Thèses : « Germany – Military relations – United States »

1

Scharnholz, Theodor. « Heidelberg und die Besatzungsmacht : zur Entwicklung der Beziehungen zwischen einer deutschen Kommune und ihrer amerikanischen Garnison, 1948/49-1955 / ». Heidelberg : Edition Guderjahn Verlag Regionalkultur, 2002. http://www.h-net.org/review/hrev-a0e5v4-aa.

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2

Frank, Peter. « Comparison of the U.S. and German approaches to democratic civil-military relations ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FFrank.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Hans Eberhard Peters. Includes bibliographical references (p. 121-126). Also available online.

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3

Givens, Seth. « Cold War Capital : The United States, the Western Allies, and the Fight for Berlin, 1945-1994 ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1515507541865131.

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4

Farley, Robert M. « Transnational determinants of military doctrine / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10753.

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5

Bolen, Michael Todd. « United States-People's Republic of China military-to-military relations : prospects for progress / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Mar%5FBolen.pdf.

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6

Zduniak, Paweł Piotr. « Political change in Europe and the future of United States military presence in Germany / ». Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FZduniak.pdf.

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7

Martin, William R. « Corporatism in American foreign policy toward Germany between the wars, 1921-1936 ». PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4380.

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This thesis is an investigation of how United States foreign policy was made in the context of German-American relations in the period between the two world wars. The problem under investigation is whether the United States was using a corporatist approach in dealing with the problems of Germany and ultimately Europe and whether the corporatist model is a good one for analyzing foreign policy development during this period. Corporatism, as it is used in this thesis, is defined as an organizational form which recognizes privately organized functional groups outside the United States government, which collaborate with the government to share power and make policy. In the case of foreign policy, the focus of this investigation is on the role played by autonomous financial experts, especially from the banking community.

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8

Duke, Simon. « United States defence bases in the United Kingdom ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5f7987f7-8286-48b0-9595-d60413ef6fc6.

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The main concerns of the study, covering the years 1945-84, are arrangements that have been made for the use of military bases in the United Kingdom by United States forces. The subject is examined within a chronological framework. The development of the United States military presence is traced, from the earliest Joint Chiefs of Staff plans in 1945 and the Spaatz- Tedder agreement in 1946, which gave the United States permission to deploy certain forces in the United Kingdom in time of emergency. The 1948 Berlin Crisis led to the arrival of bombers in East Anglia which was the first major post-war deployment of United States forces to Britain. It was stated that it would be for a period of temporary duty. In fact the bases have remained from that day to this, though their number and types have varied over time. The Korean War proved to be the next major turning point. It increased demands upon the Attlee government for an agreement defining the conditions of use of United States bases in the United Kingdom. The subsequent Truman- Attlee, and later Truman-Churchill, meetings resulted in the key phrase: the use of bases would be 'a matter for joint decision ... in the light of circumstances prevailing at the time.' Different interpretations have been placed on these words at different times. The years 1950-57 saw a consolidation of the United States military presence, with Britain's importance as an intelligence base also growing. The dawning of the missile age symbolised by the first Soviet earth satellite in 1957, the agreement in the same year to deploy Thor missiles, and the deployment of Polaris to Holy Loch in 1960, raised questions regarding the adequacy of the earlier agreements on the conditions of use. This factor, alongside the development of a distinct European identity of which Britain has become a part, has led to a questioning of American hegemony within NATO. The arrival of cruise missiles in 1983 gave added urgency to the debate. Whilst it may be generally recognized that the bases make a substantial contribution to the United Kingdom's defences, the need for clarification of the uses to which the bases can be put by United States forces remains.

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9

Kraft, Herman Joseph S. « Philippine - U.S. security relations in the post-bases era ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112036.

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The Philippines and United States face a new era in their security relationship. The Military Bases Agreement (MBA) signed between the two countries on March 14, 1947 terminated in December 1992. Following the rejection by the Philippine Senate on September 12, 1991 of a new treaty which would have allowed the United States to maintain its military facilities in the Philippines, the Philippine government served the United States a one-year notice of termination for the MBA on December 31, 1991. On November 24, 1992, the last U.S. combat unit left Subic Naval Base.

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10

Zduniak, Pawel Piotr. « Political change in Europe and the future of United States military presence in Germany ». Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1884.

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This thesis analyzes American basing structure in Germany, in a new political environment at the beginning of the 21st century. The end of the Cold War changed the political and strategic situation in Europe and the substance of American military presence in Europe. The War on Terrorism suggests that the current threats are dynamic and unpredictable and the idea of a permanent U.S. basing structure in the heart of Europe should be reconsidered. Specifically, this thesis describes the reasons for restructuring the large and expensive base structure in Germany and the impact of American withdrawal to the German society. Moreover, this thesis presents new challenges and opportunities for American military presence in other parts of European continent. Finally, this thesis reviews the development of U.S. policy concerning present and future base structure in Europe.

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11

Heppelmann, Andrew R. « The implication of emerging security threats on civil-military relations / ». (Requires Adobe Acrobat Reader), 2001. http://stinet.dtic.mil/str/tr4%5Ffields.html.

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12

Nancarrow, Clifford A. « Preparing military officers for effective service in an inter-agency environment ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Sep%5FNancarrow.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2005.
Thesis Advisor(s): Terry C. Pierce. Includes bibliographical references (p. 91-97). Also available online.

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13

Lewis, Stephen Haynes. « Filling the Political Vacuum : The United States and Germany, 1944-1946 ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625625.

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14

Nichols, Todd Lawrence. « The Iraq War and the politicization of the U.S. military ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709114.

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15

Campbell, Colin. « A social constructivist analysis of civil-military relations : US-Mexican bilateral military relations, 2000-2008 ». Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2008. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/1189/.

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This thesis looks at the nature of civil-military relations in the post-Cold War and the post-9/11 era through the theoretical lens of social constructivism. The study looks at the inter-relationship between the respective civil-military relations and US-Mexican bilateral ties from a constructivist perspective, with the aim of deconstructing the ideational structures of civil-military relations within the state and the state based international system to promote stronger organic structures for civilian control over the state agents of violence. The aim of thesis is to provide a theoretical model to both unite the theoretical rationale for the humanisation, indeed demilitarisation, of security concerns within the Western Hemisphere and in particular the US and Mexico. Hence, creating a novel theoretical model for the understanding and explanation of civil-military and bilateral relations.

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16

Kucera, Tomas. « The soldier and liberal society : societal-military relations in Germany and the United Kingdom ». Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/85e2ff9a-712d-496f-95ea-c2be20fa895f.

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It is a generally accepted view in the literature on civil-military relations and military sociology that the military is a ‘Janus-faced’ organisation. One of its faces has to watch the strategic requirements and the other face looks at its parent society. The Janus-face analogy indicates that the strategic and societal views are intrinsically antithetical. The notion of the antithetical relationship between liberal ideology and military security was established as early as the 1950s in Samuel Huntington’s seminal book The Soldier and the State. This thesis is conceived as a critical debate with Huntington, challenging, in particular, the notion that societal and functional imperatives are inevitably distinct and antithetical. The aim of this thesis is to analyse in what ways liberalism – as a meta-ideology or a guiding ethos – determines the military capacities of West European societies. The empirical analysis has been carried out on the cases of the German Bundeswehr (from the 1950s onwards) and the British armed forces (from the beginning of the 20th Century onwards). Despite the enormous divergence these two cases represent, a similar pattern of behaviour is recognisable in them. This examination reveals that specific policies, institutions and practices are preferred because of their relation to liberal principles. Sometimes liberal norms are used merely to advocate an otherwise necessary policy, such as universal conscription at the time of emergency. Regarding other issues, such as the right to conscientious objection, liberal principles are the most relevant causal factor. Among the issues affected by liberal ideology are also the varieties of military mission, military ethics and professional identity of soldiers. The case studies examined in this thesis demonstrate that a meaningful adaptation of the military to the principles possessed by its parent society can be, more often than not, desirable also from the perspective of security strategy.

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17

Gottfried, Corbett S. « U.S. Military Intelligence in Mexico, 1917-1927 : An Analysis ». PDXScholar, 1995. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4960.

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The Military Intelligence Division (MID) was the U.S. Army's intelligence agency that reported to the Chief of Staff within the War Department. During the years 1917- 1927, the MID routinely conducted surveillance of Mexico, including: espionage, mail censorship, radio intercepts, intelligence gathering, and development of plans for the invasion of Mexico. This study utilizes a tripartite model to evaluate the production and analysis of military "intelligence" by the MID in Mexico during the period 1917-1927. First, the organization and development of the Military Intelligence Division from its origins in 1885 through the year 1927 is explored with sections on institutional history and objects of investigation. Second, a quantitative analysis of intelligence documents identifies the focus and priorities of the MID in Mexico. Third, a textual analysis of intelligence documents makes use of a cross-cultural framework to demonstrate the prevailing attitudes, perspectives and world views of the MID toward the Mexican state and its peoples. The thesis question as to whether the U.S. Military Intelligence Division created an accurate and complete picture of "reality" of Mexico is answered in the negative. The MID perspective was colored by cultural bias, ignorance, and misunderstanding. Ultimately, the MID failed to grasp the reality of Mexico because it failed to ask the right questions. It seriously misunderstood the nature of Mexico and its peoples, especially in its relationship with the United States .. The particular model developed for this study lends itself to the possibility of further research in the area of international history and cross-cultural studies. The use of multiple analysis techniques provides a more comprehensive picture of the various factors involved that influence historical events.

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18

Solomon, Russell Keith. « The role of Japan in United States strategic policy for Northeast Asia ». Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25529.

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The role of Japan in any U.S. strategic policy will be decided from the outcome of two debates. These two debates, the Japanese security policy debate and the American strategic policy debate, have been conducted within the leading groups of each country. The debates, both independently and at their points of interaction, illustrate the dynamic nature of the problem of forecasting the kind of security role Japan will perform in any future American strategic policy for the Northeast Asian region. Against a background of a Soviet regional military build-up and increasingly strident American calls for Japan to improve its defence capabilities, the Japanese debate signals a growing consensus for an enhanced security role. However, this trend must be severely qualified by the enduring impact of certain constitutional, political and economic constraints upon security policy-making. The importance that certain leading Japanese groups give to the domestic determinants of policy seems to have been discounted by many leading Americans. Any enhancement of Japan's security role must be accommodated by the Japanese domestic political environment; an environment which retains strong pacifist sentiments. The recent movement towards a military alliance between the two countries needs to be balanced against the continuing relevance that a good proportion of leading Japanese and the Japanese public hold for a minimum defence posture supported by the American security commitment, as embodied in the U.S.-Japan treaty. The American strategic policy debate is concerned with two main policy arguments. The unilateralist/maritime supremacy argument sees the world in essentially bipolar terms and seeks to augment American power so as to be able to overcome a potential enemy, solely through the use of U.S. power. The coalition/defence argument views the world in multipolar terms and believes that deterrence against an enemy should suffice and that this can best be achieved through the utilization and management of allied as well as American forces. The examination of the policy arguments within each of the debates reveals that each is in an insufficiently developed stage to greatly assist our predictions as to Japan's future security role in any American strategic policy. Arguments that Japan is willing to accept specific regional security are easily countered by equally valid ones which foresee no direct security role within any American strategic policy of the near future.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

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19

Hamid, Mahmud Shakir. « US foreign policy and Germany (1933-1949) ». Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683058.

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20

Mini, John D. « Conflict, cooperation, and congressional end-runs : the defense budget and civil-military relations in the Carter administration, 1977-1978 / ». Available via the UNC-CH Libraries, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,889.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.
"... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters in American History in the Department of History." Includes bibliographical references (p. 88-103). Also available online.

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21

Clearwater, David A. « Full spectrum propaganda : the U.S. military, video games, and the genre of the military-themed shooter ». Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=100338.

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This dissertation explores the emerging relationship between the U.S. military and the commercial video game market. Specifically, this study situates this relationship in terms of the U.S. military's evolving role in a variety of media-such as Hollywood feature films, television, and television news-for the purposes of propaganda and the influencing of public opinion. Consequently, an analysis and critique of the U.S. military's production and commissioning of commercial video games will be advanced that takes into account contemporary analyses and media critiques with respect to war and representation. Since these games are also a part of the larger field of entertainment and cultural production, this study will attempt to understand these products for the complex ways they combine cultural expression, modern spectatorship and the desire to influence or mediate popular conceptions of war. Consideration will also be given to situating these products within the emerging field of video game studies and aesthetics, as well as questions concerning genre, realism, historical revisionism, and the ethics of simulation.

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22

Rothehueser, Patrick O. « The President and the Chancellor German-American relations, the 2002-2003 Iraq crisis, and the role of personality is statecraft ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA483546.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald ; Yost, David S. "June 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on August 27, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 117-121). Also available in print.

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23

Luoma, Benjamin C. « The U.S. military and security along the U.S. Mexico border evaluation of its role in the post September 11th era / ». View thesis View thesis via DTIC web site, 2002. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA411150.

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Ubriaco, Robert D. « The deterioration of U.S.-German relations, 1933-1939, with special focus on the Czechoslovakian crisis / ». View online, 1986. http://repository.eiu.edu/theses/docs/32211130498062.pdf.

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25

Rae, Michelle Frasher. « International monetary relations between the United States, France, and West Germany in the 1970s ». Texas A&M University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1969/48.

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Riddle, Clayton L. « The problem of the Philippines for U.S. Southeast Asian security policy ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111582.

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Since the end of World War II, the Philippines has shared a unique relationship with the U.S.; it has been a relationship based on unequal mutual interests but it has, nevertheless, been beneficial to both sides. For the Philippines, the importance of the U.S. stems from several factors: the U.S. has been a major trading partner, a main source of foreign investment, a strong military ally, origin of a large part of her political tradition, and cultural model for many of her people. For the U.S., the importance of the Philippines has been the strategic location for military bases, a source of primary goods for the U.S. economy, and a military and political ally in a region noted for its historical background of domestic unrest and hostile foreign relations. Specifically, U.S. policy towards the Philippine Islands since 1945 has been mainly concerned with three issues: removal of the vestiges of American sovereignty, economic rehabilitation and stability, and defence against external aggression. After nearly fifty years of colonial-style rule, the U.S. assisted the Philippines in making the transition from a colony to an independent state, and in 1946 the islands received the status of an independent republic. The U.S. maintained close relations, however, and even agreed to assist in the restoration of the national economy coming as a result of the war and three years of Japanese occupation. Defence agreements with the Philippines were signed permitting the continuation of American military bases and guaranteeing the defence of the Philippines from outside aggression. The U.S. also gave large amounts of military aid and assisted the fledgling Philippine government in resisting the Huk rebellion. In recent years, however, a long smouldering rift has ignited U.S. and Filipino policy makers over the dependency and lack of a national identity the Filipino people feel they have incurred as a direct result of the relationship with the U.S. One of the major conflicts has been over the degree of American presence in the Philippines as manifested by the U.S. military bases. Another has concerned economic development and the amount of economic aid and investment promised by the U.S. A third and more recent conflict has been over U.S. support for the now deposed despot Philippine ruler, Ferdinand Marcos, before his ouster from government in 1986. Throughout the post-war alliance, the extent of U.S. security and economic interests in the Philippines dictated to a large degree U.S. policy towards the Filipino government. As a result, U.S. concern for its own interests, in the minds of some Filipinos, took precedence over the best interests of the Filipinos as a whole. They point out that even when it was clear that President Marcos was suffocating the democratic ideal, the U.S. actually increased aid to the Marcos regime. This was done to assure U.S. interests remained intact, at the expense of the Filipino people living under the Marco government. In the transition to the Aquino government, the Filipino people have not forgotten U.S. support for Marcos, who brought suppression and authoritarianism to the Philippines.Consequently, in the early post-war years of the U.S.-Philippine relationship, there was enough mutuality of interests between the two countries, in spite of the economic disagreements, that the Philippine government could still be counted upon to support U.S. objectives and policy in Southeast Asia. In more current times, however, the growing Filipino resentment of ties with the U.S., coupled with the recent political developments within the Philippines, namely the ousting of President Marcos and the continuing domestic unrest under the Aquino government, has cast a shadow over future U.S. relations with the Philippines. This, in turn, has cast U.S. strategic security interests in relation to the Philippines and Southeast Asia in an uncertain light as well. The purpose of this study, therefore, will be to examine how American policy towards the Philippines has affected U.S. security interests in the past, both in Southeast Asia and in the Philippines, and what the future holds for U.S. security interests in the region, especially in regard to the continuing unrest in the Philippine domestic political scene. I will pursue essentially three primary questions in the course of the study: 1) exactly what were the factors that influenced and/or enhanced security relations between the Philippines and the U.S. during the immediate post-war period, and, more specifically, what this relationship entailed in relation to U.S. defence and strategic doctrine; 2) what internal and external factors within both countries upset this previously harmonious relationship; and 3) what the shift in U.S. support from Marcos to Aquino, and also the political shift in the Philippines itself from dictatorship to factionalized "democratic" rule under Aquino, means for U.S. security interests both in the Philippines and the surrounding region. The first chapter will begin with a brief historical overview of the U.S.-Philippine alliance beginning with the U.S. acquisition of the Philippines from Spain in 1898. Vestiges of the great-power rivalry played a determinant role in U.S.-Philippine relations, as did the indigenous situation with the Philippines itself, and these factors will continue to influence future relations. Therefore, a clear understanding of the treaties and defence agreements between the two countries, and the place of the Philippines in U.S. defence doctrine in a historical perspective will allow for a clearer contrast with the current political relationship. The second chapter will deal specifically with U.S.-Philippine security relations during the Marcos regime. Sovereignty and jurisdiction over the U.S military bases first became a major point of conflict under Marcos and remains a prominent issue in the Aquino government. During Marcos’s tenure as President, internal factors within the Philippines such as the domestic political turmoil involving the communist rebellion and the disintegration of centralized political authority affected the U.S.-Philippine security relationship. External factors such as U.S. trade and investment in the Philippines and new relations with other countries, most notably the Soviet Union, have also affected this relationship and have set in motion feelings and demands concerning the U.S. presence in the Philippines that have carried over to the Aquino government. The third chapter will discuss current U.S. and Philippine security interests. These security interests include the naval and air installations on the Philippine Islands themselves (as well as the upcoming lease re-negotiations), the stability of Southeast Asia and U.S. defence agreements, the ASEAN countries and their security concerns, and the containment of a growing Soviet presence in the region, especially in light of the Soviet military bases in Vietnam. The concluding chapter will deal with the consequences of past U.S. policies and how those will influence future relations, especially the upcoming military base lease negotiations. It will assess the U.S. position in the Philippines, in the light of its past relationship, in an attempt to determine the implications for future U.S. strategic interests. I will also attempt to discern, based on the past U.S.-Philippine relationship, whether the current and future relationship will remain beneficial to U.S. security interests, or, conversely, if the Philippines in its current state of political and domestic unrest, poses a "Central American Dilemma" for U.S. policy decisions.

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Popovich, Sara A. « Willy Brandt’s Ostpolitik : The Changing Role in United States-West German Relations, an Analysis of United States Government Internal Documents ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/80.

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This thesis analyzes a crucial period in the relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States of America, through the use of US government internal documents. Willy Brandt brought forth a new vision of Ostpolitik that was starkly different from policies that the US had dealt with before, subsequently leaving the Nixon Administration largely unsure of how to react. The change in FRG economic positioning vis-à-vis the United States, and catalyst political events in the 1960’s, created the impetus for Brandt’s vision of OStpolitik, which culminated in the interim West German control of the Western Alliance’s Eastern Politics.

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Cruz, Araceli. « Follow the leader : unilateralism and cooperation in military alliances ». Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98917.

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The rise of the United States as the dominant actor in international affairs since the end of the Cold War has motivated the development of theories of leadership and hegemony. Additionally, new questions about the role of unilateralism have emerged, following the events of September 11, 2001, and the recent U.S.-led war in Iraq. However, despite the emphasis on leadership and unilateralism, the applied research using these concepts has not kept pace with their increasing importance in today's world. In this context, this paper develops a framework that conceptualizes leadership as having two main components: (1) the structural capabilities that provide the context for leadership; and (2) the unilateral contributions and commitments that constitute the exercise of leadership. This framework will be used to understand trends in alliance formation and the implications of leadership for the institutionalization of alliances.

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Della, Vedova Joseph P. « Measuring relationships : a model for evaluating U.S. Air Force Public Affairs programs / ». [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0010461.

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30

Eyck, Tobias Albert Ten. « A Cross-national Study of Attitudes and Group Labeling : Multinational Corporation (MNC) Workers in Canada, Brazil, and West Germany ». PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4840.

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Many studies concerning multinational corporations {MNCs) are replete with theoretical models and case studies that treat MNCs as stand-alone entities. Very little time and effort is given to understanding the context in which MNCs operate. This context includes not only the fact that MNCs transcend national boundaries (political as well as geographical), but also the meaning of work and being part of a multinational work force for those employed within MNCs. This thesis is an effort to elucidate how the political/societal/cultural contexts of different host countries affect the attitudes of those workers most directly involved with foreign-owned MNCs. By shifting the focus from the MNC to the political/societal/cultural environment of host countries, foreign-owned MNCs can be compared across national boundaries (foreign-owned MNC workers from three different countries are compared in this thesis -- Canada, Brazil, and West Germany). Finally, by grounding the workers' attitudes within social identity theory, divergent attitudes between the workers from the different countries are not only explained, but expected as well.

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31

Chan, Catherine See. « Alliance en garde : the United States of America and West Germany, 1977-1985 ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2011. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1300.

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Esposito, Karina Faria Garcia. « Naval Diplomacy and the Making of an Unwritten Alliance| United States-Brazilian Naval Relations, 1893-1930 ». Thesis, West Virginia University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10270031.

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This dissertation explores U.S.-Brazilian relations through the prism of naval diplomacy between 1893 and 1930. Broadly, this dissertation explains the growth of U.S. naval involvement in Brazil, emphasizing the motives of Brazilian and American policymakers, and the role of naval officers in strengthening bilateral relations. This study begins by examining the Brazilian Navy Revolt of 1893-94, contextualizing it within the formative years of the Brazilian Republic, while discussing U.S. naval intervention in the conflict. It then explores U.S.-Brazilian naval relations in the early twentieth century, explaining the growing association between the two countries’ navies after the turn of the century. That collaboration culminated in cooperation during World War I, and with the establishment of an American Navy Commission to teach at the Brazilian Naval War College. Finally, this dissertation explores the dynamics of the U.S. Navy Mission in Brazil during the first formative years after its establishment in 1922. Introducing naval diplomacy to the historiography of U.S.-South American relations illuminates the origins of American influence in Brazil, including the crucial role of Brazilians in pursuing closer ties, as well as the development of a U.S. policy focused on reducing European influence, promoting regional security, and increasing U.S. commercial power in the region.

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James, William Andrew Philip Justin. « Trust and the transformation of the German question, 1960-1970 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609881.

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Roehrkasse, Eric. « United States Air Force Military Civic Action in Thailand, 1964-1976 : Modernization, U.S. Foreign Policy, and Military Doctrine ». Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/201106.

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History
M.A.
This thesis examines the relationship between foreign policy and military doctrine, specifically the problems that arise when military doctrine is politicized and the military is used as an instrument of diplomatic or economic power rather than military power. It contains original research on the conduct of military civic action (MCA) by the United States Air Force in Thailand from 1964 until 1976, based largely on archival material from the Air Force Historical Research Agency. MCA has been an element of counterinsurgency doctrine since President Kennedy directed it in 1961, a role often labeled "nation-building." Like Kennedy's foreign policy, MCA had its intellectual origins in the social scientific concept of modernization theory. MCA represents the politicization of military doctrine, a method of employing forces based on social scientific theory rather than military experience. As a result of this and the realities on the ground in Thailand, the objectives of MCA did not fit the context of the Thai situation, training did not provide necessary cultural awareness, and execution was haphazard. Ultimately, the USAF failed to achieve the policy goals of MCA in Thailand. Today the U.S. continues to employ military manpower in the diplomatic, economic, and information realms while only training service members in their core specialty. Policymakers and military leaders need to determine whether to sacrifice proficiency in core specialties to enhance cultural and diplomatic skills or to rely more on those agencies traditionally responsible for those instruments of national power.
Temple University--Theses

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Beaupré, Maxime. « Unwilling foes : Russia's and China's reaction to the challenge of the American ballistic missile defence programme ». Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83170.

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The official reaction of the Russian Federation and of the People's Republic of China to the announcement made by the United States in December 2001 to abrogate the almost thirty years old Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty has been remarkably weak, given their sustained and coordinated opposition to the deployment of strategic defences against ballistic missiles (BMD). Because the existing literature, particularly balance of power theory, under-explored this puzzle and fails to provide a satisfactory explanation to it, a neoclassical realist model building on structural and unit-level variables is proposed to supplement this caveat. It is argued that Russia, as a stagnant great power experiencing trouble at the domestic level, bandwagons with the United States because it discounts the medium- and long-term threat posed by BMD. China, a rising developmental state, is soft balancing because it resents the project and the threat it poses to its security. It has not hard balanced so far because there is an acknowledgement that this could jeopardize its power base, as the telling example of the USSR collapse illustrated.

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Johnson, John-Michael. « THE DISPARITY OF MILITARY POWER BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES, EUROPE AND ITS EFFECT ON TRANSTALANTIC DEFENSE PROJECT COOPERATION ». Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2008. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3640.

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This study investigated what determines successful transatlantic defense policy cooperation and how that cooperation can reduce the military capability gap between the United States and its European NATO allies. It examines the differing defense policies and defense capabilities between the United States and its European NATO allies. Several theories in International Relations were also used as a foundation for the argument that cooperation is needed. The approach to defense policy is very different between the United States and Europe. The strategic vision of the world of both parties differs as well. Policy, doctrine and defense projects are all taken into consideration and analyzed. Based on the results of the analysis of policy and doctrines, the policy recommendation is that there should be more cooperation on defense policy planning, military doctrine and defense projects conducted in the effective fashion of current successful cases. The European NATO members will also need to cooperate on such policy if the military capability gap is to be lessened.
M.A.
Department of Political Science
Sciences
Political Science MA

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Verbytskyi, Serhii. « The strategy of Ukrainian-U.S. defense and military relations on the modern stage / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Mar%5FVerbytskyi.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Mykhail Tsypkin. Includes bibliographical references (p. 79-81). Also available online.

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Adcox, Wallace O. III. « Force and the United States after Vietnam : Allison applied ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/45473.

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Most studies of the use of conventional military force by the United States in the twentieth century tend to characterize the decision making process in terms of a unitary state and a unitary presidential decision maker. One alternative to this approach is the Bureaucratic Politics paradigm proposed by Graham Allison. To test the explanatory power of this decision making model in the post-Vietnam era, this thesis applies the specific propositions of Graham Allison's "Governmental Politics Model" concerning the use of military force, to selected case studies. In an attempt to determine the explanatory power of Allison's Governmental Politics model in the wake of Vietnam, this thesis draws on case studies ranging from the Dominican Republic intervention to the recent invasion of Panama. This thesis seeks to measure the theory to present reality.

Master of Arts

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May, Cindy Lou. « United States presidential decision-making and the use of force during crises in the Middle East and North Africa, 1979-2009 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648219.

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Teodorescu-Badia, Alexandru. « Realism and Hegemonic Moralism : Germany and the United States in the Build-Up to the Second Gulf War ». Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/32076.

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International Relations in modernity have undergone phases of nation-state struggle and, more recently, globalized conflict. Theorists have used the paradigms of idealism and realism to explain state actor motivations in such conflicts; yet in the early 21st century, the United States initiated regime change in Iraq with claims of necessity pertaining to morality and security that could not be adequately explained using either framework. This thesis postulates that a paradigm shift in International Relations, as described by John Vasquez via Thomas Kuhn, is occurring as evidenced by the conduct of United States foreign policy towards Iraq. This new paradigmatic approach, which Edward Weisband has titled Hegemonic Moralism, is analyzed in this thesis, explicating the ontological assumptions and policy initiatives made by the United States administration in the lead-up to the Second Gulf War. Hegemonic Moralism clashes with the realist beliefs underpinning Germanyâ s foreign policy during the same time period: with the threat of Anglo- American neo-liberal dominance in the Middle East a distinct possibility, Germany realigned its allies to forestall and de-legitimize looming U.S. regime change in Iraq. An analysis of realist theory and its assumptions of human and nation-state behaviour leads into an explication of the paradigm of US Hegemonic Moralism, comparing it with the realist behaviour exhibited by Germany. I suggest that descriptions of German sociopolitical discourse after the September 11 2001 attacks on the US and prior to the Second Gulf War convincingly show Germanyâ s social and political readiness to oppose the hegemonic neo-liberal Anglo-American paradigm.
Master of Arts

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Marca, Daniela F. « Preemption in U.S. strategic culture ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FMarca.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense-Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Anne L. Clunan. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-81). Also available online.

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Yu, Tsung-Chi Max. « The impact of US-China relations on Taiwan's military spending (1966-1992) ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3100/.

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Previous research has shown that Taiwan's military spending is affected either by China's military buildup or the US's military pipeline. This study investigates whether it is also true an ongoing US-China relationship has dynamic effects. Three major findings are obtained from the statistical analyses. First and foremost, the level of US-China conflict has a contemporaneous positive effect on Taiwan's military spending. Second, the analyses also indicate that the volatility of US-China relations has negative effects on Taiwan's military spending. This finding suggests that instability in US-China relations will prompt Taiwan to decrease its military spending due to a higher amount of perceived security on the one hand, and Taiwan wants to avoid further provoking China on the other. Third, analyses indicate that an error correction model fares better than a simple budgetary incremental model in explaining the re-equilibrating effects of GNP growth on Taiwan's military spending. Overall, the results demonstrate the interplay of domestic and international constraints and may help to predict what will be the expected military spending when Taiwan's economy changes. I suggest that Taiwan's military spending is likely to be influenced by US-China relations as well as by foreign investment and domestic economic constraints as long as the United States policy toward the Taiwan problem remains unchanged.

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Clyne, Steven S. « The debates surrounding America's hegemonic decline : a critical assessment ». Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/116111.

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As the United States led the military, economic and diplomatic response to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, Secretary of State James Baker was asked whether the determined American leadership discredited the frequently asserted notion tha t America had been toppled from its hegemonic pedestal. He responded th a t he never believed such theories.1 To many people, Secretary Baker's assessment would seem fairly reasonable. After all, in the previous year he--along with the rest of the worldhad witnessed the collapse of Soviet power in Eastern Europe, the rejection of communist controlled command economies in favour of democracy and market-based economies, and the heralding of the 'end of the Cold War.' The obvious implication was th a t the U.S., as the leader of the non-communist world, had 'won' the Cold War. Furthermore, the Kuwaiti crisis was proving th a t global leadership could not be based exclusively upon a vibrant national economy. Though endowed with flourishing economies, Germany (or the European Community for th a t ma tte r2) and Japan appeared incapable of assuming the mantle of world leadership. The United States, alone, demonstrated the capability and willingness to project its military might into the Persian Gulf to deter further Iraqi aggression and, ultimately, to eject Iraq from Kuwait.

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Nardulli, Bruce Richard. « DANCE OF SWORDS : U.S. MILITARY ASSISTANCE TO SAUDI ARABIA, 1942-1964 ». Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1038586191.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2002.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xiii, 520 p. Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: Allan R. Millett, Dept. of History. Includes bibliographical references (p. 508-520).

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Forbes, Nathan G. « Supplying democracy ? : U.S. security assistance to Jordan, 1989-2002 ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Mar%5FForbes.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Glenn E. Robinson, Harold Trinkunas. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-72). Also available online.

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Waterman, Peter A. (Peter Alan). « Resource Evaluation and Presidential Decision-making : Predicting the Use of Force by U.S. Presidents, 1976 - 1988 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278299/.

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In order to explain presidential decisions to use force, a model is developed that incorporates three distinct decision-making environments. The results indicate the president is responsive not only to domestic and international environments, but also to the resource evaluation environment. The evidence here demonstrates that while these two environments are important the president can't use force arbitrarily; rather, his evaluation of resources available for the use of force can limit his ability to engage the military during crisis situations.

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Ault, Jonathan Bennett. « Closing the Open Door Policy : American Diplomatic and Military Reactions to the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625920.

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Flores, Jesse J. « Military-media relationships : analyzing U.S. Navy Officers' attitudes towards the news media ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Dec%5FFlores.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Information Systems and Operations)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Steve J. Iatrou, Karen Guttieri. Includes bibliographical references (p. 181-189). Also available online.

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Mayer, Esther R. « Arms transfers and influence : the case of the United States and Israel ». Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64041.

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Mendee, Jargalsaikhan. « The democratic civilian control of the Mongolian armed forces the State Ih Hural / ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2000. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA377641.

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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations) Naval Postgraduate School, March 2000.
Thesis advisor(s): Stockton, Paul N. "March 2000." Includes bibliographical references (p. 63-68). Also available in print.

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Thèses sur le sujet « Germany – Military relations – United States »

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