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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Germany – Foreign relations – 21st century »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Germany – Foreign relations – 21st century"

Stolarczyk, Mieczysław. « Dilemmas of Poland’s foreign and security policies in the post-Cold War period in the context of its geopolitical location between Russia and Germany ». Studia Politicae Universitatis Silesiensis 26 (30 septembre 2019) : 45–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/spus.2019.26.03.

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The research objective of this paper is the presentation of the influence (significance) of the geopolitical factor in Poland’s relations with the Russian Federation (Russia) and the Federal Republic of Germany (Germany) in the post-Cold War period, first and foremost the influence on the shares of convergent and divergent (contradictory) interests of Poland and the two countries, as well as relevant dilemmas concerning Poland’s foreign and security policies. The main research thesis is that the geopolitical factor remains one of the chief determinants of Poland’s relations with Russia and Germany despite the changes taking place in the international system (e.g. the acceleration of globalisation processes) in the last few decades. In the post-Cold War period, however, it affected Poland’s relations with Russia in a much more negative way than it did the Polish-German relations. The German problem in its traditional sense of a hazard source diminished considerably in the Polish foreign policy in the abovementioned period, while the significance of the Russian problem increased. The decision makers of the Polish foreign policy viewed Germany first and foremost as a partner and an ally (within NATO), while Russia was seen as the main hazard to Polish security, including a military hazard in the form of a direct invasion. Wishing to present more detailed matters, the paper brings to the fore i.a. the issues concerning the essence of the geopolitical factor in the foreign policies of countries, certain conditions of Poland’s geopolitical location in the post-Cold War period, the main stages of Poland’s relations with Germany and Russia in that period together with their characteristics, the main areas of divergent interests in Poland’s relations with Germany and Russia in the second decade of the 21st century, the similarities and differences in Poland’s policy toward Germany and Russia in the post-Cold War period as well as the main dilemmas of the Polish foreign policy toward the end of the second decade of the 21st century stemming from Poland’s geopolitical location between Russia and Germany. One main conclusion formulated on the basis on those deliberations is that Poland’s geopolitical location between Russia and Germany does not doom Polish relations with the two countries to a confrontational nature for historical reasons. The geopolitical factor is not an independent prime mover; it does not entail geopolitical determinism which automatically eliminates the possibility of influencing Poland’s geopolitical situation by subsequent Polish governments. The geopolitical location does not determine eternal enemies or eternal friends because one can derive various conceptions, programmes and objectives of the foreign policy from the same geopolitical location of Poland.

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HACKE, CHRISTIAN. « Challenges for German Foreign Policy at the Beginning of the 21st Century ». European Review 13, n^o 4 (octobre 2005) : 541–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798705000785.

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Why is it that the foreign policy of Germany's Red/Green government differs so remarkably from that of earlier German administrations – and what promises and dangers does this hold for the future? A careful analysis of the biographical background of today's German leaders, Chancellor Schröder and foreign minister Fischer in particular, explains the leftist and anti-American twist of current German policy. As children of the radical movement of 1968, these leaders hold a distorted view of Germany's history that ails their foreign policy decision-making. Instead of cultivating the success, the style, and the smoothness of German foreign policy until reunification, they try to distance the new ‘Berlin Republic’ from the old ‘Bonn Republic.’ Moralizing rhetoric and the divide between ambitions (permanent membership of the UN security council, for instance) and capabilities (especially regarding the chronically underfunded military) characterize Schröder's ‘German Way’ – with disastrous consequences. While containment of the Soviet Union was the overarching principle of the Cold War, German leaders today seem determined to contain American influence and to counter the American arrogance of power with the German arrogance of impotence. Thus, they fail to deliver any of the much-needed coherence and clarity about Germany's role in the world.

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Trunov, Philipp O. « German-Algerian Relations by the Early 2020s in the Context of the Germany’s Regional Policy : Political and Military Aspects ». Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, n^o 4 (27 décembre 2021) : 683–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-683-699.

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Since the beginning of the 21st century, there has been a noticeable increase in German efforts to ensure security in the Mediterranean Sea. This is part of the growing activities to ensure a strong strategic position in North and West Africa, including the settlement of existing armed conflicts here as sources of threats to instability for Germany and its EU partners. Consequently, Germany found itself increasingly interested in finding reliable strategic partners, one of which is Algeria, which makes the topic of this article relevant. The purpose of the study is to examine bilateral security and defense relations with a special focus on the second half of the 2010s and early 2020s with the help of comparative and event-analysis. Having an applied character, this topic has not yet found detailed coverage in the works of both domestic and foreign, especially German, researchers. The historic background of the German-Algerian dialogue is presented. The growth of high-level contacts in the second half of the 2010s is shown, with Germany having to focus on negotiations with the frequently changing figure of the Algerian prime minister. The article also explores the constraints for the cooperation of German and Algerian armed forces on land and sea, as well as the dynamics of military-technical cooperation. The bilateral cooperation in the resolution of the armed conflict in Mali, first of all, in its northern region (Gao, Kidal and Timbuktu) is considered. The political and diplomatic cooperation on the Libyan track in the middle and second half of the 2010s, as well as shortly after the Berlin Conference on Libya in January 2020, is revealed. In the early 2020s, there was a sharp decline in the intensity and volume of bilateral cooperation in almost all areas. In addition to COVID-19, the importance of domestic political factors and the temporary decline in the practical value of the partnership in Libya and Mali for Germany are stressed. A forecast of the dynamics of bilateral relations is finally given.

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Kudryavtseva, T. V. « Cultural Memory : to 100th Anniversary of A. M. Gorky Stay in German Saarov ». Nauchnyi dialog 12, n^o 1 (7 février 2023) : 232–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2023-12-1-232-245.

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The article presents evidence of A. M. Gorky’s stay in the German city of Saarov in 1922-1923. Within the framework of the historical-contextual approach, an attempt was made to show how the mechanisms for preserving and updating memory function in relation to a particular writer. We are talking about the world-famous classic of Russian / Soviet literature — A. M. Gorky. It is traced how his personality and creative heritage, which once became part of world literature, are perceived in a foreign cultural space of the 21st century (namely, a century after Gorky’s stay in Germany at the beginning of the 20th century). The analysis involves both material objects of culture (museum complexes, monuments, etc.), onomastic geolocation, and elements of memorial culture related to written sources. These are the memoirs of contemporaries, research, as well as the actualization of Gorky’s work at the level of mass consciousness (the creation of a certain citation book from Gorky’s works, etc.). It is concluded that Gorky’s personality and work continue to be an integral part of the memorial culture of Germany, and his name, despite the change of generations, ideologies and geopolitical shifts, has not been erased from the cultural map of this country.

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Pavlov, N. « Russia and Germany : Back to the Future ? » World Economy and International Relations 65, n^o 9 (2021) : 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-9-69-78.

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In terms of geopolitics, Russia and Germany are the two dominant powers on the Eurasian continent. For three centuries, they have been having a “special relationship”. Over the past 50 years, their cooperation has had a positive impact on promoting the detente of international relations globally, in matters of disarmament, in the cause of German unification, and in the inclusion of Russia in the global financial and economic structures after the collapse of the USSR. However, in recent years, the mechanism of constructive interaction has clearly deteriorated due to differences in understanding of the world order prospects, the role and place of the two countries in the post-bipolar system of international coordinates. The parliamentary elections in Germany and Russia will not affect the foreign policy course of Berlin and Moscow, and the Russian leadership will not have to choose with whom to deal. It is important to understand that Beijing has taken Moscow’s place in foreign policy priorities, and cooperation between Russia and Germany is reduced to “peaceful coexistence”. This is for a long time. It is also necessary to take into account that Russian-German relations are most significantly affected by Germany’s integration into Euro-Atlantic structures, and, therefore, strict bilateralism in the Berlin–Moscow link is excluded. In matters of war and peace, ensuring stability and security, resolving international conflicts, as well as respecting democratic rights and freedoms, the Federal Republic of Germany will always act in the Russian direction according to the Euro-Atlantic scale of values and with an eye to its allies and partners. Of course, the dialogue at the highest level will not stop, but it will be burdened with mutual accusations and will stall at every convenient and inconvenient occasion, because both states live in different dimensions and think in different planes. One lives according to geopolitical concepts of the 19th 20th centuries, the other operates in geo-economic categories of the 21st century. Warming, easing or partial lifting of sanctions will be possible only if the Minsk process progresses, that is, de-escalating the situation in the Donbass and relieving the Kremlin’s pressure on the Russian opposition. No breakthroughs are expected on the trade and economic front either. All this suggests that we are going back to the past, to the era of systemic confrontation, which will be our reality for the foreseeable future.

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Kirilova, Ekaterina A., et Evgeny F. Troitsky. « The Cultural Interaction between the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany from 2000 till 2020 ». Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, n^o 470 (2021) : 154–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/470/18.

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In the modern world, culture is an integral part of the state policy. The authors note the importance of cultural policy as a tool for countries to improve their relations, overcome crisis situations and build further development paths, in spite of political differences. The article deals with the cultural interaction between Germany and Russia during the 21st century. The chosen period is explained by the coming to power of Vladimir Putin in the Russian Federation and the beginning of significant changes in the state's foreign and domestic policies. During the examination of this topic, the research methods of classification, systemic approach, and historical analysis were used. With the help of historical analysis, the history of cooperation between the two states, starting from the 9th century, was considered. Common and different features in the historical past of Russia and Germany were also established. The systemic approach made it possible to define cultural policy as an integral element of the country's foreign policy. The classification method involves the division of cultural policy into several areas in which the Russian Federation and the FRG interact. The work on this article was carried out using laws in the field of international cultural cooperation, a large amount of information from official news portals (RIA Novosti, TASS, RBC), official websites of the Embassy of Russia in Berlin and the Embassy of the Federal Republic of Germany in Moscow. The vectors of interaction between the two states are described in detail: scientific and technological cooperation; academic mobility; exchange programs for students, scientists, exchange of methodological literature; cross-years; forum campaign; preservation of historical memory in the territory of both states; support programmes for compatriots living in Russia and Germany; activities to promote and remain both Russian and German languages, etc. Within each direction, the forms and ways, in which countries work together, are described. This research allowed drawing conclusions about culture's significance in the formation of a positive/negative image of the state, as well as to highlight an important pattern: with the help of cultural policy, states can both improve relations and provoke conflict. Thus, the authors analyzed various forms and mechanisms of the cultural interaction between the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany. There is a rich historical experience and economic basis for fruitful cooperation between the two countries and their nations. That is why two states have been able to maintain a dialogue at different levels, resolve conflict situations and restore contacts for many centuries. Therefore, both Russia and the FRG can continue to work in this direction in order to strengthen relations and bring them to a new level with the help of cultural policy.

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Glukhova, A. V. « Populism in the 21st century : Today, tomorrow, always ? » Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 13, n^o 2 (28 juillet 2021) : 33–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2021-13-2-33-61.

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The concept of populism has been known since Antiquity. However, in recent decades it gained new prominence amongst politicians and political experts. The present paper attempts to reconstruct the image of populism of the 21st century and to assess the viability of populist parties and movements involved in the context of current social and political processes within Western societies. The ﬁrst section of the paper examines various deﬁnitions of populism elaborated by both Russian and foreign political scholars. On that basis the author attempts to identify the core meaning of this phenomenon, its historic roots and psychological underpinnings, as well as a social-political proﬁle today. The author highlights such constituent elements of the populist discourse that crystallized throughout its development, as direct appeal to the public sentiments, oversimpliﬁcation of reality and the use of manipulative techniques. The second section of the paper examines the origins and characteristic features of the populist wave that spanned across both developed and developing countries in the early 21st century. For that matter, the eﬀects of globalization are considered particularly problematic, as they have uncertain implications for international relations and exacerbate social and economic tensions even within developed societies creating both ‘winners’ and ‘losers’. They also allowed various populist movements to take advantage of the growing social instability in the wake of the global ﬁnancial crisis of 2008–2009. Additionally, the author links the recent rise in the populist sentiments to the deepening crisis of traditional political party systems, the erosion of principles of parliamentarianism and the development of new information and communication technologies. The author stresses that in these circumstances diﬀerent charismatic leaders gain new opportunities for mobilizing public support. The research concludes that the prospects for the ongoing populist wave are best described by a formula, proposed by a German political scientist Klaus von Beyme: ‘Populism never lasts very long — but it is somehow always around’.

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Ciesielska-Klikowska, Joanna. « Cooperation of German cities with Chinese partners and its importance for Germany’s foreign policy ». Sprawy Międzynarodowe 74, n^o 1 (22 octobre 2021) : 119–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2021.74.1.06.

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The 21st century is a time of enormous development of cities as political, economic and social actors actively shaping the global scene. Among them German cities are important actors on the international political arena, as they have extensive competences to conduct foreign policy, resulting from the federal system. Over the past years, contacts of German cities with Chinese entities have experienced a particularly dynamic development. For German cities their Chinese partners have become both cooperators in terms of administrative and economic solutions, but also more and more often collaborators on educational and cultural issues.The aim of this article is, thus, to map the connections between German and Chinese cities, and then to refer to the place which international relations conducted by sub-state entities find in foreign policy implemented at the federal level. The starting point for the analysis is the presentation of the role of city diplomacy, and then results of a survey conducted among officials representing German cities inhabited by at least 50,000 people. The author will present the conditions of bilateral cooperation between cities, key areas of cooperation, determinants of success and the most common problems. In the last part, the author will analyze the role played by cities in the German political reality. In this way, the author will indicate whether the actions towards Chinese partners are coordinated with other institutions at the regional and national level.

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Leontyeva, Varvara. « On the History of Studying Modal Verbs in the German Language ». Nizhny Novgorod Linguistics University Bulletin, n^o 51 (30 septembre 2020) : 64–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.47388/2072-3490/lunn2020-51-3-64-76.

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The article is an overview and a summary of the study of modal verbs in the German language in Russian and foreign linguistics, from Antiquity to the present day, in line with the holistic study of modality in world linguistics. Using the methods of generalization and systematization, the author analyzes monographs and articles by Russian and foreign experts in the field of the history of the German language, functional grammar, and morphology. While a considerable number of works by foreign and Russian linguists in the 20th century are devoted to the issues of semantics of preterite-present and modal verbs in specific historical periods of the development of the German language, there are still many open questions in this area. Throughout almost the entire 20th century, Germanists viewed modal verbs mainly as a means of expressing internal modality, i.e., the attitude of the speaker to the action being performed. However, in the late 20th and early 21st century, they began to actively study the subjective use of modal verbs. Much modern literature on the subject is devoted to the study of German modal verbs in the function of subjective (epistemic) modality. This article focuses on etymological, semantic, grammatical, and functional features of modal verbs in modern German and discusses a number of controversial issues, such as the question of whether modal verbs are a closed or open cluster of vocabulary, that is, whether it is possible, at the present stage of language history, to include other linguistic units into the category of modal units, it these other units answer certain semantic or grammatical criteria. It is also open to discussion whether there is a one-to-one corre-spondence between a modal verb and the type of modal relations that is expressed with the help of this verb in speech, and vice versa. The author highlights such significant aspects as grammaticalization of modal verbs, correlation of modal verbs with various types of modal relations, primary and secondary meanings of modal verbs, characteristics of the preterito-presentia, compatibility of modal verbs, and syntactic features of their usage. The relevance of this study lies in the fact that it gives a more comprehensive understanding of functions and pragmatics of modal verbs as a special lexical cluster in speech.

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Diakovskyi, O. S., et K. А. Nizheiko. « INSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL MEASURES FOR ENSURING THE FUNCTIONING OF INTERNATIONAL STRATEGIC ALLIANCES IN THE IT-SECTOR ». Economics and Law, n^o 4 (8 décembre 2022) : 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/econlaw.2022.04.092.

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The growth of economic entities and their desire for unification affects the increase in world trade and the increasing appearance of International Strategic Alliances aimed at overcoming the economic crisis created by the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Analysis of latest research and publications has shown that modern research is not of a systematic nature; taking into account the rapid spread of international strategic alliances in the 21st century, the issues of their institutional and legal functioning require a more detailed analysis. The purpose of the study is to identify the institutional and legal regulation of the activities of International Strategic Alliances (ISA) in world practice, which would allow to substantiate the directions for improving the domestic environment for their creation and functioning in the IT-sector. It has been proven that national legislation regulates International Strategic Alliances with the help of regulatory and legal acts. Depending on the functioning of the laws, the creation and registration of economic entities, which in the future would be able to form an association in the form of an alliance to further define their purpose, goals and tasks, is either accelerated or slowed down. The presence of proper regulation of the functioning of strategic alliances affects the foreign involvement factor the formation of ISAs. In the context of implementing European experience in Ukraine, it is determined that international cooperation in Germany is based on a number of indirect political and institutional features that help German companies adapt to rapid technological transformations quite effectively. Having analyzed the main normative legal acts regulating the range of public relations in the field of functioning of International Strategic Alliances in global practice, it was established that, for example, the current legislation of Ukraine does not contain a special separate law on the regulation of these relations, the practice in this field indicates the need to increase legal culture in this area by means of regulatory regulation of such relations, which will be the basis for the further development of the functioning of alliances. In the context of using the EU experience, the experience of Germany, which has a certain institutional variety of tools and mechanisms, is useful. Since the early 1970s, German governments have been able to promote the development of technological capabilities at home, supporting open markets abroad, including by intensifying the development of international cooperation, demonstrating a clear orientation of the economy to the producer, not to the consumer.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Germany – Foreign relations – 21st century"

Encinas-Valenzuela, Jesus Ernesto. « Mexican foreign policy and UN peacekeeping operations in the 21st century ». Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FEncinas-Valenzuela.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Douglas A. Borer, Marcos T. Berger. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-76). Also available in print.

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Barton, Justin. « Foreign policy between the Russian Federation and European Union in the 21st century ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10093.

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Bibliography: leaves 74-77.
This thesis examines the growing partnership between Russia and the ED. Although suspicious of each other's intentions at times, both sides have realized the necessity for close cooperation. In many respects, the ED is an economic empire in search of a security structure, while Russia is a military power without an economic base. The crime, corruption, and slowly developing democracy in Russia are of supreme security concern for the EU, because they create instability and uncertainty in the region.

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Encinas-Valenzuela, Jesus Ernesto. « Mexican foreign policy and UN peacekeeping operation s in the 21st century ». Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2502.

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On December 1, 2000 a new administration took over the presidency of MeÌ xico. This event was especially anticipated because the new president, Vicente Fox, was coming from a different party than the PRI, the old official party. The arrival of President Fox brought important changes in the way of governing; with the moral obligation to be different, since the beginning of his administration one of the main goals was incline to pursue a more dynamic participation by Mexico in the political issues of the world. This was to be accomplished by taking up several measures that included enhancing economic trade with the United States and other nations, world summits in Mexico, improvement of human rights and others. Among those plans one attracted special attention when Mexico asked for a seat as a non-permanent member in the UN Security Council for the period 2002-2003 the third time in Mexican history. There were divided opinions on the subject because Mexico would be directly involved in UN decisions concerning internal situations of other countries, something that goes against the foreign policy principles of MeÌ xico. Eventually this discussion opened doors for other topics; one of them was the possibility of Mexico participating actively in peacekeeping operations by sending troops overseas; this initiated a biter debate in the political sphere. This study analyzes Mexican Foreign Policy and the historical perspective of the foreign principles stated in the Mexican Constitution[alpha]s article 89, followed by a discussion of their influence and interpretation in the politicalmilitary environment before and during the administration of President Fox. The study includes the analysis includes the new social and political scenario that MeÌ xico is facing in order to determine the odds and obstacles when dealing with military participation overseas. As MeÌ xico takes its place in the community of nations, the country[alpha]s leadership needs to search for possible options and test whether the new Mexican political apparatus has the flexibility to address current threats and requirements for international security. An analysis on the capabilities of the Mexican Armed Forces is also necessary in order to determine their capacity to execute multinational operations. Finally bring out the real benefits and/or risks from getting Mexico involved in these kinds of operations are identified.

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Söylemez, Mehmet. « Turkey-China relations in the 21st century : from enhanced to strategic partnership /Söylemez Mehmet ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2017. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/362.

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The beginning of the 21st century has born witness to the regional rise of Turkey and global rise of China. The two countries have not only boomed economically but also politically, from their burgeoning role in international politics. Over the course of the 20th century they had little diplomatic relations with each other, despite their centuries old associations. Nevertheless, their bilateral relations have begun to warm up again in the last decade. At the turn of the new century, Turkey readjusted their policy on the Uyghur issue, one of the major obstacles against Turkey and China reinitiating relations after the diplomatic recognition in 1971. A policy orientation study, conducted from 1996 to 2000, resulted in a joint communiqué (signed in 2000) that envisioned an "enhanced partnership" between the two countries. From the year 2000, there was a boost in reciprocal visits and trade between Turkish and Chinese organizations. These relations grew rapidly, and in 2010 Turkish and Chinese prime ministers signed an agreement to upgrade their relationship status from "enhanced partnership" to "strategic partnership". From 2010, Turkey and China started to make surprising moves in fostering political dialogue, cooperating in the space and technology industries, cooperating with each other's militaries and mass investing in the other country's projects. The most important of these relationship-building developments was Turkey's dialogue partnership with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the country's interest in buying military equipment from China. There are additionally many other Turkish developments that have started to become attractive for China in global politics; given Turkey is a longstanding US ally, NATO member, and EU candidate. In light of these developments, while Turkish-Chinese relations have become more significant for international relations, there has been little work on the topic. This thesis, therefore, aims to address this problem. In order to do so, the study first attempts to identify where Turkey and China stand in terms of their international relations. Then, this thesis illustrates and analyzes the contexts that influence Turkey's relationship with China. Finally, this thesis emphasizes the two countries' bilateral relations. In order to effectively research this topic, the student has employed a post-positivist stance for International Relations. Understood from its emphasis on identity and context, constructionist and analytical eclectic approaches will be used to understand the phenomena, Turkish-Chinese relations and its evolution, with the help of realist and constructivist theories, through applying discourse analysis, interviews, participant observations methods.

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Silove, Nina. « Do great powers plan grand strategies ? : the effects of strategic plans on the formation of grand strategy ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711731.

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Kapyata, Dennis. « China-African Union relations : 2001 to the present ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/738.

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The increasing engagement of China in Africa after the cold war has steered debates concerning the growing complexion of this relationship. However, the emphasis of assessment has mainly been narrowed to the bilateral relationship between China and African countries. Insufficient consideration has been focused to the increasing relationship concerning China and African Union which is the continental Regional Organization of African states. This study explores the nature and impact of China-African Union relationship and its consequences to the African Union member states generally. The study examines the significance of this relationship and demonstrates how both China and African Union are using this relationship to fulfill their objectives and the ultimate effect to the African Union member states that have bilateral relations with China. By using qualitative design and the lens of constructivism this study has tested the extent of the application of China's objectives under the China African policy and the African Union objectives under the Constitutive Act and Agenda 2063 by analyzing the extent the parties are using this relationship to enhance the fulfillment of their objectives, by testing the study on the objectives of infrastructure development, peace and security, health, and capacity development as the research variables. This study shows the extent at which the parties' relations has led to the achievement of these objectives thus demonstrating the importance of the relationship between China and African Union. This relationship has enhanced peace and security preservation of the African continent, facilitated the development of African Union Centre for Disease Control and Prevention to boost the health objective on the continent, as well as aggrandized skill development through capacity development initiatives on the continent. China has also supported, consistently praised and acknowledged the role of the AU in solving African problems as well as constructing for it the biggest office block hence giving the continental organization a new face. Nevertheless, the study shows that China is using this relationship to project itself as a more active external partner for the AU and the African continent compared to the rest. Similarly, China is trying to use this relationship with the AU to socialize the AU member states towards its own priorities, and the relationship is positioning China to initiate, maintain and increase its Soft power interests on the African continent as well as advance its norms. Equally, China is carefully using its relationship with the AU to promote its geostrategic and political interests on the African continent for instance through its recent establishment of the Chinese military base in Djibouti. The study also highlights how Chinese Africa relations is not only based on interest of exploiting African resources entirely as described by previous authors, but there is also commitment towards increasing its engagement with the African Union basing on each other's policies and priorities in order to fulfill their objectives

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Martin, William R. « Corporatism in American foreign policy toward Germany between the wars, 1921-1936 ». PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4380.

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This thesis is an investigation of how United States foreign policy was made in the context of German-American relations in the period between the two world wars. The problem under investigation is whether the United States was using a corporatist approach in dealing with the problems of Germany and ultimately Europe and whether the corporatist model is a good one for analyzing foreign policy development during this period. Corporatism, as it is used in this thesis, is defined as an organizational form which recognizes privately organized functional groups outside the United States government, which collaborate with the government to share power and make policy. In the case of foreign policy, the focus of this investigation is on the role played by autonomous financial experts, especially from the banking community.

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Li, Hak Yin. « China, India and Russia : cooperation and construction of the Asia-Pacific order in the 21st century ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2007. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/828.

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Chan, Catherine See. « Alliance en garde : the United States of America and West Germany, 1977-1985 ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2011. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1300.

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Leong, Chi Ian. « National power, international interdependence and state socialization : explaining China's diplomatic behaviour in climate change politics ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554612.

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Livres sur le sujet "Germany – Foreign relations – 21st century"

Abramova, I. O. Germany in Africa : Reconciling business and development Germany's trade and economic relations with African countries at the end of the 20th--beginning of the 21st century. Moscow : Institute for African Studies RAS, 2009, 2009.

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The paradox of German power. London : C. Hurst & Co. (Publishers) Ltd., 2014.

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Holländer, Lutz. Die politischen Entscheidungsprozesse bei Auslandseinsätzen der Bundeswehr 1999-2003. Frankfurt am Main : Lang, 2007.

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21st century South Asia. New Delhi : Manas Publications, 2014.

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Berger, Samuel R. Challenges approaching the 21st century. Washington, D.C : Division of International Studies, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 1996.

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India's foreign policy in 21st century. New Delhi, [India] : G.B. Books, 2017.

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Indian foreign policy in the 21st century. New Delhi : Kaveri Books, 2017.

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McDougall, Derek. Australian foreign relations : Entering the 21st century. Frenchs Forest, N.S.W : Pearson Education Australia, 2008.

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Russian foreign policy in the 21st century. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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EU-Turkey relations in the 21st century. New York : Routledge, 2012.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Germany – Foreign relations – 21st century"

Kanet, Roger E. « From the “New World Order” to “Resetting Relations” : Two Decades of US-Russian Relations ». Dans Russian Foreign Policy in the 21st Century, 204–27. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230293168_11.

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Arpita Mathur. « Japan and China in India’s Foreign Policy ». Dans China-Japan Relations in the 21st Century, 337–54. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-4373-4_14.

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David Walton. « China and Japan in Australian Foreign Policy ». Dans China-Japan Relations in the 21st Century, 355–75. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-4373-4_15.

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Schonberg, Karl K. « Introduction : International Relations Theory And U.S. Foreign Policy in a New Era ». Dans Constructing 21St Century U.S. Foreign Policy, 1–14. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230622951_1.

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Zheng, Hongying. « Tensions and Relations : Exploring the Dynamic Relationship Between Teachers’ EFL (English as a Foreign Language) Teaching and Learning Beliefs and Practices ». Dans Preparing Teachers for the 21st Century, 395–407. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-36970-4_23.

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Sanikidze, George. « Georgia’s Relations with Turkey and Iran ». Dans Georgia’s Foreign Policy in The 21st Century. I.B. Tauris, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755645350.ch-5.

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Mitchell, Lincoln A. « Public Relations, International Politics and Georgian Democracy ». Dans Georgia’s Foreign Policy in The 21st Century. I.B. Tauris, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755645350.ch-2.

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Yurdusev, Nuri. « Perceptions and Images in Turkish (Ottoman)-European Relations ». Dans Turkey’s Foreign Policy in the 21st Century :, 77–99. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315198736-5.

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Tsereteli, Mamuka. « US–Georgian Relations : Expanding the Capacity of a Small State ». Dans Georgia’s Foreign Policy in The 21st Century. I.B. Tauris, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755645350.ch-11.

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Aras, Bülent. « Turkey’s Relations with Iran in the Post-Cold War Era ». Dans Turkey’s Foreign Policy in the 21st Century :, 181–98. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315198736-10.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Germany – Foreign relations – 21st century"

Philippov, Aleksandr V. « Trends in the Historyography of Japan from the Middle of the 19th Century to the Early 21st Century (Japanese History manuals, reference books and monographs — editions in Russian and English) ». Dans Current Issues in the Study of History, Foreign Relations and Culture of Asian Countries. Novosibirsk State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-4437-1268-0-67-73.

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Catana, Elisabeta simona. « THE BENEFITS OF E-LEARNING FOR DEVELOPING PROFESSIONAL COMMUNICATION SKILLS AND CROSS-CULTURAL AWARENESS IN THE 21ST CENTURY MULTICULTURAL SOCIETY ». Dans eLSE 2014. Editura Universitatii Nationale de Aparare "Carol I", 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-14-292.

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Résumé :

The following theoretical paper evinces the benefits of e-learning for developing the engineering students' communication skills and cross-cultural awareness in order to enable them to successfully live and work in our multicultural 21st century society. The complex character of social relations in our globalized multicultural society, marked by diversity and sensitivity to respecting certain values, codes and etiquettes, urges the teachers of foreign languages in a technical university to focus on developing the engineering students' knowledge and understanding of other cultural values, rules of communication and conduct, stimulating their interest in brushing up on the studied foreign language for a successful future career. In order to attain this objective, the paper attempts to demonstrate that traditional English language courses and seminars in a technical university must be complemented with e-learning. The main argument is that our society has become too complex and sensitive to communication approaches and requires teachers and students to pay more attention to the appropriate ways of coping with cultural differences regarding the manners of communication and behaviour. The paper evinces the following benefits of e-learning: enabling the students to obtain more information tips for successfully approaching different cross-cultural communication issues when meeting foreign interlocutors in a multicultural environment, and enhancing their foreign language knowledge and creativity through provocative tasks. Groups of students of different nationalities in a technical university will be assigned a series of e-learning tasks urging them to demonstrate their knowledge and creativity in order to promote their cultural values on their blogs, to put forth and enlarge upon their national etiquette, writing detailed cultural tips for foreigners visiting their country. Thus, e-learning enables the engineering students to acknowledge cross-cultural differences in order to build long-term professional relationships across cultures. Moreover, it also keeps us to be up-to-date with the latest communication issues we can encounter in our society. Therefore, the paper will enlarge upon some necessary e-learning skills for developing the students' knowledge of a foreign language and for acknowledging cross-cultural differences. Building on the students' creativity through e-learning tasks, we prepare them for coping with a complex society wherein knowledge and understanding of cross-cultural differences in order to achieve unity in diversity must be our specific and overriding objective.

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