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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Germany – Politics and government – 1815-1866"
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PALMOWSKI, JAN. « THE POLITICS OF THE ‘UNPOLITICAL GERMAN’ : LIBERALISM IN GERMAN LOCAL GOVERNMENT, 1860–1880 ». Historical Journal 42, no 3 (septembre 1999) : 675–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008602.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Contrary to the widespread assumption that in imperial Germany urban affairs were conducted by a homogeneous ‘unpolitical’ notable elite until around 1900, a review of recently published case studies suggests that politics had entered local government by the 1870s. Frequent causes for the politicization of local affairs included confessional divisions, territorial change, or simply the wish of local elites to buttress their own positions. The ways in which liberals in particular took advantage of this emergence of political discourse at the urban level is highlighted by the case of Frankfurt am Main. The city's three liberal parties developed in competition with each other. Each managed to address and articulate the citizens' peculiar grievances with differing degrees of success. By 1880, public life inside and outside the town hall was conducted according to political ground rules, and this was accepted by every party. Against the still prevailing view of a rigid liberalism which after 1874 was in evident terminal decline, the decade after 1866 needs to be recognized as the period in which liberals took charge of municipal government across most of Germany, through the politicization of often highly individual local concerns with astonishing sophistication and flexibility.
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GREEN, ABIGAIL. « INTERVENING IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE : GERMAN GOVERNMENTS AND THE PRESS, 1815–1870 ». Historical Journal 44, no 1 (mars 2001) : 155–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01001716.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article argues that the growth of a free press in nineteenth-century Germany went hand in hand with the growth of an official, government-sponsored, press. The collapse of pre-publication censorship in 1848 prompted the development of increasingly sophisticated (and relatively successful) press control strategies by German governments, in the shape of official newspapers, semi-official newspapers, and indirect government press influence. Government press policy was essentially reactive. Changes in press policy were usually prompted by political events. Furthermore, government press coverage was forced to reflect shifts in public opinion in order to maximize readership of official propaganda. Government press policy focused not just on the dissemination of pro-government opinion, but also on the dissemination of pro-government information, probably the most effective form of government press influence. News management was subtle, and targeted small circulation local newspapers, rather than high profile opposition newspapers. Consequently, historians have tended to overlook the scale of government news management.
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Żelichowski, Ryszard. « Poles and Finns under Russian rule ». Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej 8 (30 décembre 2019) : 47–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2300-0562.08.03.
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An attempt to compare Russian Tsar Alexander I was the head of the Grand Duchy of Finland, which the Russian army captured in 1809 as a result of the Russo-Swedish war. The final act of the Congress of Vienna of June 1815 decided to establish the Kingdom of Poland. Beside the title of Grand Duke of Finland tsar, Alexander I was awarded the title of the King of Poland. From that moment on, for over one hundred years, the fate of the Grand Duchy of Finland and the Kingdom of Poland was intertwined during the rule of five Russian tsars.
The aim of this paper is to answer the question whether two different ways on the road to independence – romantic Polish way with national uprisings, and pragmatic Finnish, relative loyal to the Russian tsars – had an impact on their policy towards both nations. The Kingdom of Poland and the Duchy of Finland were autonomous, were in a personal union with Russian tsars, had their own constitutions, parliaments, armies, monetary systems and educational structures, and official activities were held in Polish (Polish Kingdom) and Swedish (in the Grand Duchy of Finland). Both countries also had their own universities.
The first national uprising in the Kingdom of Poland, which broke out in November 1830, resulted in a wave of repression. The Constitution was replaced by the so-called The Organic Statute, the Sejm (the Parliament) and the independent army were liquidated. The Kingdom was occupied by the mighty Russian army, and in 1833 martial law was introduced. The second national uprising of January 1863 led to another wave of repression and intensive Russification of Polish territories. In 1867, the autonomy of the Kingdom of Poland, its name and budget were abolished. From 1872 the Polish language was only an optional choice. After 1863, the policy of the Russian authorities changed towards the Grand Duchy.
A session of the Finnish parliament (Eduskunta) was convened for the first time since 1809, the new parliamentary law allowed the dissemination of the Finnish language. After the deadly assault on Alexander II in 1881, his son Alexander III made attempts to limit also Finland’s autonomy. The years 1899–1904 were called the first period of Russification in Finland (“the first period of oppression”). The Manifesto of June 1900 introduced obligatory Russian language in correspondence of officials with Russia. In 1901, the national Finnish army was liquidated. In Russia this was the beginning of the process of the empire’s unification into one cultural, political and economic system. After a short thaw as a result of the 1905 revolution in Russia, the Grand Duchy of Finland, the so-called “second period of oppression” and anti-Finnish politics took place. During the great war of 1914–1918, the Grand Duchy was on the side of Russia. The territories of the former Kingdom of Poland were under German rule since 1915. After the outbreak of the revolution in Russia, the Eduskunta (on 6 December 1917) passed a Declaration of Independence. After a short period of regency, on 19 July 1919, the Finns adopted the republican system with a parliamentary form of government.
On 11 November 1918 Germany surrendered on the Western Front. On that day, the Regency Council in Warsaw handed over military authority to the Polish Legion commander Józef Piłsudski. Although Poland still had to fight for the final shape of the state, the 11th of November 1918 is considered the first day of recovered Polish independence.
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Sterkhov, Dmitry. « Between Hegemony and Federalism. The Prussian Plans to Create the North German Imperial Confederation in the Summer of 1806 ». ISTORIYA 13, no 9 (119) (2022) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019088-5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is focused on Prussian attempts to separate the North German territories from the rest of the Holy Roman Empire during the summer months of 1806 with the aim of creating a North German Imperial Confederation under the Prussian protection. The reasons behind the possible foundation of the North German Imperial Confederation as well as the journalistic activities around this Prussian project are also in the centre of attention. The structure of the supposed North German Confederation are analyzed on the basis of plans and projects elaborated by the Prussian politicians and diplomats in July and August 1806. The deliberations over the joining to the Confederation were conducted by the Prussian government with the Electors of Hesse and Saxony as well as with the Hanseatic cities of Hamburg, Lübeck and Bremen which were supposed to become the major members of the Prussian-dominated North German state. The analysis has shown that the Prussian government considered the possible North German Imperial Confederation as thelegal successor of the Holy Roman Empire, with Habsburgs being replaced by the Hohenzollern dynasty. The Prussian claims on the inheritance of the Holy Roman Empire and on the hegemony in the Northern Germany were met with discontent on the part of Hesse and especially Saxony, which impelled the Prussian politicians to repeatedly modify their projects, adding more elements of federalism to them. Despite all the concessions, Prussia eventually failed to unite the Northern Germany under its protection. The reasons for this lie both in the separatism of the North German principalities and cities, and in inner inconsistency and crudity of the Prussian projects. France and Great Britain also impeded the Prussian plans since neither of them was interested in a separate North German state under Prussian control. Napoleon's refusal to support Prussia's attempts to unify the Northern Germany was used by the Prussian government as a pretext to declare war on France in October 1806 which ended with dramatic Prussian defeat. Despite the fact that the Prussian plans to create a North German Imperial Confederation in the summer of 1806 were never realized, this was one of the many possible ways of the evolution of the German statehood in the early 19th century. It was finally put into practice half a century later, in the form of the North German Confederation in 1866.
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Matsiuk, H. P. « Towards a typology of language situations in historical sociolinguistics. The language situation in Kholmshchyna and Pidliashshia in 1815-1915 ». Movoznavstvo 318, no 3 (2 juillet 2021) : 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33190/0027-2833-318-2021-3-002.
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The article seeks to study a new period in the typological characteristics of language situations related to the functions of the Ukrainian language. The purpose of the article is to analyze the changes in the language situation and the causal interaction of social functions of languages used by the indigenous Ukrainian population on the outskirts of ethnically Ukrainian territory of Kholmshchyna and Pidliashshia in 1815–1915. In order to reach this goal, the author reveals the political factors that led to a variety of language situations, communicative practices, and assimilation processes. The analysis is based on the results of interdisciplinary research on the history, politics, and culture of Kholmshchyna and Pidliashshia, as well as the works on historical sociolinguistics. The sources of analysis include travel records, memoirs, and documents, to which the method of sociolinguistic interpretation and reinterpretation is applied, as well as comparative and biographical methods, elements of discourse analysis. The results testify to three geopolitical influences that changed the directions of development of the language situation: the transition of territories within the Kingdom of Poland to the Russian Empire in 1815; military actions on the territory of Kholmshchyna and Pidliashshia during the First World War in 1914– 1915; the arrival of the new occupation authorities in 1915. In early 20th century, there was a decrease in the number of native speakers of the Ukrainian language: after the permitted conversion from Orthodoxy to the Roman Catholic faith under the tsarist law of 1905 and in connection with the deportation in 1915. Communicative practices of Ukrainians in different spheres of life included a combination of languages: colloquial Ukrainian and Polish, literary Polish, Russian and occasionally Ukrainian, Church Slavonic with Ukrainian and Russian pronunciations, and the German language. Based on the assimilative interaction of the languages, it might be suggested that the life of Ukrainians took place in the face of Polonization. This was particularly a manifestation of the resistance of the Polish and non-Polish population to the tsarist government as an occupation after the uprisings of 1831 and 1863–64, and after 1875, and Russification as a result of the planned conversion of Greek Catholics to Orthodoxy, the creation of new educational institutions and separation on the basis of Lublin and Siedlce Voivodeships
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Grasmeder, Elizabeth M. F. « Leaning on Legionnaires : Why Modern States Recruit Foreign Soldiers ». International Security 46, no 1 (2021) : 147–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00411.
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Abstract Why do modern states recruit legionnaires—foreigners who are neither citizens nor subjects of the country whose military they serve? Rather than exclusively enlist citizens for soldiers, for the past two centuries states have mobilized legionnaires to help wage offensives, project power abroad, and suppress dissent. A supply-and-demand argument explains why states recruit these troops, framing the choice to mobilize legionnaires as a function of political factors that constrain the government's leeway to recruit domestically and its perceptions about the territorial threats it faces externally. A multimethod approach evaluates these claims, first by examining an original dataset of legionnaire recruitment from 1815 to 2020, then by employing congruence tests across World War II participants, and finally by conducting a detailed review of a hard test case for the argument—Nazi Germany. The prevalence of states’ recruitment of legionnaires calls for a reevaluation of existing narratives about the development of modern militaries and provides new insights into how states balance among the competing imperatives of identity, norms, and security. Legionnaire recruitment also underscores the need to recalibrate existing methods of calculating net assessments and preparing for strategic surprise. Far from being bound to a state's citizenry or borders, the theory and evidence show how governments use legionnaires to buttress their military power and to engineer rapid changes in the quality and quantity of the soldiers that they field.
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Ragozin, G. S. « Conservative approach towards the Austrian identity in works by Friedrich von Gentz and Adam Muller von Nitterdorf (1816-1832) ». Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no 480 (2023) : 123–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/480/15.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article deals with the issue of Austrian identity emergence and transformation in conservative intellectual discourse of 1816-1832, concentrating on the legacy of Friedrich von Gentz and Adam Muller von Nitterdorf. The author analyzed ideas presented in works by Friedrich von Gentz, e.g. Manifestos of Emperor Francis I he edited; his speculations on the political systems of Austria, Germany and Europe; his essays published in Osterreichischer Beobachter [Austrian Observer]. The author also analyzed works by Adam Muller von Nitterdorf, including his political essays, panegyric pamphlets addressed to Emperor Francis I and the didactic essay on school education based on dynastic patriotism. The correspondence of the two public figures was also studied. The research methodology is based on the history of concepts that deals with the emergence and evolution of a certain concept in its historical and political contexts. Besides, the author employed the terms and concepts “historical memory”, “historical discourse” and “identity”. The conservative political thought of the Austrian Empire was the main context for speculations on the Austrian identity and also referred to criticism against the French Revolution of the 18th century and to the revisiting of the Napoleonic Wars in the Vormarz period (1815-1848). The author came to the following conclusions. Both intellectuals had a similar approach towards the role of the monarch and loyalty towards him as a core self-identification element for the Austrian Empire's multiethnic population - a “family of peoples”, according to Gentz. This image was broadcast via periodicals monopolized by the officials after the Karlsbad decrees. The “organic constitution” concept played a vital role. According to both intellectuals, Francis I was also a formal symbol of Austrian leadership in German lands. At the same time, Gentz and Muller had a different understanding of an “Austrian”. Muller referred to universalist patterns from previous periods with his speculations on an “Austrian” as a sum of all communities living within the empire. On the contrary, Gentz referred to an “Austrian“ as a subject of the empire with German as a native language and belonging to German culture. Such contradictions were significant in distorting the identity policy of the Metternich government. At the same time, both intellectuals agreed that reinforcing this identity is possible only with the active support of the authorities. For the rest of the society it was to be implemented via school education. The Catholic church was also to play an important role in implementing the policy, with the Josephinism and neo-Josephinism approaches of active inclusion of the clergy into leading the public opinion in a required discourse. After the two intellectuals and the emperor passed away, the conservative doctrine failed to preserve its leadership in the Empire.
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Rowe, Michael. « France, Prussia, or Germany ? The Napoleonic Wars and Shifting Allegiances in the Rhineland ». Central European History 39, no 4 (décembre 2006) : 611–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906000203.
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The following article focuses on the Rhineland, and more specifically, the region on the left (or west) bank of the Rhine bounded in the north and west by the Low Countries and France. This German-speaking region was occupied by the armies of revolutionary France after 1792. De jure annexation followed the Treaty of Lunéville (1801), and French rule lasted until 1814. Most of the Rhineland was awarded in 1815 to Prussia and remained a constituent part until after the Second World War. The Rhineland experienced Napoleonic rule first hand. Its four departments—the Roër, Rhin-et-Moselle, Sarre, and Mont-Tonnerre—were treated like the others in metropolitan France, and it is this status that makes the region distinct in German-speaking Europe. This had consequences both in the Napoleonic period and in the century that followed the departure of the last French soldier. This alone would constitute sufficient reason for studying the region. More broadly, however, the Rhenish experience in the French period sheds light on the much broader phenomena of state formation and nation building. Before 1792, the Rhenish political order appeared in many respects a throwback to the late Middle Ages. Extreme territorial fragmentation, city states, church states, and mini states distinguished its landscape. These survived the early-modern period thanks in part to Great Power rivalry and the protective mantle provided by the Holy Roman Empire. Then, suddenly, came rule by France which, in the form of the First Republic and Napoleon's First Empire, represented the most demanding state the world had seen up to that point. This state imposed itself on a region unused to big government. It might be thought that bitter confrontation would have resulted. Yet, and here is a paradox this article wishes to address, many aspects of French rule gained acceptance in the region, and defense of the Napoleonic legacy formed a component of the “Rhenish” identity that came into being in the nineteenth century.
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Zimmermann, Peter. « Uwarunkowania historyczne roli i statusu języka polskiego w systemie edukacji w Galicji 1. połowy XIX wieku ». Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Językoznawcza 23, no 2 (4 décembre 2016) : 245–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pspsj.2016.23.2.14.
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During the partitions of Poland in 1772, 1795 and 1815 its southern part was annexed by the Habsburg Monarchy and integrated into the Austrian Empire as the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria. Till the end of World War I the inhabitants of Galicia were citizens of the Austrian Empire and their lives were influenced by the political and social ideology of the Austrian government. One of the most significant changes were connected to the language issue. Austrian or German-speaking officials came to Galicia and so did German as it became the main administrative language. This was also the case for the Austrian education system, which mainly focused on teaching German language as they wanted to integrate the multilingual and multicultural inhabitants of the Austrian Empire under the leadership of the Austrian rulers.This article deals with the issue how the Austrian education system influenced the development and understanding of national consciousness of the Polish population in Galicia in the first half of the 19th century by analysing which role the Polish language played in the primary and secondary school system. This period is important because it shows the main intentions of the Austrian educational system and also because the first important School Laws were passed, which influenced the education system in Galicia for over half the century.This article is structured in two parts. The first part contains an analysis of the most important School Laws. The aim is to show the intentions and the ideology which guided the Austrian government in creating the education system and to analyse which role the Polish language played in it. The second part deals with the actual effects of the Austrian education policy for the young Polish generations of Galicia. This will allow a more realistic interpretation of the influence the education system in Galicia had on building or suppressing the development of a Polish national consciousness. This part includes analyses of school statistics and most importantly memories from schooldays from former Galician school children which gives an inside on the role the Polish language played in the school and in their own lives.
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Crouzet, François. « Outside the walls of Europe – the pax britannica ». European Review 7, no 4 (octobre 1999) : 447–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004373.
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This article discusses the validity for historians of the concept of a pax britannica (a reminiscence, of course, of the pax romana), which Britain would have imposed during the 19th century, when she was the only superpower. Admittedly, from 1815 to 1914, there was no general war, even though ‘small’ wars broke out in Europe and overseas. The superior economic and naval power of Britain obliged France to avoid open conflict; Russia was also constrained, but not without the Crimean war. On the other hand, the influence of Britain in Europe had its limits, and eventually the British panicked before the rise of a strong German navy and this was a significant factor in the origins of World War I. Thanks to peace in Europe, Britain could devote her energies to overseas expansion. Besides her Empire stricto sensu, which grew relentlessly, she had a vast ‘informal Empire’ where the ‘imperialism of free trade’ prevailed. Altogether, the notion of pax britannica is most legitimate within the ‘formal’ empire. To her subject peoples Britain brought law and order, honest and efficient government, some economic development and a fast demographic growth. Pax britannica was both myth and reality, but it evaporated as Britain lost her economic and naval ascendancy.
Thèses sur le sujet "Germany – Politics and government – 1815-1866"
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Ross, Anna. « Post-revolutionary politics in Prussia, 1848-1858 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648508.
Texte intégral
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Palmowski, Jan. « Liberalism and the city : the case of Frankfurt am Main, 1866-1914 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1e1b5618-6038-42d2-98b7-ecec90ea7805.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Although in the German Empire the cities were major strongholds of political liberalism, this fact has until very recently attracted little attention from scholars preoccupied with the history of 'high politics' leading up to the two World Wars. This thesis is one of the first analyses of German liberalism at city level, and proceeds from the assumption that in a country with such a regionally and locally diverse political culture as Germany, this type of 'history from below' is a necessary precondition for any satisfactory understanding of the nature of German liberalism in general. Following the introduction, chapter two demonstrates that in Frankfurt, local government became politicised as early as the 1870s. Indeed, chapter three shows how the early experience of Frankfurt liberals in municipal politics was crucial as they defended themselves against emerging political groups during the following decades, particularly the Mittelstand and the SPD. The fourth chapter analyses the development of liberal attitudes towards municipal finance as a background to chapter five which uses the example of Frankfurt to demonstrate how crucial the issue of municipal finance was to the viability of local liberalism not just in theory, but also in practice. Chapter six considers the importance of education to local liberalism as it touched on a number of themes which were central to urban liberals' understanding of themselves, in particular the issues of local self-government and religion. The final chapter looks at the crucial area of social policy, to see to what extent local liberals were merely reactive, and to what extent they were innovative as they faced the new problems of urbanisation and industrialisation. The sophistication of liberal politics in local government, the only level of government where liberals were in the position of carrying out their policies, underlines the gravity of the problem which the lack of parliamentary government posed for liberals at the state and national level. Furthermore, the thesis points to a central dilemma, because, to be successful in Frankfurt and other regions, liberals had to respond to the particular culture at the local level, a requirement that was in direct contrast to the necessity of finding a coherent political consensus at the level of national and state politics. Even though at the local level the liberal capacity of responding to the social and political challenges of their rapidly changing environment has been proved beyond doubt, their policies, their rhetoric and their organisational lead could have only a very limited effect on German liberalism in general. The urban liberals' ideal of creating a more liberal society from 'the bottom up', through the cities, was undermined by the fact that the political future of German liberalism at the state and national level came to rest increasingly on its electoral appeal in the countryside, just at a time when urban liberal self-consciousness reached its peak.
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PRUTSCH, Markus J. « The Charte constitutionnelle of 1814 and Süddeutscher Frühkonstitutionalismus : Transfer and reception of 'Monarchical Constitutionalism' in Post-Napoleonic Europe ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13282.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence Date: 25/09/2009Examining Board: Prof. Dr. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, European University Institute (Italy); Prof. Dr. Martin van Gelderen, European University Institute (Italy); Prof. Dr. Brigitte Mazohl, University of Innsbruck (Austria); Prof. Dr. Dres. h.c. Volker Sellin, University of Heidelberg (Germany)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The objectives of this enquiry are essentially concerned with reaching a better understanding of the course, form and intensity of constitutional transfer by analysing the transnational impact (or perhaps ‘non-impact’) of the Charte constitutionalism on what is generally referred to as ‘Southern German constitutionalism’. Even though the Southern German countries weighed lightly in the European balance of power, their history is singularly interesting, not least because they were the first two territorial states in Germany which received a constitution after 1814. Developments there thus served as a signal for political life and constitutionalisation processes throughout Germany during the 19th century. Undoubtedly, a study encompassing all the Southern German states would be desirable. However, this enquiry cannot and does not set out to fulfil such task. What it does do is to take a closer and more in-depth look at a limited number of research cases by focusing on the two examples of Bavaria and Baden. Both these states accomplished constitutionalisation over the shortest period of time and in doing so became, so to speak, the ‘foremost of forerunners’. They, therefore, exemplify in their constitutional demands, issues and challenges the whole process of constitutionalisation in Southern Germany. Württemberg, and sometimes also Hesse-Darmstadt, are usually also considered to be an ‘integral part’ of early Southern German constitutionalism, but will not be dealt with in detail in this study. The reason for this being is not least, apart from the pragmatic demands of having to limit the number of cases, that Württemberg is by far the best researched of all the Southern German states due to the conflict-ridden nature of its constitutionalisation process.
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HEINICKEL, Gunter. « Auf der Suche nach einem 'dritten Weg' : Adelsreformideen in Preußen bürokratischem Absolutismus und demokratisierendem Konstitutionalismus 1806-1854 ». Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14483.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 31 March 2010Examining Board: Prof. Dr. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, European University Institute Florence; Prof. Dr. Michael G. Müller, Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg; Prof. Dr. Heinz Reif, Technische Universität Berlin; Prof. Dr. Witold Molik, Adam Mickiewicz University Poznan.
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
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REITER, Herbert. « Politisches Asyl im 19 Jahrhundert : die deutschen politischen Flüchtlinge des Vormärz und der Revolution von 184849 in Europa und den USA ». Doctoral thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5956.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 24 June 1988Examining board: Prof. Dr. W.P. Adams, Freie Universität Berlin ; Prof. Dr. C. Fohlen, Universität Paris 1 (EHI) ; Prof. Dr. P. Hertner, Europäisches Hochschulinstitut ; Prof. Dr. G. Moltmann, Universität Hamburg
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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« Bismarck as strateeg met besondere verwysing na die tydperk 1851-1871 ». Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/14730.
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Dakkach, Patrick. « Julius Caesar in Gaul and Germania : strategy, tactics, and the use of aggressive diplomacy as a tool for war ». Thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/25459.
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Alors que César et ses écrits ont fait l’objet d’une étude approfondie au cours des deux derniers
siècles, comment étudier ses commentaires de manière différente? En utilisant une nouvelle
approche mise au point par Arthur M. Eckstein dans son oeuvre Mediterranean Anarchy, Interstate
War, and the Rise of Rome qui soutient que Rome a conquis de manière opportuniste l'Italie et la
Méditerranée orientale à travers une série de guerres défensives ou « d’invitations ». La nouveauté
de cette approche est son utilisation des paradigmes de la science politique misant surtout sur le
concept de l'anarchie réaliste. En tant que telle, cette thèse utilisera le cadre d'Eckstein et
l'appliquera au Bellum Gallicum de César pour montrer que, contrairement à l'historiographie
traditionnelle, César n'a pas conquis la Gaule par bellicosité et ambition personnelle, mais plutôt à
la suite d'invitation directe de ses alliés gaulois le poussant à intervenir défensivement au nom du
bellum iustum. Pour ce faire, un état d’anarchie en Gaule doit être démontré en adhérant au système
méditerranéen d’Eckstein. Après quoi, une analyse détaillée du De Bello Gallico de César décrira
les cas spécifiques durant lesquels il utilisa de manière opportuniste l'anarchie préexistante à son
avantage, avant de finalement se plonger dans les spécificités des «invitations» ainsi que de son
utilisation de la diplomatie agressive. Pour y parvenir, nous avons utilisé les commentaires de César
comme sources principales, tandis que les travaux susmentionnés d’Eckstein nous ont donné les
concepts interprétatifs et la base théorique dont nous avions besoin ; en outre, nous nous sommes
appuyés sur plusieurs sources primaires supplémentaires ainsi que sur des études historiques
pertinentes. La Gaule ayant été démontrée comme un système anarchique, le modèle d'Eckstein fut
appliqué avec succès, et ses résultats mettent en évidence que la bellicosité des Gaulois les uns
envers les autres les aveugla du danger romain, chose que César utilisa pour systématiquement
intervenir militairement, tout en remplissant les vides de pouvoir qu’il laissa derrière lui. Ce modèle
fait preuve d’importance car il nous fournit une explication alternative à la conquête romaine de la
Gaule, en se penchant sur la science politique, ouvrant la porte à de vastes autres études, en suivant
ce modèle qui reste encore largement inexploré.While Caesar and his writings have been thoroughly studied for the past two centuries, it is time to make use of a new approach pioneered by Arthur M. Eckstein to study him. In his Mediterranean Anarchy, Interstate War, and the Rise of Rome Eckstein argues that Rome opportunistically conquered Italy and the Eastern Mediterranean through a series of defensive wars or “invitations”. What is novel about this approach is its use of political science paradigms, with a heavy emphasis on the concept of the realist anarchy. As such, using Eckstein’s framework and applying it to Caesar’s Bellum Gallicum this thesis shows that Caesar, contrarily to traditional historiography, did not conquer Gaul out of sheer bellicosity and personal ambition, but rather, as a result of a direct invitation from Rome’s Gallic allies to defensively interfere on their behalf in an act of bellum iustum. To do so, we will demonstrate that a state of anarchy exists in Gaul in accordance to Eckstein’s wider Mediterranean system. After which, a detailed analysis of Caesar’s De Bello Gallico will outline the specific instances in which Caesar opportunistically used this pre-existing anarchy to his advantage, before finally delving into the specificities of the “invitations” along with an analysis of Caesar’s use of aggressive diplomacy. To achieve this, we used first and foremost, Caesar’s commentaries as the primary sources, while Eckstein’s aforementioned work gave us the interpretative concepts and theoretical basis we needed; additionally, we drew on multiple supplementary primary sources and the surrounding relevant scholarship. After we demonstrated that Gaul was an anarchic system, we successfully applied Eckstein’s model, and its results clearly showed that the Gauls’ bellicosity against each other blinded them to the Roman danger, which Caesar used to systematically intervene, filling the power vacua left behind in his wake. This model is important because it provides us with an alternate explanation to the Roman conquest of Gaul, using one of history’s sister disciplines, political science. With this approach’s viability proven, it opens the door for vast other studies, in this as of yet, unexplored direction.
Livres sur le sujet "Germany – Politics and government – 1815-1866"
1
Der Deutsche Bund, 1815-1866. München : Oldenbourg, 2006.
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2
Das bayerische Offizierskorps : 1815-1866. Paderborn : Schöningh, 2010.
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3
Angelow, Jürgen. Von Wien nach Königgrätz : Die Sicherheitspolitk des Deutschen Bundes im europäischen Gleichgewicht (1815-1866). München : R. Oldenbourg, 1996.
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4
Nationalism in Germany, 1848-1866 : Revolutionary nation. Houndmills, Basingstoke : Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
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5
Deutscher Bund und deutsche Nation, 1848-1866. Göttingen : Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2005.
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6
Fehrenbach, Elisabeth. Verfassungsstaat und Nationsbildung 1815-1871. München : R. Oldenbourg, 1992.
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7
Palmowski, Jan. Urban liberalism in imperial Germany : Frankfurt am Main, 1866-1914. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1999.
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8
Sheehan, James J. German history, 1770-1866. Oxford [England] : Clarendon Press, 1989.
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9
Lüdtke, Alf. Police and State in Prussia, 1815-1850. Cambridge [England] : Cambridge University Press, 1989.
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10
Carola, Schimke Maria, dir. Regierungsakten des Kurfürstentums und Königreichs Bayern, 1799-1815. München : R. Oldenbourg, 1996.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Germany – Politics and government – 1815-1866"
1
Lamberti, Marjorie. « The Politics of School Reform and the Kulturkampf ». Dans State, Society, and the Elementary School in Imperial Germany. Oxford University Press, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195056112.003.0007.
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Bismarck’s struggle against political Catholicism and dissatisfaction with the supervision of the schools in the Polish-speaking areas of Prussia propelled the school administration on to a new course after 1870. His choice of Adalbert Falk brought to the head of the Ministry of Education on January 22, 1872 a judicial official who was philosophically close to the National Liberal party. During his seven years in office, Falk broke with the practices followed by his predecessors and introduced measures to dissolve the traditional bonds between the church and the school. The objectives of the school reforms were to professionalize school supervision by the appointment of full-time school inspectors in place of the clergy, to weaken the church’s influence in the school system by curtailing its right to direct the instruction of religion, and to merge Catholic and Protestant public schools into interconfessional schools, providing an education that would dissolve religious particularism and cultivate German national consciousness and patriotic feeling. These innovations thrust school politics into the foreground of the Kulturkampf in Prussia. School affairs became a matter of high politics for Bismarck when groups whom he regarded as enemies of the German Empire coalesced into a Catholic political party in 1870. Opposition in the Catholic Rhineland to Prussia’s aggressive war against Austria in 1866 led him to question the political loyalty of the Catholics, and the political behavior of the Catholics after the founding of the North German Confederation confirmed his suspicion. While the Polish faction in the Reichstag of 1867 protested the absorption of Polish Prussia into a German confederation, other Catholic deputies took up the defense of federalism and criticized those articles in Bismarck’s draft of the constitution that created too strong a central government. In the final vote the Catholics formed part of the minority that rejected the constitution. This act reinforced his image of political Catholicism as an intransigent and unpatriotic opposition. The organization of the Center party was a defensive response to the vulnerable position of the Catholic minority in the new empire, which had a political climate of liberal anticlericalism and Protestant nationalist euphoria that seemed to threaten the rights and interests of the Catholic church.
2
Goldberg, Ann. « The Duchy of Nassau and the Eberbach Asylum ». Dans Sex, Religion, and the Making of Modern Madness. Oxford University Press, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195125818.003.0005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Eberbach’s founding in 1815 coincided with the lunacy reform movement that swept Europe and North America in the first half of the century. That movement in Germany took peculiar shape in the central role played from the start by the state. Unlike England and France, the primary initiative for the lunacy reforms in Germany came from above, by enlightened state bureaucrats under the tutelage of the German neoabsolutist states. If the (apocryphal) founding image of French psychiatry is the alienist Phillip Pinel famously striking the chains off the inmates of the Bicêtre during the French Revolution, its (real) German counterpart is that of the Prussian Minister Karl August von Hardenburg charging J. G. Langermann (medical officer, later privy councillor and head of Prussian medical affairs) in 1803 with the responsibility of turning the Bayreuth madhouse into Germany’s first mental hospital. Other states and areas of Germany followed suit in the decades after the Napoleonic wars. Eberbach was no exception to the German pattern, where new, enlightened ideas about insanity, concerns of state security with respect to the deviant poor, and the desire to keep abreast of the most progressive trends united to lead even the small and impoverished state of Nassau to embark on costly lunacy reforms. Further, in Nassau both the founding and functioning of the asylum were closely tied to state-building, that is, to the consolidation of state power, the political integration of the population, and the extensive administrative reforms that this entailed—in the penal system, medicine, local government, education, religion, and so forth. State reforms in the area of culture (religion and education) will be discussed in chapter 3. The following section focuses on the penal, medical, and (local) governmental reforms, which formed the broader institutional context of the asylum. The duchy of Nassau, which achieved its final form in 1816 (bounded by the Rhine, Main, Sieg, and Lahn rivers), was one of the new Mittelstaaten (medium sized states) to emerge out of the Napoleonic wars and the Congress of Vienna.