Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Germany – Social policy »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Germany – Social policy"
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Podolskiy, Vadim A. « Social policy in Germany ». Proceedings of the Southwest State University. Series : History and Law 11, no 6 (2021) : 145–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21869/2223-1501-2021-11-6-145-155.
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Relevance. German social policy solutions became an example for imitation for other countries, including Russia, and are usually considered to be a standard due to their coverage and efficiency. Studying the German experience is valuable for development of the political science and for reforming the social policy systems. Purpose – to describe the origins and implementation of the social state in Germany. Objectives: to present the development and functioning of the pension and medical insurance systems, unem-ployment insurance and measures of the public social support. Methodology: comparative and historical approach, analysis of legal documents and institutions. Results. The foundations of the social assistance in Germany were created in the end of the XIX century and the beginning of the XX century, with introduction of programs of insurance funding for medical expenses and old-age and disability pensions, followed by unemployment insurance. The system operates for more than a century and effectively accomplishes the task of risk pooling, and it mainly relies on self-government. In the second half of the XX century the law that regulated the social assistance in Germany was extended significantly, the burden on the budget increased, as well as size of the insurance contributions. Citizens obtained the right for family benefits, the role of the housing benefits, unemployment and low-income support was increased. In the end of the XX century Germany introduced insurance to fund the long-term care. Conclusion. A developed system of social support exists in Germany, it relies on centuries-old traditions of local and corporative mutual help, with coordination and subsidies coming from the federal centre. The most powerful elements of the German social policy, which secure its’ efficiency, are historically established self-government and soli-darity
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Hagedorn, Konrad, et Peter Mehl. « Germany : Social Policy Reforms for German Agriculture : Challenges and Recommendations ». International Social Security Review 54, no 1 (janvier 2001) : 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-246x.00086.
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Luh, Andreas. « Großunternehmen und Betriebssport in Deutschland vom Kaiserreich bis in die Gegenwart. Ein (zu) wenig beachtetes sozial- und sporthistorisches Phänomen ». STADION 44, no 2 (2020) : 300–337. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0172-4029-2020-2-300.
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Since the end of the 19th century, company sports appeared as a part of company’s social welfare policy. Large companies in Germany still offer company sport activities as a part of voluntary social benefits today, but their scope, kind and function have changed enormously. The present study focuses on the development of company sports during the German Empire, its expansion and institutionalization as a part of company’s social welfare policy in the Weimar Republic as well as its restructuring in the context of the efforts of the German Labour Front in NS Germany. Furthermore, the study examines the reorganization of company sports based on social partnership concepts and corporate identity - and corporate social responsibility strategies in the Federal Republic of Germany. It asks, what kind of changes took place in company sports in Germany under the conditions of a structural changing economic and capitalist system from the 19th to the 21st century, in four political epochs of German history, from the German Empire to the Federal Republic of Germany?
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ADOMEIT, HANNES. « The German Factor in Soviet Westpolitik ». ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 481, no 1 (septembre 1985) : 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285481001002.
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The author begins with a broad overview of Russian-German relations and observes that Russian diplomacy has historically vacillated between close cooperation with Germany and the construction of alliances against Germany. The latter has always been important to the Soviet Union, especially since 1945. The first section of the article evaluates the importance of East Germany in Soviet policy. The second section evaluates Soviet-West German relations in terms of Soviet long- and short-term interests. The author argues that Soviet policies toward both Germanys in the late 1970s and early 1980s have failed to produce positive results. The campaign against West German “revanchism” and “militarism” lacks credibility. The recent Soviet attempt to limit intra-German relations is likely to be met with resistance. The Soviet approach has been a setback and an embarrassment. Soviet control over East Germany will become more difficult than it has been in the past.
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Dutt, Pawan Kumar, Mike Wahl et Tanel Kerikmae. « Using Patent Development, Education Policy and Research and Development Expenditure Policy to Understand Differences Between Countries – The Case of Estonia and Germany ». International and Comparative Law Review 19, no 1 (1 juin 2019) : 190–233. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/iclr-2019-0007.
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Summary Innovation is the key factor for economic growth. RDI policies pursued in a wholesome manner can have long term social significance. The true value of an invention depends upon factors such as its economic value, strategic value, cultural value and social value. Estonia and Germany share a long historical and legal connection. The German economy is strong and Germany has safeguarded it’s manufacturing, mining and construction sector through incremental innovation and focused state funding for RDI activities. Germany runs cost efficient entrepreneurship promotion programs. RDI in Estonia is dependent upon EU funding. Estonia lags behind Germany in respect of several global rankings related to technology and innovativeness. To make the Estonian economy knowledge-driven and technologically intensive, the state must focus on cultural, economic, social and strategic factors. Estonia should adopt RDI policies similar to Germany and also use the new UP regime to help its SMEs to acquire foreign patents.
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Lees, A. « Social Reform, Social Policy and Social Welfare in Modern Germany ». Journal of Social History 23, no 1 (1 septembre 1989) : 167–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/23.1.167.
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Stiller, Sabina. « Governance in Contemporary Germany : The Semisovereign State Revisited ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no 2 (juin 2007) : 560–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390707059x.
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Governance in Contemporary Germany: The Semisovereign State Revisited, Simon Green and William E. Paterson, eds., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005, pp. 338.Nearly twenty years after Katzenstein's diagnosis of the German polity as “semisovereign state,” this volume re-evaluates unified Germany in the light of the original study. It starts with a concise introduction by the editors to the original argument and to the challenges of unification to semisovereign governance. Then, eleven contributions cover Katzenstein's “policy nodes” (political parties, federalism, and parapublic institutions), developments in previously covered policy areas (economic and social policy, industrial relations, immigration, administrative reform) and two additional ones: the environment and EU integration. The volume is concluded by Katzenstein himself, arguing that despite many political and socio-economic changes, semisovereignty still reigns in Germany.
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Sharikov, Pavel. « AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY PRIORITIES TOWARDS GERMANY ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 24, no 6 (31 décembre 2021) : 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran620214149.
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The article addresses the priorities of US relations with Germany. The victory of Joseph Biden and Democratic Party on the elections of 2020 signified quite radical twist in US foreign policy. The election slogan «America is back» which won the White House for the Democratic Party and Congress, means restoration of transatlantic relationship, damaged by the previous administration. Germany has a special place in this process. Elections in Germany in 2021 resulted in a victory of a Social Democratic Party. Decision making in Washington on Relations with Germany are influenced by many factors, including those related to domestic policies and international relations. Domestically there have appeared contradictions between Democratic and Republican parties on a number of priority issues on the bilateral agenda. In particular, the main differences were related to the Nord Stream 2 project. The situation in Afghanistan remains an urgent problem for both sides. It is noteworthy that following the results of the last elections in the United States, the German Caucus again became active in Congress, including both democratic and republican politicians. It is clear that Biden’s administration pursues the developing of economic ties with Germany.
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Kim, Sang-Cheol. « Social Policy and Social Integration in East Germany after Reunification ». Ordo Economics Journal 22, no 2 (30 juin 2019) : 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20436/oej.22.2.001.
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Jang, Tae-Seok. « Stabilization Policy and Social Market Economy in Germany ». Koreanische Zeitschrift fuer Wirtschaftswissenschaften 34, no 4 (31 décembre 2016) : 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.18237/kdgw.2016.34.4.087.
Texte intégralThèses sur le sujet "Germany – Social policy"
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Carmel, Emma. « Demanding the possible : social politics, policy and discourse in the German Social Democratic Party, 1986-98 ». Thesis, University of York, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.246980.
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White, Robert Edward. « Renewable Energy : The Roles of States, Social Movements, and Policy in California and Germany ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/83422.
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This project examines the development of renewable policy in California and Germany through the theoretical lens provided by John Dryzek's democratic theory of social movement engagement with the liberal democratic nation-state. Specifically, this thesis considers the impact of social movements on what the theory identifies as five core imperatives of state. The argument uses a qualitative, comparative, process tracing methodology, supported by critical discourse analysis, to analyze environmental social movement engagements with the state in relation to the development of renewable energy policymaking in the state of California and in the Federal Republic of Germany between 2000 and 2017. Whereas Dryzek and colleagues argue that environmental movement activism may have prompted a new, sixth, environmental conservation imperative of state, this thesis differs. Rather, the analysis finds that if indeed such a sixth imperative is emergent, it might better be defined as a resource conservation imperative. That is, in California and in Germany, it is not so much the environment but rather access to abundant and economically sustainable natural resources that states aim to conserve.Master of Arts
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Schulte, Katharina [Verfasser]. « Essays on Social Policy in Germany : Analyses Based on Survey and Simulated Data / Katharina Schulte ». Kiel : Universitätsbibliothek Kiel, 2012. http://d-nb.info/1021140155/34.
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Weipert, Matthias. « "Mehrung der Volkskraft" die Debatte über Bevölkerung, Modernisierung und Nation 1890 - 1933 ». Paderborn München Wien Zürich Schöningh, 2006. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2753215&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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Fleischer, Julia. « Policy advice and institutional politics : a comparative analysis of Germany and Britain ». Phd thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2012. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2012/6187/.
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Die Studie schließt an die Debatte in der vergleichenden politikwissenschaftlichen Verwaltungsforschung an, die sich mit der Rolle interner Beratungsakteure in Regierungsorganisationen beschäftigt. Ziel dieser Studie ist es, die Mechanismen zu erklären, durch die interne Beratungsakteure die ihnen zugeschriebene Bedeutung im exekutiven Entscheidungsprozess erlangen. Dabei werden jene Organisationseinheiten untersucht, die proaktiv an exekutiven Entscheidungsprozessen mitwirken und mit ihrer Beratung politischer Akteure in Konkurrenz zur Ministerialverwaltung stehen können. Die Einflussmechanismen dieser Akteure in der exekutiven Entscheidungsfindung werden als Formen einer "Institutionenpolitik" aufgefasst, bei der Akteure die institutionellen Bedingungen von Politikformulierungsprozessen bzw. die "Spielregeln exekutiver Entscheidungsfindung" verändern, um ihre eigene Position bzw. die ihres "Klienten" zu stärken.
Das theoretische Argument dieser Arbeit folgt der neo-institutionalistischen Wende in der Organisationstheorie und definiert Institutionenpolitik als graduelle Institutionalisierungsprozesse zwischen Institutionen und organisationalen Akteuren, wobei einem weiten Institutionenbegriff folgend die Objekte solcher Veränderungsprozesse durch regulative, normative und kognitive Säulen gekennzeichnet sind. In Anwendung des "power-distributional approach" lassen sich graduelle Institutionalisierungsprozesse durch institutionenbezogene Charakteristika erklären, d.h. die Beschaffenheit der Objekte von Institutionenpolitik, insbesondere die Interpretationsfreiheit ihrer Anwendung, sowie die Restriktionen des institutionellen Kontexts. Zudem lässt sich Institutionenpolitik durch akteursbezogene Charakteristika erklären, d.h. den Ambitionen der Akteure sich als "potentielle institutionelle Agenten" zu engagieren. Diese beiden Erklärungsdimensionen drücken sich in vier idealtypischen Mechanismen von Institutionenpolitik aus: Sedimentation, Ersetzung, Drift, und Konversion, die mit vier Agententypen korrespondieren.
Die Studie untersucht die institutionenpolitischen Ambitionen der Akteure explorativ, die Relevanz des institutionellen Kontexts wird mithilfe von Erwartungshypothesen zu den Effekten von vier Merkmalen analysiert, die in der bestehenden Debatte als relevant gelten: (1) die Parteienzusammensetzung der Regierung, (2) die Strukturprinzipien von Kabinettsentscheidungen, (3) die Verwaltungstradition sowie (4) die formale Politisierung der Ministerialverwaltung.
Die Studie folgt einem "most similar systems design" und führt qualitative Fallstudien zur Rolle interner Beratungseinheiten im Zentrum deutscher und britischer Regierungsorganisationen, d.h. der Regierungszentrale und dem Finanzministerium, über einen längeren Zeitraum durch (1969/1970-2005). Es werden jeweils drei Zeitperioden pro Untersuchungsland betrachtet, die britischen Fallstudien analysieren die Beratungsakteure im Cabinet Office, Prime Minister's Office und dem Finanzministerium unter den Premierministern Heath (1970-74), Thatcher (1979-87) und Blair (1997-2005). Die deutschen Fallstudien untersuchen die Beratungsakteure im Bundeskanzleramt und dem Bundesfinanzministerium unter den Bundeskanzlern Brandt (1969-74), Kohl (1982-1987) und Schröder (1998-2005). Für die empirische Untersuchung wurden die Ergebnisse einer Dokumentenanalyse mit den Erkenntnissen aus 75 semi-strukturierten Experteninterviews trianguliert.
Die vergleichende Analyse zeigt unterschiedliche Muster von Institutionenpolitik. Die deutschen Beratungsakteure agieren anfänglich in Ersetzung, später vornehmlich in Sedimentation sowie Drift, d.h. ihre institutionenpolitischen Aktivitäten widmen sich nach anfänglicher Ersetzung bestehender institutioneller Grundlagen zunehmend der Addition neuer Elemente sowie der deliberativen Nicht-Entscheidung zur Anpassung existierender institutioneller Grundlagen an Umweltveränderungen. Die britischen Beratungsakteure sind zumeist in Ersetzung sowie Konversion engagiert, trotz gelegentlicher Sedimentation, d.h. einer direkten Ersetzung bestehender institutioneller Grundlagen durch neue Spielregeln exekutiver Entscheidungsfindung sowie einer bewussten Umwandlung und Neuausrichtung existierender institutionellen Grundlagen, gelegentlich auch eine Addition neuer Elemente zu bestehenden Regeln.
Die institutionen- und akteursspezifischen Charakteristika sind für diese Muster von Institutionenpolitik erklärungsrelevant. Erstens weist die Studie nach, dass der institutionelle Kontext die institutionenpolitischen Aktivitäten in Deutschland beschränkt und in Großbritannien begünstigt. Zweitens ist die Interpretationsfreiheit der Anwendung institutionenpolitischer Objekte bedeutsam, wie sich anhand der institutionenpolitischen Ambitionen der Akteure im Zeitverlauf und im Ländervergleich zeigt und somit drittens bestätigt, dass diese Interessen der Akteure an Institutionenwandel die Mechanismen von Institutionenpolitik beeinflussen. Die Arbeit schließt mit der Erkenntnis, dass die Rolle interner Beratungseinheiten in der exekutiven Politikformulierung nicht nur aus ihren inhaltlichen, parteistrategischen oder medial-beratenden Funktionen für politische Akteure in Regierungsämtern folgt, sondern insbesondere aus ihren institutionenpolitischen Aktivitäten, deren Resultate die institutionellen Restriktionen aller Akteure in exekutiven Entscheidungsprozessen beeinflussen – und somit auch ihre eigene Rolle in diesen Prozessen.This study follows the debate in comparative public administration research on the role of advisory arrangements in central governments. The aim of this study is to explain the mechanisms by which these actors gain their alleged role in government decision-making. Hence, it analyses advisory arrangements that are proactively involved in executive decision-making and may compete with the permanent bureaucracy by offering policy advice to political executives. The study argues that these advisory arrangements influence government policy-making by "institutional politics", i.e. by shaping the institutional underpinnings to govern or rather the "rules of the executive game" in order to strengthen their own position or that of their clients. The theoretical argument of this study follows the neo-institutionalist turn in organization theory and defines institutional politics as gradual institutionalization processes between institutions and organizational actors. It applies a broader definition of institutions as sets of regulative, normative and cognitive pillars. Following the "power-distributional approach" such gradual institutionalization processes are influenced by structure-oriented characteristics, i.e. the nature of the objects of institutional politics, in particular the freedom of interpretation in their application, as well as the distinct constraints of the institutional context. In addition, institutional politics are influenced by agency-oriented characteristics, i.e. the ambitions of actors to act as "would-be change agents". These two explanatory dimensions result in four ideal-typical mechanisms of institutional politics: layering, displacement, drift, and conversion, which correspond to four ideal-types of would-be change agents. The study examines the ambitions of advisory arrangements in institutional politics in an exploratory manner, the relevance of the institutional context is analyzed via expectation hypotheses on the effects of four institutional context features that are regarded as relevant in the scholarly debate: (1) the party composition of governments, (2) the structuring principles in cabinet, (3) the administrative tradition, and (4) the formal politicization of the ministerial bureaucracy. The study follows a "most similar systems design" and conducts qualitative case studies on the role of advisory arrangements at the center of German and British governments, i.e. the Prime Minister’s Office and the Ministry of Finance, for a longer period (1969/1970-2005). Three time periods are scrutinized per country; the British case studies examine the role of advisory arrangements at the Cabinet Office, the Prime Minister's Office, and the Ministry of Finance under Prime Ministers Heath (1970-74), Thatcher (1979-87) and Blair (1997-2005). The German case studies study the role of advisory arrangements at the Federal Chancellery and the Federal Ministry of Finance during the Brandt government (1969-74), the Kohl government (1982-1987) and the Schröder government (1998-2005). For the empirical analysis, the results of a document analysis and the findings of 75 semi-structured expert interviews have been triangulated. The comparative analysis reveals different patterns of institutional politics. The German advisory arrangements engaged initially in displacement but turned soon towards layering and drift, i.e. after an initial displacement of the pre-existing institutional underpinnings to govern they laid increasingly new elements onto existing ones and took the non-deliberative decision to neglect the adaption of existing rules of the executive game towards changing environmental demands. The British advisory arrangements were mostly involved in displacement and conversion, despite occasional layering, i.e. they displaced the pre-existing institutional underpinnings to govern with new rules of the executive game and transformed and realigned them, sometimes also layering new elements onto pre-existing ones. The structure- and agency-oriented characteristics explain these patterns of institutional politics. First, the study shows that the institutional context limits the institutional politics in Germany and facilitates the institutional politics in the UK. Second, the freedom of interpreting the application of institutional targets is relevant and could be observed via the different ambitions of advisory arrangements across countries and over time, confirming, third, that the interests of such would-be change agents are likewise important to understand the patterns of institutional politics. The study concludes that the role of advisory arrangements in government policy-making rests not only upon their policy-related, party-political or media-advisory role for political executives, but especially upon their activities in institutional politics, resulting in distinct institutional constraints on all actors in government policy-making – including their own role in these processes.
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Clark, Matthew Franklin. « The Challenges and Opportunities of Immigrant Integration : A Study of Turkish Immigrants in Germany ». PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/322.
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In an ever-globalizing world, societies comprised of myriad people and cultures are quickly becoming the norm rather than the exception. In societies made up of culturally diverse, religiously pluralistic and disparate people, an added layer of complexity becomes apparent when attempting to integrate multiple cultures into a single society. Germany, in its reconstruction effort following World War II, faced such an integration challenge when a massive influx of Turkish migrants arrived as part of a "foreign worker" agreement. The introduction of a large and culturally diverse immigrant population made cultural understanding of paramount importance. Culture is an intangible element that can be difficult to quantify in political, social, or economic terms. As such, understanding culture and the peaceful coexistence of multiple cultures requires an examination beyond traditional perspectives. The implementation of conflict resolution theories and viewing situations from a conflict resolution perspective enables the extra layer of complexity that can occur within culturally diverse societies to be unpacked and better understood. Specifically, the goal of this thesis was to examine the integration challenges for Turkish immigrants in Germany while at the same time looking for opportunities to learn from the challenges facing societies attempting to implement immigration and integration policies in order to promote the coexistence of multiple cultures. The thesis concludes by offering directives or recommendations, formulated from the findings in this study, for multicultural societies facing integration challenges.
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Perkins, Marianne. « Refugee Resettlement in Germany : An Analysis of Policy Learning and Support Networks ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2021. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/617.
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The resettlement of refugees and asylum seekers in Germany since reunification in 1990 has been challenged by two peaks in asylum seeker applications in 1992 and again in 2016. From the 1992 peak, which was fueled by asylum seekers fleeing the former Yugoslavia, extensive research has already been conducted over the past thirty years. These studies have demonstrated the actual outcomes of these primarily Yugoslavian asylum seekers and refugees with these findings indicating legal and economic uncertainty having a detrimental effect even years after resettlement. Using Germany as a case study, this analysis aims to survey the available information in the more recent example of asylum seekers arriving in Germany from 2014 onwards primarily from the Syrian Arab Republic, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Ultimately, successful resettlement equates to successful integration measures. The issues of policy legacy and learning as well as elements of the available support network for asylum seekers in housing, Integrationskurse (integration courses), and advice centers are examined to understand how each relates to successful integration and security for asylum seekers. The findings indicate that Germany has achieved successful resettlement and integration of asylum seekers through policy learning from the early 1990s onwards and a strong support network available for those seeking asylum, yet the exclusion of certain groups from integration measures unfairly leaves some behind. A continuous evaluation of these integration measures is necessary to ensure the successful resettlement of refugees and asylum seekers in Germany in anticipated future peaks in asylum seeker applications.
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Glatte, Sarah. « Sex and the party : gender policy, gender culture, and political participation in unified Germany ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:117e7b70-e1ba-402e-acb2-59cf1b916d2b.
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This thesis explores the relationship between gender policy, gender culture, and political participation in unified Germany. It investigates the extent to which political regimes shape citizens' attitudes towards gender roles and examines the effect of such attitudes on women's participation in politics. The thesis is divided into three parts: The first part explores the differences in gender regime types between the former German Democratic Republic and Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War period. Building on existing studies, the analysis considers how generations that were socialised in the divided Germany differ in their attitudes toward gender roles. It finds that citizens from West Germany are more socially conservative than citizens from the East. The second part of the thesis tests the effects of these traditional gender attitudes on citizens' participation, focusing on party membership. The analysis highlights that gender gaps in formal political participation in unified Germany still exist, but that these gaps are smaller in the new federal states. The investigation further shows that traditional gender attitudes exert a negative effect on women’s political engagement beyond the predictive power of socio-economic and demographic factors. The final part of this thesis casts a critical look at the political controversy in Germany over the introduction of a cash-for-care subsidy (the so-called Betreuungsgeld). It explores the normative assumptions and ideas about gender roles that have been promoted by Germany's main political parties throughout the policy negotiation process. Using a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, the research presented in this thesis draws on, and contributes to, studies on gender, welfare states, political socialisation, and political participation.
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Grimmer-Solem, Erik. « The science of progress : the rise of historical economics and social reform in Germany, 1864-1894 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cff7d27b-b020-46d4-b2e0-b98d686c1f3b.
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This thesis reassess the so-called 'Historical School of Economics' of Gustav Schmoller and his colleagues Lujo Brentano, Adolf Held and Georg Friedrich Knapp, analysing the close relationship between the development of historical economics and the rise of social reform in Germany. It reveals that there is little evidence for a cohesive 'Historical School' and suggests that it was not primarily an outgrowth of romantic and historicist currents of thought as is commonly believed. Schmoller and his colleagues were a pragmatic, empirically-inclined group of statistically-trained economists who drew inspiration from the advances made in the natural sciences. Having directly observed the effects of rapid urbanisation, industrialisation, and the rise of labour movements and socialism in Prussia and abroad, they became dissatisfied with classical economic doctrines and laissez-faire, subjecting these to empirical tests and criticism. Drawing inspiration from British reforms and developments throughout Europe, they devised alternative hypotheses and made innovative policy recommendations. They were also important professionalisers of economics, modifying the curriculum, organising professional bodies, and creating new monographs and journals, the latter substantially aided by the interest and generosity of a leading publisher. Using empirical studies, statistics and history as analytical and critical tools, they sought practical solutions to economic and social problems by disseminating information to both the public and government officials through publications, conferences and petitions. They became leading advocates of trade union rights, factory inspection, worker protection laws, education reforms, worker insurance, agricultural reforms, and the democratisation of industrial relations. Their influence on economic and social policy, while indirect, was considerable, especially through government officials. However, the close association of historical economics with reform and social policy also made them a conspicuous target of criticism within academia and politics. Despite this, by the early 1890s the research methods and social legislation they propounded were gaining wider currency not only in Germany but also in Austria.
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Colman, Richard Geoffrey. « A comparative evaluation of personal social and youth service responses to youth of foreign origin and their communities in West Germany and the United Kingdom ». Thesis, Leeds Beckett University, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.240204.
Texte intégralLivres sur le sujet "Germany – Social policy"
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Jochen, Clasen, et Freeman Richard, dir. Social policy in Germany. London : Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1994.
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Robert, Lee W., et Rosenhaft Eve 1951-, dir. State, social policy and social change in Germany 1880-1980. 2e éd. Oxford : Berg, 1996.
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Robert, Lee W., et Rosenhaft Eve 1951-, dir. State, social policy and social change in Germany 1880-1994. 2e éd. Washington, DC : Berg, 1997.
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Zacher, Hans F. Social Policy in the Federal Republic of Germany. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-22525-3.
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Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development., dir. Germany : Consolidating economic and social renewal. Paris : Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2004.
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Alan, Walker, et Naegele Gerhard 1948-, dir. Social policy in ageing societies : Britain and Germany compared. New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.
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Lampert, Heinz. The economic and social order of the Federal Republic of Germany. Sankt Augustin : Dept. "International Cooperation" of Konrad Adenauer Foundation, 1993.
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Ageing and ageing policy in Germany. Oxford : Berg, 1998.
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1922-, Peacock Alan T., Willgerodt Hans et Johnson Daniel, dir. German neo-liberals and the social market economy. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1989.
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1922-, Peacock Alan T., et Willgerodt Hans, dir. Germany's social market economy : Origins and evolution. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1989.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Germany – Social policy"
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Kloss, Günther. « Social Structure and Social Policy ». Dans West Germany, 174–204. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20663-6_6.
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Leisering, Lutz. « Germany : A Centrist Welfare State at the Crossroads ». Dans International Social Policy, 148–70. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-08294-7_8.
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Torp, Cornelius. « International Transfers and National Path Dependencies : Pension Systems in Britain and Germany after the Second World War ». Dans International Impacts on Social Policy, 359–70. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86645-7_28.
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AbstractExternal influences have always played an important role in British and German pension politics. Until the 1970s, bilateral interdependencies in the form of knowledge transfers were paramount. Later, transnational developments transcending Britain and Germany such as the evolving discourse about demographic aging have shaped pension reform debates in both countries. Neither the short-lived British experiment with earnings-related pensions in the 1970s nor the German move towards the privatisation of old-age provision in recent years can be explained without referring to external influences. The effect of international impulses, however, should not be overstated. Even the profound pension reforms in both countries shortly after the year 2000 did not abandon the different institutional paths by which the two pension systems had been characterised in the past.
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Jochem, Sven. « Germany : The Public-Private Dichotomy in the Bismarckian Welfare Regime ». Dans Public and Private Social Policy, 190–206. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230228771_9.
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Schnabel, Reinhold. « Migrants’ Access to Social Protection in Germany ». Dans IMISCOE Research Series, 179–93. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51241-5_12.
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Abstract Migration patterns in Germany have changed considerably during the post-war period. The active recruitment of “guest workers” stopped during the 1970s and was replaced by family reunification. Two big crisis-driven immigration waves swept Germany, following the collapse of Yugoslavia and the crises in the countries from Syria to Afghanistan. These immigration waves triggered legislation aimed at reducing immigration incentives, especially in the asylum law. From the early 2000s on, German policy turned more liberal following the EU Directives on freedom of movement and for highly qualified persons from non-EEA countries. Migration patterns changed dramatically, with EEA countries becoming the leading source of German immigration. EEA countries replaced the Anglo-Saxon immigration countries as the leading sources and destinations of migration. It is reassuring for economic policy that EU migrants, notably from Bulgaria and Romania, display high levels of employment and have boosted German employment, while unemployment rates reached historic lows. During the past decades, migration obstacles for EEA citizens have been lowered or abolished. Main obstacles to immigration of non-EEA citizens persist due to the restrictive law on residence permits. As a result, student visas, academic credentials, or family reunification are the main legal pathways to Germany. Given the difficulty to proof the equivalence of a foreign non-academic degree, it is far more promising for persons from third countries to apply for asylum with the chance to get a permanent residence permit after several years as a tolerated migrant.
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Stolleis, Michael. « III. Social Policy in the Empire : The Insurance Solution ». Dans History of Social Law in Germany, 29–81. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-38454-7_3.
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Zacher, Hans F. « Social Policy in the Federal Republic of Germany : The Constitution of the Social ». Dans Social Policy in the Federal Republic of Germany, 23–424. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-22525-3_2.
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Büchs, Milena. « The European Employment Strategy in Germany and the United Kingdom ». Dans New Governance in European Social Policy, 72–94. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230591509_5.
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Gottschall, Karin, Kristin Noack et Heinz Rothgang. « Dependencies of Long-Term Care Policy on East–West Migration : The Case of Germany ». Dans International Impacts on Social Policy, 515–29. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86645-7_40.
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AbstractThis contribution reconstructs the policy shift from a Bismarckian “low road” to a “higher road” of long-term care (LTC) policy in Germany. We argue that this policy change is deeply intertwined with migration to uphold and transform LTC policy. Cash benefits did not just stabilise family care, but are increasingly used to establish a “migrant-in-the-family” model. Moreover, while the marketisation of care services led to an expansion of commercial services, this process increasingly depended on migrant carers. Policy measures to improve working conditions in formal care were only initiated when ever-growing demands could not be met by migrant workers. At the same time live-in arrangements are only cautiously regulated. Reflecting the familialistic legacy, provision of care by women (paid/unpaid, formal/informal, professional/semi-professional) has become more stratified.
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Safuta, Anna, Kristin Noack, Karin Gottschall et Heinz Rothgang. « Migrants to the Rescue ? Care Workforce Migrantisation on the Example of Elder Care in Germany ». Dans Global Dynamics of Social Policy, 303–34. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-91088-4_10.
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AbstractThe share of migrant workers in the long-term care (LTC) workforce across the world has been increasing. Despite similar trends in terms of overall LTC migrantisation, countries differ in the ways in which migrant workers are involved in national care regimes. Previous research identified several modes of migrantisation, including the “migrant in the family” and “migrant in formal care” outcomes. In the literature, the emergence of each mode is explained by a country-specific intersection of regimes of care, migration and employment. However, analyses of the concrete mechanisms through which such intersections produce differential outcomes are still missing. In this chapter, we identify and explain the mechanisms that resulted in the emergence of “migrant in the family” and “migrant in formal care” migrantisation in Germany.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Germany – Social policy"
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Kim, Hyeong Min, et Chang Hyun Cho. « Multicultural Policy for Social Integration-Case of Germany and Korea- ». Dans Games and Graphics and 2014. Science & Engineering Research Support soCiety, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.14257/astl.2014.46.40.
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Selivanova, T. « EDUCATIONAL POLICY OF GERMANY IN THE FIELD OF INTERNATIONALIZATION OF HIGHER EDUCATION ». Dans 5th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018/3.5/s13.028.
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Mimentza Martin, Janire. « CONSTITUTIONALITY OF BASIC INCOME IN GERMANY ». Dans 6th International Scientific Conference ERAZ - Knowledge Based Sustainable Development. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eraz.2020.295.
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At present, the precarious jobs do not assure the subsistence level, and the future forecasts “the end of work”. In addition, because of the defects and limits of the welfare systems, a rethinking of the social protection system is necessary: universal basic income seems to be the most popular option. However, basic income may represent a break with the traditional market rules: the model is inverted and the citizen gains “ freedom from work”, and not “through work”. This paradigm shift may represent a challenge for today’s model of social state based on the work ethic. Although the basic income is usually based on the idea of social reform, the perception of this study is that its implementation should be guided by a policy of small advances, which ultimately make possible a partial reform of the Social Security system, not its dismantling. This work shows that the German labour market, the Constitution, and the social state are not currently prepared for or in need of a universal Basic Income.
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Suharnanik et Suharnanik. « Prostitution Policy (Sweden ; Germany ; Victoria ; China ; Netherlands) and its connection to the HIV / AIDS Prevention and Control Program in Indonesia ». Dans Proceedings of the International Conference on Social Science 2019 (ICSS 2019). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icss-19.2019.139.
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Weber-Stein, Florian, et Joachim Engel. « The COVID-19 Crisis as a Challenge for the Integration of Statistical and Citizenship Education ». Dans Bridging the Gap : Empowering and Educating Today’s Learners in Statistics. International Association for Statistical Education, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52041/iase.icots11.t1e1.
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The COVID-19 crisis has shown how fundamentally important it is to weigh up risks and probabilities on the basis of statistical data for shaping social coexistence. A vibrant democracy that wants to prove resilient to expertocratic strategies of rule needs citizens who take part in public deliberations and intervene in political affairs. However, without a basic understanding of statistical concepts, it is difficult to follow media coverage of the pandemic and policy actions taken, let alone intervene in political processes. It is therefore necessary to link statistical and citizenship education. We present our concept of a joint course for mathematics and political science students preparing to be secondary teachers that is currently given at Ludwigsburg University of Education (Germany). Empirical results are forthcoming.
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Engel, Joachim, et Adalbert Wilhelm. « Data and Statistics as basis for political decisions : lessons to be learnt from the COVID-19 pandemic ». Dans IASE 2021 Satellite Conference : Statistics Education in the Era of Data Science. International Association for Statistical Education, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52041/iase.qctta.
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The Covid-19 crisis has impressively raised the general awareness that our social coexistence and political decisions are essentially based on data, the weighing of risks and thus on probability estimates. This places high demands on the ability of health authorities, policy makers and the media to communicate statistical information as well as on the ability of citizens to understand these messages. In this paper we reflect on the role of scientific evidence in democratic societies and analyze selected illustrative examples of communicating evidence via visualizations and simulation, media reports, and expert’s statements. We identify venues and formats of communicating statistical information about the pandemics to the public that seems to be effective contrasting less helpful formats. We conclude by presenting recommendations for stakeholders in politics, media and statistics agencies on how to communicate empirical evidence to the public efficiently, released by the Deutsche Arbeitsgemeinschaft Statistik, an umbrella organization of statistical associations in Germany.
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Ivanova, Anna, et Svetlana Popova. « EFFICIENCY OF STATE SUPPORT MEASURES OF POPULATION INCOME DURING THE PERIOD OF CONSTRAINTS : A COUNTRY APPROACH ». Dans Manager of the Year. FSBE Institution of Higher Education Voronezh State University of Forestry and Technologies named after G.F. Morozov, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.34220/my2021_82-89.
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This article is devoted to the research of the COVID-19 pandemic affected the economy of the Russian Federation and other countries of the world and its consequences on society. Today, the social policy of the Russian Federation and the whole world is experiencing great stress. The crisis, which arose due to the imposed restrictive measures to ensure the isolation regime in order to prevent the spread of COVID-2019 by foreign governments, revealed previously existing gaps in the provisions of social protection. The ways of formation and improvement of state support of incomes of the population during a crisis situation all over the world are considered. In the conditions of the crisis, the load on the social system has increased many times over, due to the increase in the number of poor citizens. Funding has been introduced for various measures, methods and ways to improve livelihoods and prevent the closure of Micro-Enterprises, SMEs of all types, self-employed and workers, in order to prevent unemployment caused by the global situation. The analysis of the gross domestic product and the effectiveness of the implemented additional measures of state support of the population’s income has been carried out. For example, the leading countries of the world were considered, such as: Russia, Austria, Canada, France, Germany, Israel, Italy, Japan, Spain, Sweden, United Kingdom, USA.
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Demir, Emre. « THE EMERGENCE OF A NEO-COMMUNITARIAN MOVEMENT IN THE TURKISH DIASPORA IN EUROPE : THE STRATEGIES OF SETTLEMENT AND COMPETITION OF GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN FRANCE AND GERMANY ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bkir8810.
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This paper examines the organisational and discursive strategies of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and its differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe, with the primary focus on the movement’s educational activities. The paper describes the characteristics of organisational activity among Turkish Muslims in Europe. Then it analyses two mainstream religious-communitarian movements and the contrasting settlement strategies of the “neo- communitarian” Gülen movement. Despite the large Turkish population in western Europe, the movement has been active there for only about ten years – relatively late compared to other Islamic organisations. Mainly, the associational organisation of Turkish Islam in Europe is based on two axes: the construction/ sponsoring of mosques and Qur’anic schools. By contrast, the Gülen movement’s members in Europe, insisting on ‘the great importance of secular education’, do not found or sponsor mosques and Qur’anic schools. Their principal focus is to address the problems of the immi- grant youth population in Europe, with reintegration of Turkish students into the educational system of the host societies as a first goal. On the one hand, as a neo-communitarian religious grouping, they strive for a larger share of the ‘market’ (i.e. more members from among the Turkish diaspora) by offering a fresh religious discourse and new organisational strategies, much as they have done in Turkey. On the other hand, they seek to gain legitimacy in the public sphere in Germany and France by building an educational network in these countries, just as they have done in Central Asia and the Balkans region. Accordingly, a reinvigorated and reorganised community is taking shape in western Europe. This paper examines the organizational and discursive strategies1 of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and it is differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe. We seek to analyse particularly the educational activities of this movement which appeared in the Islamic scene in Diaspora of Europe for the last 10 years. We focus on the case of Gülen movement because it represents a prime example amongst Islamic movements which seek to reconcile-or ac- commodate- with the secular system in Turkey. In spite of the exclusionary policy of Turkish secular state towards the religious movements, this faith-based social movement achieved to accommodate to the new socio-political conditions of Turkey. Today, for many searchers, Gülen movement brings Islam back to the public sphere by cross-fertilizing Islamic idioms with global discourses on human rights, democracy, and the market economy.2 Indeed, the activities of Gülen movement in the secular context of France and Germany represent an interesting sociological object. Firstly, we will describe the characteristics of organizational ability of Anatolian Islam in Europe. Then we will analyse the mainstream religious-com- munitarian movements (The National Perspective movement and Suleymanci community) and the settlement strategies of the “neo-communitarian”3 Gülen movement in the Turkish Muslim Diaspora. Based on semi-directive interviews with the directors of the learning centres in Germany and France and a 6 month participative observation of Gülen-inspired- activities in Strasbourg; we will try to answer the following questions: How the movement appropriates the “religious” manner and defines it in a secular context regarding to the host/ global society? How the message of Gülen is perceived among his followers and how does it have effect on acts of the Turkish Muslim community? How the movement realises the transmission of communitarian and `religious’ values and-especially-how they compete with other Islamic associations? In order to answer these questions, we will make an analysis which is based on two axes: Firstly, how the movement position within the Turkish-Islamic associational organisation? Secondly, we will try to describe the contact zones between the followers of Gülen and the global society.
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Babin, Anatolie, et Zorina Constantin Şişcan. « Discovery of the entrepreneurial potential of settlements, districts in the cross-border territory of the republic of Moldova-Ukraine on the basis of smart specialization approaches and priorities for sustainable territorial development ». Dans MODERN TRENDS IN BUSINESS AND MANAGEMENT : THEORY AND PRACTICE. Odessa National Maritime University, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31375/978-966-7716-90-5-57-58.
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In order for regions today to be globally competitive, their smart specialization strategies cannot be created by an approach limited to one particular region only. The grouping of objectives emphasizes the need to create greater external dynamism by coordinating and maximizing synergies with policy initiatives, instruments and infrastructures in other regions. In this regard, trans-regional cooperation is a central aspect and a challenge of «Smart specialization», especially for neighboring regions with a cross-border dimension. EU best practice shows that cross-border Smart Specialisation Strategies (RIS3T) are singular in the practice of the cross-border RIS approach in the EU. The examples of innovative crossborder cooperation between Portugal and Spain, Germany and France, show that the main objective of this approach is to generate economic knowledge, quality employment through localised smart infrastructure and social well-being by jointly promoting strengths and common challenges. Thus, the Cross-Border − RIS3 aims to enhance the Euroregion's participation in European tenders for inter-territorial cooperation and provides a framework for launching coordinated actions and projects capable of competing with great success in attracting funding within Horizon Europe. The development of such a strategy should be agreed and coordinated on both sides of the border − innovation organisations, clusters, universities and representatives of the European Commission's Joint Research Centre Smart Specialisation team.
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Akkaya, Cigdem, Jane Federowicz et Helmut Krcmar. « Use of social media by the German police ». Dans dg.o '18 : 19th Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research. New York, NY, USA : ACM, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3209281.3209396.
Texte intégralRapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Germany – Social policy"
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Mahdavian, Farnaz. Germany Country Report. University of Stavanger, février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.180.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Germany is a parliamentary democracy (The Federal Government, 2021) with two politically independent levels of 1) Federal (Bund) and 2) State (Länder or Bundesländer), and has a highly differentiated decentralized system of Government and administration (Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit, 2021). The 16 states in Germany have their own government and legislations which means the federal authority has the responsibility of formulating policy, and the states are responsible for implementation (Franzke, 2020). The Federal Government supports the states in dealing with extraordinary danger and the Federal Ministry of the Interior (BMI) supports the states' operations with technology, expertise and other services (Federal Ministry of Interior, Building and Community, 2020). Due to the decentralized system of government, the Federal Government does not have the power to impose pandemic emergency measures. In the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, in order to slowdown the spread of coronavirus, on 16 March 2020 the federal and state governments attempted to harmonize joint guidelines, however one month later State governments started to act more independently (Franzke & Kuhlmann, 2021). In Germany, health insurance is compulsory and more than 11% of Germany’s GDP goes into healthcare spending (Federal Statistical Office, 2021). Health related policy at the federal level is the primary responsibility of the Federal Ministry of Health. This ministry supervises institutions dealing with higher level of public health including the Federal Institute for Drugs and Medical Devices (BfArM), the Paul-Ehrlich-Institute (PEI), the Robert Koch Institute (RKI) and the Federal Centre for Health Education (Federal Ministry of Health, 2020). The first German National Pandemic Plan (NPP), published in 2005, comprises two parts. Part one, updated in 2017, provides a framework for the pandemic plans of the states and the implementation plans of the municipalities, and part two, updated in 2016, is the scientific part of the National Pandemic Plan (Robert Koch Institut, 2017). The joint Federal-State working group on pandemic planning was established in 2005. A pandemic plan for German citizens abroad was published by the German Foreign Office on its website in 2005 (Robert Koch Institut, 2017). In 2007, the federal and state Governments, under the joint leadership of the Federal Ministry of the Interior and the Federal Ministry of Health, simulated influenza pandemic exercise called LÜKEX 07, and trained cross-states and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007b). In 2017, within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with representatives from WHO and the World Bank to prepare for future pandemic events (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). By the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, on 27 February 2020, a joint crisis team of the Federal Ministry of the Interior (BMI) and the Federal Ministry of Health (BMG) was established (Die Bundesregierung, 2020a). On 4 March 2020 RKI published a Supplement to the National Pandemic Plan for COVID-19 (Robert Koch Institut, 2020d), and on 28 March 2020, a law for the protection of the population in an epidemic situation of national scope (Infektionsschutzgesetz) came into force (Bundesgesundheitsministerium, 2020b). In the first early phase of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, Germany managed to slow down the speed of the outbreak but was less successful in dealing with the second phase. Coronavirus-related information and measures were communicated through various platforms including TV, radio, press conferences, federal and state government official homepages, social media and applications. In mid-March 2020, the federal and state governments implemented extensive measures nationwide for pandemic containment. Step by step, social distancing and shutdowns were enforced by all Federal States, involving closing schools, day-cares and kindergartens, pubs, restaurants, shops, prayer services, borders, and imposing a curfew. To support those affected financially by the pandemic, the German Government provided large economic packages (Bundesministerium der Finanzen, 2020). These measures have adopted to the COVID-19 situation and changed over the pandemic. On 22 April 2020, the clinical trial of the corona vaccine was approved by Paul Ehrlich Institute, and in late December 2020, the distribution of vaccination in Germany and all other EU countries
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Werny, Rafaela, Marie Reich, Miranda Leontowitsch et Frank Oswald. EQualCare Policy Report Germany : Alone but connected ? Digital (in)equalities in care work and generational relationships among older people living alone. Frankfurter Forum für interdisziplinäre Alternsforschung, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main, octobre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/gups.69905.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The policy review is part of the project EQualCare: Alone but connected? Digital (in)equalities in care work and generational relationships among older people living alone, a three-year international project involving four countries: Finland, Germany, Latvia and Sweden. EQualCare interrogates inequalities by gender, cultural and socio-economic background between countries, with their different demographics and policy backgrounds. As a first step into empirical analysis, the policy review aims to set the stage for a better understanding of, and policy development on, the intersections of digitalisation with intergenerational care work and care relationships of older people living alone in Germany. The policy review follows a critical approach, in which the problems policy documents address are not considered objective entities, but rather discursively produced knowledge that renders visible some parts of the problem which is to be solved as other possible perspectives are simultaneously excluded. Twenty publicly available documents were studied to analyse the processes in which definitions of care work and digital (in)equalities are circulated, translated and negotiated between the different levels of national government, regional governments and municipalities as well as other agencies in Germany. The policy review consists of two parts: a background chapter providing information on the social structure of Germany, including the historical development of Germany after the Second World War, its political structure, information on the demographic situation with a focus on the 60+ age group, and the income of this age group. In addition, the background presents the structure of work and welfare, the organisation of care for old people, and the state of digitalisation in Germany. The analysis chapter includes a description of the method used as well as an overview of the documents chosen and analysed. The focus of this chapter is on the analysis of official documents that deal with the interplay of living alone in old age, care, and digitalisation. The analysis identified four themes: firstly, ageing is framed largely as a challenge to society, whereas digitalisation is framed as a potential way to tackle social challenges, such as an ageing society. Secondly, challenges of ageing, such as need of care, are set at the individual level, requiring people to organise their care within their own families and immediate social networks, with state support following a principle of subsidiarity. Thirdly, voluntary peer support provides the basis for addressing digital support needs and strategies. Publications by lobby organisations highlight the important work done by voluntary peer support for digital training and the benefits this approach has; they also draw attention to the over-reliance on this form of unpaid support and call for an increase in professional support in ensuring all older people are supported in digital life. Fourthly, ageing as a hinderance to participation in digital life is seen as an interim challenge among younger old people already online.
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Cavaille, Charlotte, Federica Liberini, Michela Redoano, Anandi Mani, Vera E. Troeger, Helen Miller, Ioana Marinescu et al. Which Way Now ? Economic Policy after a Decade of Upheaval : A CAGE Policy Report. Sous la direction de Vera E. Troeger. The Social Market Foundation, février 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/978-1-910683-41-5.
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Most, if not all advanced economies have suffered gravely from the 2008 global financial crisis. Growth, productivity, real income and consumption have plunged and inequality, and in some cases poverty, spiked. Some countries, like Germany and Australia, were better able to cope with the consequences but austerity has taken its toll even on the strongest economies. The UK is no exception and the more recent period of economic recovery might be halted or even reversed by the political, economic, and policy uncertainty created by the Brexit referendum. This uncertainty related risk to growth could be even greater if the UK leaves the economic and legal framework provided by the EU. This CAGE policy report offers proposals from different perspectives to answer the overarching question: What is the role of a government in a modern economy after the global financial crisis and the Brexit vote? We report on economic and social challenges in the UK and discuss potential policy responses for the government to consider. Foreword by: Lord O’Donnell of Clapham.
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Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml et Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.
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The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.
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Heyns,, Christof, Rachel Jewkes,, Sandra Liebenberg, et Christopher Mbazira,. The Hidden Crisis : Mental Health on Times of Covid-19. Academy of Science of South Africa (ASSAf), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/assaf.2019/0066.
Texte intégralRésumé :
[This Report links with the video "The policy & practice of drug, alcohol & tobacco use during Covid-19" http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11911/171 ]. The COVID-19 pandemic is most notably a physical health crisis, but it strongly affects mental health as well. Social isolation, job and financial losses, uncertainty about the real impact of the crisis, and fear for physical well-being affect the mental health of many people worldwide. These stressors can increase emotional distress and lead to depression and anxiety disorders. At the same time, there are enormous challenges on the health care side. People in need of mental health support have been increasingly confronted with limitations and interruptions of mental health services in many countries. In May 2020, the United Nations already warned that the COVID-19 pandemic has the seeds of a major mental health crisis if action is not taken. The panel discussed and analysed mental health in times of the COVID-19 pandemic with reference to South Africa, Nigeria, Germany and Spain.
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Dinges, Michael, Christiane Kerlen, Peter Kaufmann, Anna Wang, Kathleen Toepel, Jakob Kofler, Stefan Meyer et Harald Wieser. Theories of change for transformation-oriented R&I polices : the case of the 7th Energy Research Programme in Germany. Fteval - Austrian Platform for Research and Technology Policy Evaluation, avril 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22163/fteval.2022.542.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article investigates how Theories of Change for transformation-oriented R&I programmes can be designed to better grasp system transformation processes and thereby set the basis for a deeper understanding of transformative impact mechanisms and programme learning. The analysis is based within the realm of the energy system, which is an area of specific concern for socio-technical transformation. It focuses on the “7th Energy Research Programme” (EFP) of the German Federal Ministry of Economic Affairs and Climate Action, which is the key R&I policy instrument contributing to the transformation of the energy system in Germany. The article shows how a programme theory approach can be combined with multi-level perspective innovation system thinking and the concept of transformative outcomes to increase the evaluability of complex, transformation-oriented R&I programmes.
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Arora, Sanjana, Hulda Mjöll Gunnarsdottir et Kristin Sørung Scharffscher. Gendered dimensions of the COVID-19 Pandemic. University of Stavanger, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.255.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This report forms part of the deliverables produced by the international research project Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak (PAN-FIGHT), funded by the Norwegian Research Council. It provides an overview of project findings pertaining the gender dimensions of the pandemic, with a particular focus on risk perceptions, compliance and vulnerability. The COVID-19 pandemic has reiterated that the impacts of a crisis are not homogenous. Gender, which encapsulates both biological and socio-cultural ways of being, plays a role in how crises are experienced. This is evidenced by the health, economic as well as societal consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic which have affected women and men, girls and boys differently. Knowledge about gendered implications of the pandemic is thus vital for designing equitable policy responses. This report draws on evidence from former research as well as on findings from an online survey conducted as part of the project’s data collection in 2021. The survey, reaching out to respondents in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom, investigated public risk perceptions, reactions to governmental of risk communication about COVID-19, compliance with governmental restrictions and risk mitigation measures and vulnerability during the pandemic (N=4206).
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Drury, J., S. Arias, T. Au-Yeung, D. Barr, L. Bell, T. Butler, H. Carter et al. Public behaviour in response to perceived hostile threats : an evidence base and guide for practitioners and policymakers. University of Sussex, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.20919/vjvt7448.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Background: Public behaviour and the new hostile threats • Civil contingencies planning and preparedness for hostile threats requires accurate and up to date knowledge about how the public might behave in relation to such incidents. Inaccurate understandings of public behaviour can lead to dangerous and counterproductive practices and policies. • There is consistent evidence across both hostile threats and other kinds of emergencies and disasters that significant numbers of those affected give each other support, cooperate, and otherwise interact socially within the incident itself. • In emergency incidents, competition among those affected occurs in only limited situations, and loss of behavioural control is rare. • Spontaneous cooperation among the public in emergency incidents, based on either social capital or emergent social identity, is a crucial part of civil contingencies planning. • There has been relatively little research on public behaviour in response to the new hostile threats of the past ten years, however. • The programme of work summarized in this briefing document came about in response to a wave of false alarm flight incidents in the 2010s, linked to the new hostile threats (i.e., marauding terrorist attacks). • By using a combination of archive data for incidents in Great Britain 2010-2019, interviews, video data analysis, and controlled experiments using virtual reality technology, we were able to examine experiences, measure behaviour, and test hypotheses about underlying psychological mechanisms in both false alarms and public interventions against a hostile threat. Re-visiting the relationship between false alarms and crowd disasters • The Bethnal Green tube disaster of 1943, in which 173 people died, has historically been used to suggest that (mis)perceived hostile threats can lead to uncontrolled ‘stampedes’. • Re-analysis of witness statements suggests that public fears of Germany bombs were realistic rather than unreasonable, and that flight behaviour was socially structured rather than uncontrolled. • Evidence for a causal link between the flight of the crowd and the fatal crowd collapse is weak at best. • Altogether, the analysis suggests the importance of examining people’s beliefs about context to understand when they might interpret ambiguous signals as a hostile threat, and that. Tthe concepts of norms and relationships offer better ways to explain such incidents than ‘mass panic’. Why false alarms occur • The wider context of terrorist threat provides a framing for the public’s perception of signals as evidence of hostile threats. In particular, the magnitude of recent psychologically relevant terrorist attacks predicts likelihood of false alarm flight incidents. • False alarms in Great Britain are more likely to occur in those towns and cities that have seen genuine terrorist incidents. • False alarms in Great Britain are more likely to occur in the types of location where terrorist attacks happen, such as shopping areass, transport hubs, and other crowded places. • The urgent or flight behaviour of other people (including the emergency services) influences public perceptions that there is a hostile threat, particularly in situations of greater ambiguity, and particularly when these other people are ingroup. • High profile tweets suggesting a hostile threat, including from the police, have been associated with the size and scale of false alarm responses. • In most cases, it is a combination of factors – context, others’ behaviour, communications – that leads people to flee. A false alarm tends not to be sudden or impulsive, and often follows an initial phase of discounting threat – as with many genuine emergencies. 2.4 How the public behave in false alarm flight incidents • Even in those false alarm incidents where there is urgent flight, there are also other behaviours than running, including ignoring the ‘threat’, and walking away. • Injuries occur but recorded injuries are relatively uncommon. • Hiding is a common behaviour. In our evidence, this was facilitated by orders from police and offers from people staff in shops and other premises. • Supportive behaviours are common, including informational and emotional support. • Members of the public often cooperate with the emergency services and comply with their orders but also question instructions when the rationale is unclear. • Pushing, trampling and other competitive behaviour can occur,s but only in restricted situations and briefly. • At the Oxford Street Black Friday 2017 false alarm, rather than an overall sense of unity across the crowd, camaraderie existed only in pockets. This was likely due to the lack of a sense of common fate or reference point across the incident; the fragmented experience would have hindered the development of a shared social identity across the crowd. • Large and high profile false alarm incidents may be associated with significant levels of distress and even humiliation among those members of the public affected, both at the time and in the aftermath, as the rest of society reflects and comments on the incident. Public behaviour in response to visible marauding attackers • Spontaneous, coordinated public responses to marauding bladed attacks have been observed on a number of occasions. • Close examination of marauding bladed attacks suggests that members of the public engage in a wide variety of behaviours, not just flight. • Members of the public responding to marauding bladed attacks adopt a variety of complementary roles. These, that may include defending, communicating, first aid, recruiting others, marshalling, negotiating, risk assessment, and evidence gathering. Recommendations for practitioners and policymakers • Embed the psychology of public behaviour in emergencies in your training and guidance. • Continue to inform the public and promote public awareness where there is an increased threat. • Build long-term relations with the public to achieve trust and influence in emergency preparedness. • Use a unifying language and supportive forms of communication to enhance unity both within the crowd and between the crowd and the authorities. • Authorities and responders should take a reflexive approach to their responses to possible hostile threats, by reflecting upon how their actions might be perceived by the public and impact (positively and negatively) upon public behaviour. • To give emotional support, prioritize informative and actionable risk and crisis communication over emotional reassurances. • Provide first aid kits in transport infrastructures to enable some members of the public more effectively to act as zero responders.
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Nilsson Lewis, Astrid, Kaidi Kaaret, Eileen Torres Morales, Evelin Piirsalu et Katarina Axelsson. Accelerating green public procurement for decarbonization of the construction and road transport sectors in the EU. Stockholm Environment Institute, février 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2023.007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Public procurement of goods and services contributes to about 15% of global greenhouse gas emissions. In the EU, public purchasing represents 15% of its GDP, acting as a major influencer on the market through the products and services acquired by governments from the local to national levels. The public sector has a role to play in leveraging this purchasing power to achieve the best societal value for money, particularly as we scramble to bend the curve of our planet’s warming. Globally, the construction and transport sectors each represent about 12% of government procurements’ GHG emissions. Furthermore, these sectors’ decarbonization efforts demand profound and disruptive technological shifts. Hence, prioritizing these sectors can make the greatest impact towards reducing the environmental footprint of the public sector and support faster decarbonization of key emitting industries. Meanwhile, the EU committed to achieving 55% reduction in GHG emissions by 2030 compared to 1990 levels. Drastic emissions reductions are needed at an unprecedented speed and scale to achieve this goal. Green Public Procurement (GPP) is the practice of purchasing goods and services using environmental requirements, with the aim of cutting carbon emissions and mitigating environmental harm throughout the life cycle of the product or service. While the EU and many of its Member States alike have recognized GPP as an important tool to meet climate goals, the formalization of GPP requirements at the EU level or among local and national governments has been fragmented. We call for harmonization to achieve the consistency, scale and focus required to make GPP practices a powerful decarbonization tool. We surveyed the landscape of GPP in the EU, with a focus on construction and road transport. Through interviews and policy research, we compiled case studies of eight Member States with different profiles: Sweden, the Netherlands, France, Germany, Estonia, Poland, Spain and Italy. We used this information to identify solutions and best practices, and to set forth recommendations on how the EU and its countries can harmonize and strengthen their GPP policies on the path toward cutting their contributions to climate change. What we found was a scattered approach to GPP across the board, with few binding requirements, little oversight and scant connective tissue from national to local practices or across different Member States, making it difficult to evaluate progress or compare practices. Interviewees, including policy makers, procurement experts and procurement officers from the featured Member States, highlighted the lack of time or resources to adopt progressive GPP practices, with no real incentive to pursue it. Furthermore, we found a need for more awareness and clear guidance on how to leverage GPP for impactful societal outcomes. Doing so requires better harmonized processes, data, and ways to track the impact and progress achieved. That is not to say it is entirely neglected. Most Member States studied highlight GPP in various national plans and have set targets accordingly. Countries, regions, and cities such as the Netherlands, Catalonia and Berlin serve as beacons of GPP with robust goals and higher ambition. They lead the way in showing how GPP can help mitigate climate change. For example, the Netherlands is one of the few countries that monitors the effects of GPP, and showed that public procurement for eight product groups in 2015 and 2016 led to at least 4.9 metric tons of avoided GHG emissions. Similarly, a monitoring report from 2017 showed that the State of Berlin managed to cut its GHG emissions by 47% through GPP in 15 product groups. Spain’s Catalonia region set a goal of 50% of procurements using GPP by 2025, an all-electric in public vehicle fleet and 100% renewable energy powering public buildings by 2030. Drawing from these findings, we developed recommendations on how to bolster GPP and scale it to its full potential. In governance, policies, monitoring, implementation and uptake, some common themes exist. The need for: • Better-coordinated policies • Common metrics for measuring progress and evaluating tenders • Increased resources such as time, funding and support mechanisms • Greater collaboration and knowledge exchange among procurers and businesses • Clearer incentives, binding requirements and enforcement mechanisms, covering operational and embedded emissions With a concerted and unified movement toward GPP, the EU and its Member States can send strong market signals to the companies that depend on them for business, accelerating the decarbonization process that our planet requires.