dabei zeichne ich historische Prozesse der
funktionalen Differenzierung beider Systeme ebenso nach wie deren in
jüngerer Zeit zu beobachtende partielle Entdifferenzierung (1). Diese
Richtungsumkehr wird ausführlicher an zwei sozialpolitisch relevanten
Bereichen sichtbar gemacht: an der Gestaltung des Rentenübergangs und an der betrieblichen Altersvorsorge (2). Dann werden die Folgen der Entdifferenzierungsprozesse für die Akteure im System der Industriellen Beziehungen diskutiert (3) und Überlegungen zu den
daraus resultierenden wahrscheinlichen Konsequenzen für den Staat
angestellt (4). Der Beitrag schließt mit einem Ausblick und mit dem
Versuch, die Vertariflichung sozialer Sicherung mit den anderen, oben
genannten Entwicklungen in Beziehung zu setzen (5). (ICB2)
32
Högselius, Carl. « Förändringarna i den tyska familjepolitiken : Ett steg bort från den konservativa välfärdsmodellen ? » Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-1249.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this paper is to analyze the ongoing changes in German family policy. It explores the issue of whether the German welfare state, in this policy field, can still be regarded as a conservative welfare model or rather approaches a more liberal or social democratic model. A qualitative method is used to analyze the material, especially from the German government, including press releases, other public documents and also articles from the political weekly magazines Der Spiegel and Die Zeit. The changes analyzed are the new parental benefit, the expansion of child care, the concept of whole-day schools and the system of joint taxation. The point of departure is Gösta Esping-Andersen’s categorization of three types of welfare states: the social democratic, the conservative and the liberal. Esping-Andersen uses two tools, decommodification and social stratification, to determine which welfare model a country is placed in. My analysis of German family policy shows that the German welfare model is going to be more towards a social democratic model than a conservative welfare model.
33
Tůmová, Veronika. « Sociální politika EU včetně komparace systémů Německa a Švédska ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-18100.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis describes the historical evolution of the EU social policy, clarifies the concept of the European social model and deals with characteristics of the basic models of the European social policy. The essential part of the thesis is devoted to the comparison of the social systems in Germany and Sweden from the point of view of the amount of taxes and social contributions, the structure of receipts and expenditure on social policy, the systems of old age pension schemes, the family policy and the unemployment benefit. The comparison shows some typical elements of the social state model that these two countries represent. The attention is also devoted to the contemporary challenges which the European social model has to face, especially the demographic development and aspects of globalization. The attitude and responses of the European Union to these challenges are also mentioned here.
34
Probert, Paul Duncan. « The German Social Democratic Party and Wilhelmine foreign policy, 1897-1914 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.395780.
Texte intégral
35
Button, Lee. « German Foreign Policy & ; Diplomacy 1890-1906 ». TopSCHOLAR®, 1990. https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/2206.
Texte intégralRésumé :
From 1871 to 1914, Germany experienced its first taste of world power and the failure of controlling and retaining that power. German power after 1871 had sought only a dominance of continental politics and a maintenance of a status quo in Europe favorable to Germany. Following 1890, however, the German course deviated to include a vision of world power. German foreign policy until 1890 was based on two things: hegemonic control of the heart of Europe and the force of will of one man, Otto von Bismarck. Yet despite relative control of the European situation and a cautious and able statesman at the helm, Germany was quickly intoxicated by its new power as much as reacting against the almost oppressive control of Bismarck. By all measures, the German appetite for power was growing faster than ordinary diplomatic conquests could satisfy it. The need for instant gratification caused a recklessness in foreign policy and diplomacy best characterized by Krisepolitik, or crisis diplomacy. This dilemma not only resulted from a growing appetite for power, but also from a lack of understanding of international politics. The European reaction to the new German aggressiveness and to the lack of direction in German policy was one of suspicion. With the cancellation of the Reinsurance Treaty with Russian in 1890, every German move was viewed by increasingly hostile eyes. Axes of power began to form which much threatened the growing world power of Germany, a Germany which saw the need to contest the powers on as many points as possible, while avoiding war, to retain its power in the 1890s and the first years of the twentieth century.
36
Alouko, Ange Thierry. « La politique étrangère de Willy Brandt ». Thesis, Paris 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA030008.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Willy Brandt, chancelier de la RFA de 1969 à 1974, a, certes, marqué l’histoire de l’Allemagne d’après-guerre par son Ostpolitik, la politique de détente entre l’Est et l’Ouest et de normalisation des relations entre la République fédérale d’Allemagne (RFA) et le bloc soviétique. Mais, sa carrière politique a connu de nombreuses expériences et des engagements très divers sur le plan international. Willy Brandt, l’Européen convaincu de l’ancrage de la RFA à l’Ouest, est aussi le protagoniste de l’ouverture à l’Est et l’avocat du développement dans le tiers-mondeWilly Brandt, chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), from 1969 to 1974, has certainly marked Germany’s history post-war period by his Ostpolitik, the Détente’s policy between East and West and the policy of relations’ normalization between the FRG and the Soviet bloc. But his political career has had many experiences and a variety of commitments at international level. Willy Brandt, as an European, who believes in the FRG’s integration into the West, is also the protagonist of the opening to the East and the advocate of the Third World’s development
37
PATALAKH, ARTEM. « SOFT POWER REVISITED : HOW ATTRACTION WORKS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/579396.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis problematises the bases of soft power, that is, causal mechanisms connecting the agent (A) and the subject (B) of a power relationship. As the literature review reveals, their underspecification by neoliberal IR scholars, the leading proponents of the soft power concept, has caused a great deal of scholarly confusion over such questions as how to clearly differentiate between hard and soft power, how attraction (soft power’s primary mechanism) works and what roles structural and relational forces play in hard/soft power. In an effort to ascertain the bases, I address this issue not from the viewpoint of A’s policies or resources, like do IR neoliberal scholars, but in terms of B’s psychological perception of A. Employing social psychological accounts, I argue that attraction can be produced in three distinct ways, namely 1) through B’s identification with A (“emotional” attraction), 2) via B’s appreciation of A’s competence/knowledge in a particular field (“rational” attraction) and 3) by means of the activation of B’s
internalised values which contextually prescribe B to act in A’s favour (“social” attraction). Importantly, depending upon the way attraction is produced, it is peculiar in a number of characteristics, the main of which are power scope, weight and durability. Insights from social psychology also show that unlike soft power, hard power requires not only B’s relevant perception of the A-B relationship (as coercive or rewarding), but also A’s capability to actualise a threat of punishment and/or a promise of reward. I argue this difference can be fairly treated as definitional rather than empirical, which implies that coercion and reward necessarily have both relational and structural dimensions, whereas for attraction, a structural one alone suffices, while a relational one may or may not be present. Having explicated the soft power bases, I illustrate each of them using three “most likely” case studies, namely Serbia’s policies towards Russia (emotional attraction), Kazakhstan’s approach to relations with the EU (rational attraction) and Germany’s policies vis-à-vis Israel (social attraction).
38
Goetze, Stefan. « The transformation of the East German police after German unification ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669799.
Texte intégral
39
Wilkoszewski, Harald. « Germany's social policy challenge : public integenerational transfers in light of demographic change ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/886/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation addresses the question of to what extent growing numbers of older people who might have similar preferences regarding public intergenerational transfers (family and pension policies) will limit the scope of future social policy reforms in Germany. We are interested in to what extent the shift in the country's demography will trigger a so-called "gerontocracy." As a theoretical framework, we combine Mannheim's concept of political generations with a demographic life-course approach. According to Mannheim, growing numbers of a societal group, combine with unified preferences within the group, enhance the group's political power. To empirically test this hypothesis, we use three analytical steps: First, we analyse the future age composition of the German population, including familial characteristics, using a micro-simulation approach. The results suggest that the number of older people will grow substantially over the coming decades, particularly the share of older people who will remain childless and who will not be married. Second, we analyse preferences regarding redistributive social policies according to age, parity, and marital status, based on recent survey data. Generalised Linear Models and Generalised Additive Models are applied to examine what the effects of fdemographic indicators are on these preferences. Results show that older people are less in favour of transfers ot the younger generation than their younger counterparts. This is particularly true of childless interviewees. Third, we explore the extent to which these developments are likely to have an impact on the political sphere. How do policy makers perceive ageing and the preferences structures found? How do elderly interest groups define their roles in light of these results? In-depth interviews with these stakeholders provide a mixed picture: whereas most interviewees are convinced that older people have gained more power due to their bigger population share, there is little awareness of differences in policy preferences between various demographic groups. The biggest challenge for social policy makers is, therefore, to find ways to mediate between these two interesrs. if they fail to do so, a conflict of generations might become a realistic scenario for Germany.
40
Baloge, Martin. « Démêler l'écheveau de la représentation politique : l’impôt sur la fortune à l’Assemblée nationale et au Bundestag ». Thesis, Paris 1, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA01D090.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse étudie dans une perspective comparée les modalités du travail de représentation en matière d’impôt sur la fortune, au Bundestag et à l’Assemblée nationale. S’appuyant sur des approches empiriques complémentaires (entretiens semi-directs, observation non-participante, bases de données prosopographiques, travail d’archive codé), cette enquête entend expliquer la variété des pratiques constatées. La recherche montre que les débats en matière d’impôt sur la fortune se caractérisent par la place centrale prise par les mondes de l’entreprise, faisant émerger le constat d’une forme d’inégalité d’accès à la parole parlementaire pour les groupes sociaux cités au sein des deux Assemblées. L’enquête souligne également que les députés développent des pratiques différenciées entre groupes en utilisant plusieurs registres de représentation visant à justifier et légitimer les différents modes d’investissement observables dans les deux pays. Face à ce constat, cette étude entend proposer un examen des causes des phénomènes observés. Plus d’une trentaine de facteurs explicatifs sont ainsi pris en compte, à des niveaux micro, méso et macrosociologiques (histoire politique, dispositions individuelles, processus de socialisation politique, économique et professionnelle, influence des entourages, effets de positions et de contextes, etc.). La thèse montre alors que les pratiques de représentation sont le résultat de l’articulation d’un système de facteurs qui interdisent de penser ces pratiques de façon réifiée. En cherchant à comprendre la complexité et l’intrication de nombreux éléments intervenant dans les prises de position des élus, la thèse cherche à démêler les fils explicatifs de l’écheveau des pratiques de représentationThis thesis aims at analysing the methods of representing during wealth tax debates in the French Assemblée nationale and in the German Bundestag. Based on empirical researches (semi-direct interviews, non-participating observations, prosopographic data, coded archival work), this research aspires to explain the variety of identified practices. The research shows on one hand that debates around wealth tax are characterized by the central position of concerns and businesses, highlighting the following acknowledgment: the inequity in accessing speaking time for social groups mentioned in both Parliaments. The thesis also underlines that members of parliament develop differentiated practices between groups by using multiple register of representation, which aim at justifying and legitimating all the different ways of commitment observed in both countries.Facing this observation, the thesis strive to provide a review of the causes of the observed phenomena. More than thirty explanatory factors are taken into consideration on micro, meso and macro sociological levels (political history, individual provisions, political/economical/professional socialisation processes, influence of close circle, effects of positions and environment). The thesis therefore demonstrates that the practices of representation are the result of a very high number of diversifying factors, which prevent from thinking those practices on a reified way. While trying to understand the complexity of new elements intervening in elected representatives’ position statements, the thesis aspires to untangle the explanatory threads of political representation
Diese Doktorarbeit vergleicht die Modalitäten der politischen Repräsentation in Bezug auf die Vermögensteuer im Bundestag und in der Assemblée nationale. Die Recherche will Erklärungen geben für die Vielfalt der hierbei beobachteten Praktiken. Dafür stützt sie sich auf komplementäre empirische Materialien (Gespräche, Beobachtungen, prosoprographische Daten, codierte Archivarbeit). Die vorliegende Arbeit zeigt, dass die Debatten um die Vermögensteuer durch die zentrale Stellung der Unternehmen geprägt sind. Es existiert eine Form von ungleichem Zugang zur parlamentarischen Rede für die sozialen Gruppen innerhalb der beiden Versammlungen. Oft werden bestimmte soziale Gruppen einfach ignoriert. Die Studie verweist auch darauf, dass die Abgeordneten Praktiken von differenzierter Repräsentation zwischen Gruppen entwickeln, indem sie mehrere Register der Repräsentation benutzen, die darauf aus sind, verschiedene Modi der Investitionen zu rechtfertigen und zu legitimieren- in beiden Ländern. Vor diesem Hintergrund bietet diese Arbeit eine Analyse der Gründe der beobachteten Phänomene an. Dazu werden mehr als dreißig explikative Faktoren unter micro-, meso- und makrosoziologischen Gesichtspunkten untersucht (politische Geschichte, individuelle Dispositionen, Prozesse politischer, ökonomischer und professioneller Sozialisierung, Einflüsse des Umfelds, Einflüsse von institutionellen Positionen und Kontexten usw.). Diese Doktorarbeit will nachweisen, dass die Praktiken der Repräsentation das Ergebnis eines sehr hohen Anteils verschiedener Faktoren sind, die es untersagen diese Praktiken gedanklich zu verfestigen. Indem wir versuchen, die Komplexität und die Verstrickung der zahlreichen Elemente zu verstehen, die in den Stellungnahmen der Abgeordneten zum Ausdruck kommen, will diese Doktorarbeit die erklärenden Fäden des Knäuels der Repräsentationspraktiken entwirren
41
Huber, Stephan. « “Walking encyclopedias of studies” for sustainability transformations ? The role of information and discourse in the case of the German coal phase-out ». Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Stockholm Resilience Centre, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-197233.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Transformations of energy systems in line with the Paris Agreement demand rapid deliberate decline of fossil energy production for decarbonization. Rising in priority on national political agendas, policy change for deliberate decline meets political barriers in the form of powerful incumbent actors, path dependencies and frames of loss. Although these dynamics can impede transformations, literature remains unclear in how to engage with these barriers. Therefore, this study focused on discourse and policy process theories in a qualitative analysis based on a broad selection of documents and expert-based interviews to explore and illustrate the “Commission on Growth, Structural Change and Employment” in Germany (2018/19). In this multi-stakeholder committee, a phase-out plan for coal-fired power generation was negotiated alongside claims of just transitions. Findings indicate that policy change was reached through consensual agreement but was reduced in ambition through path dependent discourse and expert-based information. The selection and evaluation of expert-based information was closely tied to expert members, while political debate on necessary assumptions as a basis for this information remained scarce. Lastly, insights from discourse and expert-based information can enrich the understanding of sustainability transformations and further research on the case could investigate the narrative subscriptions of stakeholders.
42
Schmidt, Harald. « Just health responsibility : a comparative analysis focussing on the role of individual behaviour in relation to cancer and weight-control policy in German and US health care systems ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/478/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis seeks to examine the appropriate role of individual behaviour and responsibility in relation to cancer and weight-control policy in German and US health care systems. It contains six main parts. The first describes and compares the ways in which personal responsibility features in law and policy in both countries. It analyses salient differences in underlying motivation and characterization and highlights ethical tensions that arise from these provisions and their implementation. The second part reviews what established normative theories can do to address the issues that have been identified. It argues that these frameworks lack specificity and are ill-suited as a basis for policy in pluralist societies. It provides an analysis of different notions of the concept of personal responsibility, and makes a proposal for an overarching framework, adopting a procedural justice account that draws on work by Norman Daniels, Jim Sabin and Thomas Scanlon. The third part systematically reviews survey literature on the proper role of personal responsibility and develops an instrument for semi-structured interviews with physicians and population-level surveys in the US and Germany. The instrument complements this earlier survey work and explores key themes that arose in the analysis of policy documents and the philosophical literature. Based on this instrument, the fourth part analyses the findings from twenty semi-structured interviews with primary care physicians and oncologists in Berlin, Germany and Philadelphia, USA. The fifth part presents findings from three population level surveys of 1,000 respondents each. Two surveys with identical instruments were conducted with nonprobability samples (census-adjusted proportional quota sampling with regard to income) in Germany and the US, and one, using a subset of questions, was administered to a probability-based sample in the US. Findings are discussed comparatively between countries and in view of the interviews with physicians. The last part concerns the policy implications of the analysis, and applies the framework proposed in the thesis to the case of colon cancer screening. It seeks to defend an incentive policy that attaches financial advantage to attending counselling on the advantages and disadvantages of colon cancer screening, building also on findings from the surveys, and interviews with physicians. The final chapter highlights a range of general policy implications for the evaluation and implementation of programmes seeking to incentivise personal responsibility.
43
Khan, Shaghaghi Legrand Richard. « La régulation de l'accès aux médicaments (aspects de droit comparé) ». Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCB099.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Alors que les pays européens font face à des dépenses croissantes en matière de médicaments, la prise en charge d'un nouveau produit de santé par les financeurs publics apparaît comme un enjeu primordial dans le contrôle de ces dépenses. La plupart des pays, comme la France, utilisent alors des listes explicites définissant les produits pris en charge ou non pris en charge par le biais de financements publics. L'idée sous-jacente d'un tel procédé est de concentrer la prise en charge publique sur des produits dits « utiles », c'est-à-dire qui non seulement participent au traitement de pathologies jugées importantes, mais qui se montrent également efficaces et, le cas échéant, les moins onéreux. Si cette idée est simple, l'élaboration en pratique de telles listes reste complexe. La définition des critères adoptés pour déterminer les contours d'un panier de médicaments remboursables ainsi que les méthodes utilisées pour évaluer si un produit répond à ces critères, représentent des enjeux importants pour les décideurs publics et peuvent avoir des répercussions directes sur la qualité et les coûts des prescriptions médicamenteuses. Dans l'absolu, la décision de prendre en charge un médicament peut s'appuyer sur de nombreux critères : efficacité, rapport coût-efficacité, gravité de la pathologie, symptômes traités, impact sur les budgets consacrés à la santé, etc. De plus, les évaluations présentent toute une série de difficultés méthodologiques et techniques auxquelles viennent s'additionner le contexte politique et le pouvoir de négociation des laboratoires pharmaceutiques, qui influencent également les décisions de prise en charge. La présente étude s'organise autour de la présentation de la notion de médicament, des modalités de prise en charge de ces derniers et de la procédure de leur mise sur le marché sous un angle comparé entre le droit français et divers autres systèmes juridiques relevant du cadre communautaire. Une telle analyse soulève certaines interrogations dont la mise en cause du système actuel de régulation des médicaments. À travers ce travail de recherches, il est permis de constater plusieurs défaillances non seulement dans le mécanisme de régulation des dépenses, mais aussi dans le système de prise en charge lui-même. Si la question d'un réajustement de la politique de régulation des médicaments est alors au cœur du débat, des perspectives d'évolution se dessinent néanmoinsWhile the European countries face increasing spending regarding medicine, the coverage of a new product of health by the public financiers appears as an essential stake in the control of these spending. Most of the countries, as France, use then explicit lists defining products taken care or not taken care by means of public financing. The underlying idea of such a process is to concentrate the public coverage on "useful" said products, that is which not only participate in the treatment of pathologies considered important, but which show themselves also effective and, where necessary, the least expensive. If this idea is simple, the elaboration in practice of such lists remains complex. The definition of the criteria adopted to determine the outlines of a basket of refundable medicine as well as the methods used to estimate if a product answers these criteria, represent stakes important for the public decision-makers and can have direct repercussions on the quality and the costs of the medicinal prescriptions. Theoretically, the decision to take care of a medicine can lean on numerous criteria: efficiency, cost efficiency ratio, revolved by the pathology, the handled symptoms, the impact on the budgets dedicated to the health, etc. Furthermore, the evaluations present a whole series of methodological and technical difficulties to which come to add up the political context and the bargaining power of pharmaceutical companies, which also influence the decisions of care. The present study gets organized around the display of the notion of medicine, modalities of care of the latter and the procedure of their launch on the market under a compared angle enter the French and diverse law other legal systems being a matter of the community frame. Such an analysis lifts certain questioning of which the questioning of the current system of regulation of medicine. Through this research work, it is allowed to notice several failures not only in the mechanism of regulation of the spending, but also in the system of care itself. If the question of an adjustment of the policy of regulation of medicine is then at the heart of the debate, perspectives of evolution take shape nevertheless
44
Pronto, Lindon N. « Exploring German and American Modes of Pedagogical and Institutional Sustainability : Forging a Way into the Future ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pitzer_theses/21.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Rooted deep in Germany's past is its modern socio-political grounding for environmental respect and sustainability. This translates into individual and collective action and extends equally to the economic and policy realm as it does to educational institutions. This thesis evaluates research conducted in Germany with a view to what best approaches are transferable to the United States liberal arts setting. Furthermore, exemplary American models of institutional sustainability and environmental education are explored and combined with those from abroad to produce a blueprint and action plan fitting for the American college and university.
45
Rogga, Sebastian. « Zwischen Kolchose, Kapitalismus und kultureller Autonomie : Wandel und Persistenzen im Transformationsprozess des Deutschen Nationalen Rayons (Altai) ». Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2011/5280/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Rund 20 Jahre nach dem Ende der Sowjetunion verharrt ein Großteil ländlich geprägter Regionen in der Russländischen Föderation in einer strukturellen Krise, die sich auf ökonomischer, sozialer und politischer Ebene niederschlägt. Auch wenn sich ländliche Räume als vermeintliche Verlierer der Transformation erwiesen haben, so sind sie doch vielfach in sich differenziert und zeigen verschiedenartige Problemlagen und Entwicklungspfade auf, die vom Umgang mit den Herausforderungen des Systemwechsels zeugen. Beispielhaft wird dies am Deutschen Nationalen Rayon Altai (DNR Altai) dargestellt, dessen Transformationsphase in der vorliegenden Arbeit rekonstruiert wird. Der DNR Altai stellt in vielerlei Hinsicht einen Sonderfall dar, da er als räumlicher Fixpunkt russlanddeutscher Entwicklungspolitik in die bundesdeutsche Förderkulisse eingebettet war. Mit dem allmählichen Rückzug der deutschen Förderinstitutionen stellt sich jedoch die Frage nach nachhaltigen Strukturen, Verstetigung von Projekten und der Zukunft russlanddeutscher Kultur im Altai.
46
Barbosa, Estela Capelas. « Políticas públicas de emprego : a experiência alemã ». Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2009. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/9368.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Estela Capelas Barbosa.pdf: 1142514 bytes, checksum: 871e38631076a916afc578da8c3d918d (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2009-04-30Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
The present work aims to investigate the importance of Labour Market Policies as a form of State interference in the Economy in Germany nowadays. For this purpose labour market economic theory is presented, in order to understand their positioning with regard to the actual activity performed by the government of such country. The Labour Market Policies themselves are described in detail to obtain its adjacent logic. Due to the perception that these theories are not sufficient to comprehend the logic of such activities, some historical, political, sociological and ideological factors from periods prior to the Reunification are presented. Therefore, the establishment of the Welfare State, in the post-war period, and its relevance to the edification of the institutional framework that provides the basis for the policies, are discussed. Furthermore, the influences of the German national formation, as well as the Weimar Republic and the emergence of Nazism, are analysed considering its impact over the government s behaviour on the policies matter. At last, some challenges brought about by the European Union are pointed out. The work concludes that the Labour Market Policies have primarily a social cohesion function in Germany, not necessarily producing pareto-efficient results
O presente trabalho investiga a importância das Políticas Públicas de Emprego como forma de participação estatal na Economia na Alemanha atual. Para isso são apresentadas as teorias econômicas sobre o mercado de trabalho, na tentativa de compreender o posicionamento teórico das mesmas com relação à atividade executada pelo governo daquele país. As próprias Políticas Públicas de Emprego são descritas em detalhe afim de se obter sua lógica adjacente. Devido à percepção de que tais teorias não são suficientes para compreender a lógica dessas atividades, apresentam-se alguns fatores históricos, políticos, sociais, sociológicos e ideológicos que remetem a períodos anteriores à Reunificação. Assim, discute-se a construção do Estado de Bem-Estar Social, no período pós-guerra, e sua relevância na edificação do arcabouço institucional que serve de base para as políticas. Ademais, analisa-se brevemente as influências da formação nacional alemã, bem como da República de Weimar e da ascensão do Nazismo sobre a determinação do comportamento estatal diante das políticas em questão. Por fim, apontam-se alguns desafios suscitados pela União Européia. Conclui-se que as Políticas Públicas de Emprego possuem antes uma função de coesão social na Alemanha, não produzindo necessariamente resultados pareto-eficientes
47
Marx, Jean-Samuel. « Neues Deutschland – neues Deutschlandbild ? : Selbstdarstellung und Rezeption der Berliner Republik in Frankreich von 1990 bis in die Gegenwart ». Thesis, Strasbourg, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018STRAC034.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La réunification ne transforma pas uniquement l’Allemagne sur le plan intérieur, mais eut également d’importantes répercussions sur sa place en Europe et dans le monde. Le nouveau contexte général ainsi que le changement générationnel au sein de la classe politique dans les années qui suivirent, entraînèrent aussi une évolution de l’autoreprésentation de la République fédérale. Tout cela ne resta pas sans conséquences sur sa perception à l’étranger. L’objectif de la présente thèse est d’analyser l’autoreprésentation de la jeune « République de Berlin » et sa réception en France de 1990 à nos jours. La question centrale est de savoir quelle image l’Etat allemand cherche à donner de lui-même et quelle image de l’Allemagne domine en France. Il s’agira de mettre en évidence les évolutions concrètes que l’on peut observer en la matière depuis la réunification, les facteurs permettant de les expliquer ainsi que de déterminer dans quelle mesure il existe une corrélation entre l’autoreprésentation de l’Allemagne et sa réceptionReunification not only changed Germany domestically, but also had an important impact on its position in Europe and in the world. The new general framework as well as the generational change in politics in the following years also led to a change in the self-representation of the Federal Republic. All this did not remain without consequences on the perception of the country abroad. The aim of this thesis is to analyse the self-representation of the young “Berlin Republic” and its reception in France from 1990 to the present. The key question is which public image does the German state promote of itself and which image of Germany prevails in France. It will be highlighted how this has changed concretely since reunification, by which factors this development can be explained, and to what extent a correlation exists between Germany’s self-representation and its reception
48
Pichard-Doustin, Dominique. « L'enseignement des langues étrangères dans la formation professionnelle du second degré en Allemagne, en Catalogne et en France : statuts, usages, représentations ». Thesis, Tours, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018TOUR2025.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse explore et compare des représentations élaborées au sujet des langues étrangères ayant leur place dans les curricula de la formation professionnelle du second degré de trois entités socio-historiques et politiques, l’Allemagne, la Catalogne et la France. Elle s’intéresse aussi aux finalités de l’enseignement de ces langues étrangères et aux éventuelles influences exercées par les contextes politiques, idéologiques, sociolinguistiques et éducatifs sur les représentations élaborées par les personnes interrogées. Ces questionnements permettent de formuler que dans les représentations élaborées par des personnes résidant en Allemagne, en Catalogne et en France, une langue étrangère et une finalité de l’apprentissage de langues étrangères dominent : l’anglais et la fonction utilitariste de la langueThis doctoral thesis seeks to explore and compare representations about forein languages to learn in vocational education in three socio-historical and political entities, Germany, Catalonia and France. It also aims to explore and compare the finalities of learning foreign languages in this kind of education and the eventual influences of political, ideological, sociolinguistical and educational contexts on the representations of the interviewed persons. Those questions allow to formulate that one language and one finality are hegemonical in the representations, english and the utility to learn a foreign language
49
MAU, Steffen. « The moral economy of welfare states : Britain and Germany compared ». Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5275.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 22 April 2002Examining board: Prof. Richard Breen (EUI/University of Oxford - supervisor) ; Prof. Colin Crouch (EUI) ; Prof. Stephan Leibfried (Universität Bremen) ; Prof. Karl Ulrich Mayer (MPI für Bildungforschung Berlin)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
The welfare state can be regarded as the major institutional arrangement of western societies that contributes to a socially accepted allocation of resources amongst the members of a given society. It is a means by which the political sphere re-balances intolerable inequalities and outcomes that have occurred within the market. For this purpose, a significant proportion of income must be transferred between individuals and social groups. Most welfare measures, therefore, are redistributive measures that aim at achieving a distribution of societal resources that is preferable to the primary distribution of the market.
50
ENGELMANN-MARTIN, Daniela. « Identity, norms, and German foreign policy :the social construction of Ostpolitik and European Monetary Union ». Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5176.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 20 December 2002Examining board: Prof. Hanns W. Maull (Univ. Trier) ; Prof. William Paterson (Director, Institute for German Studies, Birmingham) ; Prof. Thomas Risse (EUI/Univ. Berlin)(supervisor) ; Prof. Peter Wagner (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017