Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Germany – Economic policy – 1990- »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Germany – Economic policy – 1990-"
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Wang, Minxu. « Analysis on German Monetary Policy from 1974 to 1990 ». E3S Web of Conferences 214 (2020) : 02007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202021402007.
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This article analyzes German monetary policy from 1974 to 1990. During this period, Germany experienced rapid economic growth and maintained the inflation rate at an average low level. This article would like to analyze German monetary policy to find the reasons why Germany could have rapid economic growth and maintain inflation rate at an average low level. Then specific main goal, right choices of monetary policy tools and intermediary indicators, and timely adjustment of the policy were found as the reasons. We also learn some successful experience about monetary policy from Germany and apply them in China.
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Strutynski, Peter. « Uneingeschränkte Solidarität ». PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 41, no 162 (1 mars 2011) : 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v41i162.360.
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This article focuses on the analysis of the new strategic concept of NATO (Lisbon 2010) and its effect on German foreign and security policy. During the Cold War, the (old) Federal Republic of Germany had done well to recognize its limited sovereignty while at the same time expanding its economic and political influence in NATO and the EC/EU. This approach has not fundamentally changed with the unification of Germany in 1990. Since then Germany has been developing its imperial ambitions cautiously, embedded in the aggressive NATO military pact and the militarization of the EU. The credo of the new Germany is the enforcement of both;, German economic and geo-strategic interests as a nation cannot be achieved alone, but only within the range of existing alliances.
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Spaulding, Robert Mark. « German trade policy in Eastern Europe, 1890–1990 : preconditions for applying international trade leverage ». International Organization 45, no 3 (1991) : 343–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300033130.
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Over the past century, Germany has repeatedly attempted to use trade as a tool of foreign policy vis-à-vis Imperial Russia, the Soviet Union, Poland, and Czechoslovakia. Against the background of continual German economic superiority, this article analyzes Germany's ability to apply trade leverage in terms of four other factors: the nature of the prevailing international trade regime, government views of trade leverage as a tool of statecraft, the degree of German state autonomy in setting trade policies, and the availability of an effective bureaucratic mechanism for controlling German imports and exports. The historical record demonstrates that beyond economic superiority, the application of trade leverage requires a permissive international trade regime, state acceptance of trade-based economic statecraft, an autonomous domestic regime, and a rigorous trade control bureaucracy. Surprisingly, this conjunction of factors, as they applied to Eastern Europe, occurred during both the Nazi period and the early years of the Federal Republic. The article closes by pointing out how two important factors—the politicized nature of the East-West trade regime and the Federal Republic's high degree of state autonomy in setting Eastern trade policy–are being eroded by political and economic change in Eastern Europe.
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Szabo, Stephen F. « Germany : From Civilian Power to a Geo-economic Shaping Power ». German Politics and Society 35, no 3 (1 septembre 2017) : 38–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2017.350303.
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Germany has become a geo-economic power since its unification in 1990. Its foreign policy agenda has been shaped by its economic interests and the role of its export sector. Nevertheless, Russian actions in Ukraine and elsewhere in Europe combined with the accession of the Trump Administration in the United States and the rise of China have resulted in a transition in the foreign policy paradigm toward Germany as a shaping power and more of a geopolitical actor which has to balance its economic interests with the new strategic challenges of a newly unstable Europe.
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Veselov, Yuriy Aleksandrovich. « Analysis of evolution of the attitude of the Federal Republic of Germany towards the Russian Federation within the framework of the establishment of German national identity after the German reunification ». Международные отношения, no 1 (janvier 2022) : 16–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2022.1.33611.
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This article examines the relevant topic of Germany-Russia relations. The goal is set to analyze the German perception of these relations through the prism of specific German national identity. The key task lies in studying the German identity and its reflection in foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany with regards to the Russian Federation. The author believes that German identity is a crucial factor in the formation of foreign policy course alongside the establishment of advantageous business ties. The article covers the main characteristics and problems of German national identity since 1990, which allows tracing the evolution of Germany-Russia relations. Special attention is given to the characteristic features of German identity that have formed prior to the German reunification, but their fundamental traits remain essential for studying German identity. Leaning on the scientific research of the prominent specialists in German Studies, the author highlights not only the basic, but also complementary features of the modern German identity, and outlines the landmark events that currently acquire special resonance in German society. The author also traces the evolution of Germany-Russia relations, placing emphasis on the aspects that are of particular importance for the economic and ideological interests of the Russian Federation. The conclusion is made on unfeasibility of continuing the dialogue between Germany and Russia due to the fact that the Federal Republic of Germany is a full-fledged member of the European Union and no longer intends to implement solely national foreign policy.
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Spengel, Christoph, et Benedikt Zinn. « Steuerpolitik nach der Krise : Welche Maßnahmen sind für die Unternehmensbesteuerung in Deutschland zu ergreifen ? » Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik 13, no 1-2 (février 2012) : 19–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2516.2012.00372.x.
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AbstractIn this article we numerically explore the development of corporate tax burdens for the case of Germany during the time period between 1990 and 2010. We set up a model-firm approach, which allows us to account separately for many complicated tax provisions, such as earning stripping rules or loss-carryovers, in great detail and hence provide a comprehensive analysis of the tax systems in Germany, which extends the scope of existing literature. Furthermore, we present an analysis of the impact of the global economic and financial crisis on the effective tax burden of companies and evaluate the short-term measures introduced by the German government to support economic activity. Although the global economic crisis has posed hard new questions, it also offers an opportunity to accelerate structural tax reforms and restart the discussion on the design of corporate taxation in Germany beyond short-term policy responses. Therefore, we finally outline proposals to reform corporate taxation in Germany.
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Choi, Seung Mo, et Max St Brown. « Economic Impacts of Reunifications in Germany and in Korea ». Asian Economic Papers 14, no 2 (juin 2015) : 183–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00364.
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We measure the evolution of population, investment rates, and total factor productivity (TFP) for East Germany and West Germany around their 1990 reunification to create a model that allows us to consider the economic ramifications of a hypothetical reunification between South Korea and North Korea. The scenarios that we consider suggest that worker migration from the North, a decrease in investment, and a slowdown in TFP growth could exert a substantial negative and persistent effect on South Korea's economy although the North is predicted to benefit from more rapid income growth. We also summarize the economic and policy questions that our quantified model illuminates.
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Leibold, Stefan. « Il welfare tedesco : un compromesso confessionale ? » SOCIOLOGIA E POLITICHE SOCIALI, no 3 (janvier 2013) : 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sp2012-003004.
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From the end of the 19th century to the present, six political regimes followed one another in Germany: from the monarchy to the Weimar Republic, the national socialist dictatorship, the occupation by the allies after the Second World War, East Germany under Soviet influence, the new established capitalist West Germany and the reunified Germany (the "Berlin Republic" after 1990). Nevertheless, surprisingly enough, the structure of the German welfare state has shown a steady continuity over such a long span of time: Germany is a very prominent example of "path dependency" in matter of welfare state. This direction is characterized by a corporative stance in social policy and it involves economic associations, Unions, private welfare organizations and mainstream Churches as leading actors of this process. The article discusses whether or not the influence of religion is a cause for the distinct features of the German welfare state. It briefly draws on current analysis and a research project in Münster (Germany); it investigates the historical and ideological roots of the typical German welfare model, and the role religion played in that respect. Finally, it focuses upon the German welfare-state model from 1945 to the present.
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Roesler, Jörg. « Massenkonsum in der DDR : zwischen egalitärem Anspruch, Herrschaftslegitimation und „exquisiter“ Individualisierung ». PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 35, no 138 (1 janvier 2005) : 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v35i138.40.
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Mass Consumption in the GDR. East Germanys communist party policy was directed to a steady increase of consumption from the low level after Second World War. The consumption patterns were not dictated by Marxist theory but by the shop window reality of West Germany. According to the wishes of the people – and Marxist ideas - the delivery of goods was comparatively equal to every citizen. In the 1980s both consumption policy goals could not be met any longer as a result of economic weakness and mounting indebtedness of GDR. This was one important reason, why the population turned its back to communism mentally - and in 1989 increasingly also physically. The GDR collapsed in 1990.
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Ivanov, Oleksandr, et Mykhailo Boiko. « Denazification policy in Germany in the coverage by the representatives of American scientific and political thought in the second half 1940s – 1950s ». American History & ; Politics : Scientific edition, no 11 (2021) : 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.11.6.
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Based on an analysis of published works by American researchers (historians, political scientists, lawyers, sociologists, philosophers), the majority of whom was involved in the preparation and implementation of the process of re-education of Germans in the first postwar years, the authors aim to identify the main trends, approaches, assessments of the progress and future prospects of denazification of Germany from the point of view of American scientists and politicians of the first postwar decade. Denazification became one of the main public topics that was widely discussed in American society in the second half of the 1940s and 1950s, but these publications have not yet been the subject of a separate historiographical analysis in either ukrainian or foreign scientific literature that determines the novelty of the proposed article. Discussions were formed by those who were involved in its implementation and did not always express the views of academics alone. Based on the methods of historiographic analysis and problem-chronological approach, it was found that the program of «re-education» of Germany and its implementation were ambiguously perceived and evaluated by different researchers, which led to the formation of two directions in historiography of this problem. The first and a little earlier formed direction showed a balanced positive assessment of the denazification policy even if certain problems, shortcomings or even partially negative results were stated. Another trend, which crystallized a little later, articulated a more critical, skeptical, and even negative view of US policy in occupied Germany. In American historiography there is a thesis that the Germans must solve their own problems. The assessment of denazification took place at a time of critical geopolitical change in Europe, interest in which waned in the 1950s. Exacerbation of the confrontation with the USSR, fear of possible radicalization of Germany, problems of postwar economic recovery forced the United States to reconsider approaches to methods and rates of denazification policy and transfer control over its implementation to the newly formed Germany, an American ally.
Thèses sur le sujet "Germany – Economic policy – 1990-"
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Van, der Heyden Ulrich Klaus Helmut. « GDR development policy with special reference to Africa, c. 1960-1990 ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001860.
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This thesis explores the political, economic and theoretical underpinnings of the German Democratic Republic’s (GDR’s) development policies towards the Third World between c.1960 and 1990. Particular attention is paid to Africa. Case studies of assistance to SWAPO and the ANC further focus the attention of the reader on southern Africa in particular. Aspects of both military and civilian aid are considered, including both development initiatives overseas in Africa, and development training for Africans within the GDR itself. Since German “reunification”, the GDR’s history has been explored largely from a West German perspective. The present work attempts to provide a more balanced view of successes and shortcomings of the GDR’s policies towards, and interaction with, African countries and liberation movements. It also aims to bring to the attention of English-speaking readers German archival sources, other primary sources and published works which they would otherwise have been unlikely to encounter. From its formation, the GDR made strenuous efforts to develop relations with countries which were either free from colonial dependency or were struggling for freedom. Over the course of thirty years, it followed a number of different approaches, and developed diverse objectives. These were shaped in the wider context of the cold war, the Hallstein doctrine (which established that the FRG – and, in effect, its allies - would not establish or maintain diplomatic relations with any state that recognised the GDR), the relationships between the GDR and partner socialist states, and the economic difficulties faced by the GDR. Arising from this complex situation, from time to time, both internally in the GDR and in terms of its foreign affairs, tensions and discrepancies arose between theoretical objectives and political and economic reality. Despite these severe constraints, during the period under review, the volume and range of the GDR’s relationships with developing countries increased dramatically. For example, between 1970 and 1987, the number of developing countries with which the GDR had foreign economic relations on the basis of international agreements grew from 23 to 64. Viewed within its economic context, the state was arguably far more committed to development aid than the Federal Republic of Germany. In addition, there is a great deal of evidence that “solidarity” with developing nations and the oppressed enjoyed a considerable degree of popular support.
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Vonyó, Tamás. « Post-war reconstruction and the economic miracle : the dynamics of West German economic growth during the 1950s and 1960s ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669982.
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Thomsen, Stephan Lothar. « Evaluating the employment effects of job creation schemes in Germany ». Heidelberg : [Mannheim] : Physica-Verlag ; ZEW, Zentrum für Europäische Wirtschaftsforschung, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-7908-1950-2.
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Depoortere, Rolande A. « La Belgique et les réparations allemandes après la première Guerre mondiale, 1919-1925 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212662.
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Kern, Thorsten. « West Germany and Namibia's path to independence, 1969-1990 : foreign policy and rivalry with East Germany ». Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/24509.
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This thesis examines West Germany's relationship with Namibia between 1969 and 1990. It investigates West German foreign policy towards Namibia, at the height of the Namibian liberation struggle, against the backdrop of East and West German rivalry. It brings to light that the post-war division of Germany into two separate states significantly impacted both German states' policies towards Namibia. The Federal Republic of Germany's (FRG) changing approach towards the German Democratic Republic (GDR) is analysed in relation to the Federal Republic's shifting attitude towards the South West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO), Namibia's leading national liberation movement. It shows that the political dynamic that drove the normalisation of relations between East and West Germany played a key role in West Germany's move towards supporting SWAPO in the mid-to-late 1970. Furthermore, this thesis demonstrates that the Federal Republic's political landscape was dominated by political division over the issue of SWAPO's role in Namibia's future. This dissertation therefore examines the diverging views among political parties and its wider effects on shaping West Germany's policy towards Namibia. It calls to attention that political discord led to attempts by political factions to influence events in Namibia, independent of the Federal Government, through alternative instruments of foreign policy. Particular attention is also paid to the ideological underpinnings that promoted or hindered interactions and co-operation between East and West Germany in Namibia, on the one hand, and the two German states and SWAPO on the other. It reveals that West Germany's attitude towards SWAPO cannot be separated from the wider realities of the Cold War. In particular, it shows that the normalization of relations between West Germany and SWAPO can only be fully understood against the backdrop of intra-German rivalry.
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Forbes, N. « British financial and economic policy towards Germany, 1931-39 ». Thesis, University of Kent, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.374158.
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Kay, Alex J. « Exploitation, resettlement, mass murder : political and economic planning for German occupation policy in the Soviet Union, 1940-1941 / ». New York : Berghahn books, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40227679v.
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Texte remanié de: Thesis Ph. D.--Philosophical Faculty I--Berlin--Humboldt-Universität, 2005. Titre de soutenance : Neuordnung and Hungerpolitik : the development and compatibility of political and economic planning within the Nazi hierarchy for the occupation of the Soviet Union, July 1940-July 1941.Bibliogr. p. 222-234.
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Simpson, Ralph Arthur. « Government intervention in the Malaysian economy, 1970-1990 : lessons for South Africa ». University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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This study examined the role the Malaysian government played in developing the Malaysian economy as a means to eliminating poverty and inequality and explored the lessons South Africa can learn from Malaysia's development experience. Under British colonial rule Malaysia developed a divided multi-ethnic society characterised by gross inequality and high levels of poverty. Jolted by the 1969 race riots and in a major departure from the laissez-faire economic policy, the government embarked on the New Economic Policy in 1970. This ambitious twenty-year social engineering plan ushered in greater state intervention in the economy. It greatly reduced poverty among indigenous Malays and made substantial progress towards achieving inter-ethnic economic parity.
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Nuyken, Mark E. « Between domestic constraints and multilateral obligations : the reform of the Bundeswehr in the context of a normalised German foreign and security policy ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/6511.
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This thesis seeks to understand the developments in Germany’s foreign and security policy since the end of the Cold War. Primarily, this thesis will centre on the question of whether Germany can now, after being re-unified for more than 20 years, be considered a normal actor in international relations. Although this subject has been debated extensively, the effects a possible change in foreign policy behaviour has on related fields of policy, have largely been left aside. This thesis therefore sets out to understand if there has in fact been a change in Germany’s foreign and security policy and will then apply the findings on the institution most affected by this change, i.e. Germany’s armed forces the Bundeswehr. It will therefore firstly discuss the perceived changes in German foreign policy since 1990 by analysing the academic debate on the process of normalisation and continuation. It will be argued that Germany has in fact become more normal and abandoned the constrained foreign policy of the Cold-War-era. The Bundeswehr will therefore have to be reformed accordingly to accommodate the new tasks set out by the changed foreign policy – most importantly peacekeeping and peace-enforcing out-of-area missions. This thesis will therefore analyse the reform efforts made over the last 20 years and apply them to the Bundeswehr’s large deployments in Kosovo and Afghanistan to determine how effective the reforms have been. Finally, this thesis will be able to contribute to the discussion on Germany’s status of a normal player in international relations with the added perspective from the Bundeswehr’s point of view.
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Pigman, Geoffrey Allen. « Hegemony and free trade policy : Britain 1846-1944 and U.S.A. 1944-1990 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.335695.
Texte intégralLivres sur le sujet "Germany – Economic policy – 1990-"
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F, Frowen Stephen, et Hölscher Jens, dir. The German currency union of 1990 : A critical assessment. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1997.
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F, Frowen Stephen, et Hölscher Jens, dir. The German currency union of 1990 : A critical assessment. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1996.
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Robert, Corker, dir. United Germany, the first five years : Performance and policy issues. Washington, DC : International Monetary Fund, 1995.
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Leslie, Lipschitz, et McDonald Donogh, dir. German unification : Economic issues. Washington, D.C : International Monetary Fund, 1990.
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1967-, Lange Thomas, et Shackleton J. R, dir. The political economy of German unification. Providence : Berghahn Books, 1998.
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Fulbrook, Mary. Interpretations of the two Germanies, 1945-1990. 2e éd. New York : St. Martin's Press, 2000.
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Heinz-Dieter, Kurz, dir. United Germany and the new Europe. Aldershot, Hants, England : Edward Elgar, 1993.
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20 Jahre Begrüssungsgeld : 100 Mark auf Zeitreise - was ist daraus geworden ? Wiesbaden : Gabler, 2009.
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Der Beitrag des Transaktionskostenansatzes zu einer Theorie der Transformation von Wirtschaftsordnungen : Eine theoretische Analyse mit empirischer Untersuchung gesamtwirtschaftlicher Transaktionskosten am Beispiel West- und Ostdeutschlands. Frankfurt am Main : P. Lang, 1995.
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J, Katzenstein Peter, dir. Tamed power : Germany in Europe. Ithaca, N.Y : Cornell University Press, 1997.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Germany – Economic policy – 1990-"
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Moebius, Stephan. « Sociology in Germany After 1990 ». Dans Sociology in Germany, 141–71. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71866-4_6.
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AbstractWhile far-reaching intellectual influences changed the face of sociology in the 1980s, the development of sociology in the 1990s was first and foremost shaped by a concrete social and political transformation, the fall of the Berlin Wall. Soon after the German reunification, East German sociology almost entirely disappeared and West German sociology extended to the East. The triumph of capitalist society fostered a brief comeback of modernization theory. As the system change came along with severe social problems, theories and research projects focusing on social exclusion, precarious work, and xenophobia moved to the center stage of sociological thinking. The first decade of this century again brought about major changes for society and sociology. Market logic increasingly dominated social and education policy; economic thinking and its involvement in political affairs was on the rise and may have contributed to a marginalization of the influence of sociology on policy making. Characteristic is a further specialization and differentiation, visible through the multiplication of special sociologies. The landscape of sociological theory in Germany continued to change: Earlier, grand theories were dominant, whereas nowadays a trend toward sociological diagnoses of contemporary society can be observed. Overall, contemporary sociology in Germany can be characterized by the following features: (1) historically and philosophically informed sociological theory has always been and still is important, (2) German sociology lacks self-confidence compared to US-American sociology, (3) German sociology has a critical attitude and a strong tradition of public sociology, (4) self-critical debates and internal controversies have always existed and still persist in the field of German sociology. Most recently, this could be observed in the splitting off of the Academy of Sociology from the German Sociological Association and the accompanying debates.
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Grüner, Stefan. « Ensuring Economic Growth and Socioeconomic Stabilization : Industrial Policy in West Germany, 1950–1975 ». Dans Industrial Policy in Europe after 1945, 86–112. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137329905_5.
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Hübner, Kurt. « Policy Failure : The Economic Record of the Red-Green Coalition in Germany, 1998–2002 ». Dans Germany on the Road to Normalcy, 107–22. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403981479_6.
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Liu, Tao, et Tong Tian. « Relations Between Germany and China and the Rise of the Social Insurance State in China Since the Economic Reform of 1978 ». Dans International Impacts on Social Policy, 423–34. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86645-7_33.
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AbstractSince the economic reform in 1978, the main system of social security in China has gradually transformed from the labour insurance system to the social insurance system. In this transformation process, policy learning and ideas diffusion have become relevant means to influence China’s social policy-making, and Bismarckian social insurance system has become an important reference for China’s legislative and social elites. In this process, Germany has influenced the core ideas and values of social policy experts in China in favour of the emergence and expansion of social insurance system since the 1990s, and the inter-state diffusion has become a powerful driving force for the rise of the new social insurance state in China.
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Pandolfini, Valeria, Borislava Petkova et Thomas Verlage. « Youth Aspirations Towards the Future : Agency, Strategy and Life Choices in Different Structural Contexts ». Dans Landscapes of Lifelong Learning Policies across Europe, 63–87. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-96454-2_4.
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AbstractThrough a comparative analysis of three case studies built on the intersection of three young adults’ trajectories and three LLL policies in Germany, Italy and Bulgaria, this chapter aims to explore the interplay between opportunity structures and subjective choices. We focus on the educational and professional dimensions, putting them in relation within the LLL policy young adults accessed with their aspirations, self-representations, the living conditions they face in the local context and the welfare (Esping-Andersen, The three worlds of welfare capitalism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990) and transition (Walther, YOUNG, 14(2), 119–139, 2006) regimes characterizing their countries. Relying on the Capability Approach (Sen, Development as freedom. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999; Nussbaum, Women and human development. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), we explore how young people’s capacity to cope with challenges and their ability to actively navigate obstacles are influenced by the wider discursive and institutional opportunity structures in which they unfold their life paths. The analysis reveals how youths make their choices according to their “capacity to aspire” (Appadurai 2004) and the social, cultural and economic factors at play in exercising their navigational capacities; being able (or unable) to define life plans potentially constitutes a “new” factor of inequality. The possibilities of better capturing the complex relationship between structural limits, possibilities and subjective aspirations in shaping individuals’ choices and actions within specific opportunity structures are discussed.
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Kloss, Günther. « The Economy and Economic and Financial Policy ». Dans West Germany, 109–38. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20663-6_4.
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Schmidt, Manfred G. « The Policy of the Middle Way : Germany since 1990 ». Dans Rethinking Germany and Europe, 73–84. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230297227_5.
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Rövekamp, Frank. « The case of Germany ». Dans Economic Policy and the Covid-19 Crisis, 82–97. London : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003153603-7.
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Möller-Gulland, Jennifer, Manuel Lago, Katriona McGlade et Gerardo Anzaldua. « Effluent Tax in Germany ». Dans Use of Economic Instruments in Water Policy, 21–38. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-18287-2_3.
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Dyson, Kenneth. « German Economic Policy after Fifty Years ». Dans The Federal Republic of Germany at Fifty, 219–30. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27488-8_17.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Germany – Economic policy – 1990-"
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Densmaa, Oyuntsetseg, Gerelchimeg Kaliinaa, Norovsuren Nanzad et Tsogzolboo Otgonbayar. « MONGOLIA’S “THIRD NEIGHBOR POLICY” ». Dans Proceedings of the XXV International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25012021/7365.
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Geographically Mongolia has two neighbors. Mongolia’s existence today depends largely on mutually friendly relationships with two big neighbors. The main pillars of Mongolia’s new international strategy were incorporated in Mongolia’s National Security Concept adopted on June 30, 1994. This document, approved by the Mongolian Parliament, emphasizes a balanced policy towards the country’s two giant neighbors, underlines the importance of economic security in protecting Mongolia’s national integrity, and warns about too much dependence on any one country for trade. In today’s world of globalization and interdependence, Mongolia has to engage with other countries beyond these two neighbors, Russia and China. This is fundamental thing of the Mongolia’s searching third neighbor. Mongolia needs more friends to ensure its national security interests and achieve economic prosperity its ‘Third Neighbor Policy’1 is a policy of extending its friends all around the world. Two immediate neighbors of Mongolia, Russia and China, remain the foreign policy priority and this priority is not contradictory to the policy of having more friends. Mongolia is becoming an arena of clashes of economic interests of developed countries, multinational corporations due its rich mining deposits. Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy is aimed to leverage the influence of neighboring countries in the national security issues of Mongolia. In contrast with other satellite states of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia concurrently instituted a democratic political system, a market-driven economy, and a foreign policy based on balancing relations with Russia and China while expanding relations with the West and East. Mongolia is now pursuing a foreign policy that will facilitate global engagement, allow the nation to maintain its sovereignty, and provide diplomatic freedom of maneuver through a “third neighbor” policy. 2 This policy is very much alive today but there is no reason to claim that its implementation is satisfactory. Mongolia has major investors from the US, Japan, Germany and France from the EU, for example. There are many universal conventions related to landlocked country. For Mongolia, access to sea via our two neighbors, means promoting economic ties with the third neighbors, as an important factor conducive to reinforcing the material foundations of Mongolia’s third neighbor policy.
2
Taşar, M. Okan, et Savaş Çevik. « Eurasia Economies in Context of Competition Policy ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c01.00118.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Global economy, especially after 1990 have had a liberal approach to structural transformation and reveal the effectiveness of "liberalization" is defined as the process. Together with the global financial crisis started to be discussed this process with a more intense competition and the growing importance of the concept of expanding the size of the country in terms of a systematic policy of competition policy with all the other words are required.
Within the general framework of the so-called Eurasia in the Turkic World in this transformation to create new institutional structures and market mechanisms are working. Decades of an ongoing economic system and a complex new system into the market place, this transformation is absolutely raises a number of structural problems. Yet even liberal economies have experienced economic crises at the regional and global environment is taken into account, and ideally a fully functioning market institutions does not occur.
In this context, competition policy and sub-elements should be defined. Rationalized in terms of market economy should be set to the required qualifications. As for this purpose, work on the first section describes the conceptual background and will be shaped. In the following section, Turkic World Economies mainly as provided in the development process of market reforms and competition policies are introduced, which arise in the functioning of a market economy, or "market failures" will be discussed.
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Zinoveva, Irina, et K. Osipova. « CORPORATE TAXATION IN THE COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD ». Dans Manager of the Year. FSBE Institution of Higher Education Voronezh State University of Forestry and Technologies named after G.F. Morozov, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.34220/my2021_55-59.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is devoted to the consideration of the issue of corporate taxation in the countries of the world with favorable and optimal conditions of the tax system (USA, Thailand, Canada, Germany, Russia). Within the framework of this work, the features of collecting and dynamics of the corporate tax rate, types and elements of taxation are determined. According to the results of the study, the leading role of the state in the development and implementation of tax policy within the framework of the implemented strategy of socio-economic development of the country is concluded.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan, et Ayşen Hiç Gencer. « Turkey and Uzbekistan Relations within the Scope of Economic and Political Integration of Central Asia ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01466.
Texte intégralRésumé :
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Uzbekistan declared her sovereignty on June 20th, 1990 and her independence on September 1st, 1991. Turkey was the first country to recognize the Republic of Uzbekistan on December 16th, 1991. On March 4th, 1992, diplomatic relations between Turkey and Uzbekistan were established and more than 90 bilateral agreements and protocols were signed. Among the Central Asian countries, Uzbekistan has an important geopolitical location and has the largest Turkish population. Turkish and Uzbek people share the same culture and language (Uzbek-Chagatai Turkish). Prime Minister Erdoğan and President Kerimov emphasized the necessity of improving the Turkish-Uzbek relations at the opening ceremony of Sochi 2014 Winter Olympics. Turkish Foreign Minister Davutoğlu's visit on July 10th, 2014 started improving bilateral relations that had come to a halt in 2003. This paper analyzes Turkish-Uzbek relations in the framework of integration in Central Asia and with respect to the structural economic changes in Uzbekistan and her foreign trade policy.
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Bal, Harun, et Berk Palandökenlier. « Is the Resource Curse Thesis Affect Only Least Developed Countries ? Examples from Resource-Rich Developed Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c13.02514.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Whether the Dutch Disease thesis, which is one of the best-known economic explanations on this subject, which puts forward the thesis that countries rich in natural resources can have negative effects on long-term economic growth, directly or indirectly, depending on the way they are used, is valid or not. tried to be demonstrated. The Dutch disease thesis is one of the main explanations for resource misfortune, emphasizing the negative effects of resource abundance on the national economy in countries with rich resource endowments and pointing to a paradox that economic conditions will be better in countries that do not have relatively little (or scarce) natural resources. is happening. Therefore, in our study, it is aimed to investigate whether resource richness causes an economic recession or not, especially for developed countries by considering indirect transmission channels. In this context, 11 developed countries such as Netherlands, Norway, Ireland, Germany, New Zealand, the United States of America, Canada, Australia, Poland, the United Kingdom, and Denmark, between 1990 and 2019, are based on the experiences of developed countries, which are especially rich in different sources of Dutch Disease syndrome. The country has been researched with static and dynamic panel analysis methods. As a result of the estimation, findings were found that the Dutch Disease was partially valid in terms of developed country samples throughout the sample period considered.
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Akça, Tacinur. « Foreign Trade Relations Between Turkey and the Eurasian Countries : An Empirical Study ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01793.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Eurasian Countries incorporates many economic and cultural wealth. The Eurasian countries have attracted attention all over the world with its rich oil and natural gas reserves and geopolitical situation. Due to the increasing importance of the Eurasian countries, as well as being an alternative to a political foreign policy and it has created an economically viable alternative in terms of foreign trade for Turkey. The importance of exports is increasing for the development of Turkey and Eurasia cannot be neglected as an important issue. History of the republic's foreign policy is focused on establishing good relations with the West. Of the Soviet Union collapsed and the Cold War ended after the opening of the new Turkish foreign policy became inevitable to be based in Central Asia and the Caucasus, Turkey aimed to be active in this region.
The main purpose of our study was that Turkey's foreign trade with The Eurasian Countries is to reveal the relationship. The interest in the region began in the beginning of 1990, the economic policies implemented by Turkey has tried to analyze using relevant data. İn our study, in order to analyze the economic relationship between our countries and Eurasian Countries, Turkey's import and export figures which were explained in the form of tables with the countries concerned. We will concentrate on the major Eurasian countries, especially in our work we focus on Russia, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova.
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Diril, Funda. « Comparison of Fiscal Reforms in Some South and East European Transition Economies ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01014.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of this paper is to compare fiscal reforms of some of the transition economies in Balkans including The Republic of Macedonia. Since 1990’s former planned economies, which are in the process of economic transformation into market economy have carried out several reforms. During this economic transformation process both the effects and the results of these reforms vary according to the difference between the needs of structural change in each country. In this study, some of the selected transition economies in Balkans are analyzed: Some of the recent members of European Community in Balkans and The Republic of Macedonia are examined in comparison. Analysis of fiscal reforms of these transition economies are evaluated in several headings in reference to the macroeconomic statistics created by international organizations such as OECD, EC and IMF and policy suggestions are proposed accordingly. The government deficit, government debts and tax policy are the significant part of these reforms. Several strategies are implemented in developing support systems for competitive environment and private ownership. Economic shrinkage, current account deficit, low foreign capital and government deficit indicate economic weakness in these countries. The Czech Republic, Bulgaria, The Republic of Macedonia, Romania and Hungary face fiscal problems such as economic shrinkage, debt service and government deficit during the transition process. As being the candidate country for European Union accession; The Republic of Macedonia is approaching to the Maastricht Criteria and has better outcomes in public debt compared to the other countries given above.
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İşcan, İsmail Hakkı, et Yıldız Zeliha Hatipoğlu. « Russia's Free Market Perception and the Global Crisis ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c01.00134.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The answer of why Russia is not affected from today’s global crisis, considerably, is crucial. Since 1990, Russia has been liberalizing its markets rapidly, has decreased implementations which are deterrent for open market significantly until these days. By 2000’s Russia, has entered to a new term in which economic profit and instrument depending on energy sources are commented as basic priorities and instruments at foreign policy. In this study Russia’s free market applications with this new era are dealt with and results of these applications are found out with the framework of 2008 global crisis.
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Stojkov, Stefan, Emilija Beker Pucar, Olgica Glavaški et Marina Beljić. « Exchange Rate Pass-Through Asymmetry : The Case of the Euro-Zone ». Dans 27th International Scientific Conference Strategic Management and Decision Support Systems in Strategic Management. University of Novi Sad, Faculty of Economics in Subotica, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46541/978-86-7233-406-7_218.
Texte intégralRésumé :
An essential aspect of deepening the level of economic integration between European economies is the reduction of mutual economic disparities, which is especially emphasized by the formation of the supranational monetary authority of the Euro-zone member states. However, fixing the currency for the euro and losing monetary sovereignty in the circumstances of a structurally heterogeneous system meant that the same monetary policy provoked different repercussions for member states. This research aims to point out the differences in the exchange rate transmission mechanism between the representatives of two groups of Euro-zone member states: the core of the EZ (Germany, Finland, Belgium, and France) and the periphery of the EZ (Greece, Spain, Portugal, Ireland), in the 1999M1-2021M1 time horizon. Empirical findings are based on estimates of the VAR model, i.e. derived impulse response functions in the circumstances of shock transmission (nominal effective exchange rate) to inflation (consumer price index). The results of the research indicate the asymmetry of the exchange rate transmission mechanism in terms of a more pronounced and longer degree of exposure of peripheral economies to shocks of the nominal exchange rate compared to the representatives of the core of the Euro-zone. Empirical findings confirm the asymmetry of the exchange rate transmission mechanism as one of the indicators of the weakness of the Euro-zone, given the inflationary diversity and the consequent anomalies of the monetary union with heterogeneous membership.
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Agarwal, Ramesh, Ping Wang et Lee Chusak. « Integrative Analysis of Non-Renewable and Renewable Energy Sources for Electricity Generation in U.S. : Demand and Supply Factors, Environmental Risks and Policy Evaluation ». Dans ASME 2010 4th International Conference on Energy Sustainability. ASMEDC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/es2010-90365.
Texte intégralRésumé :
An equilibrium economic model for policy evaluation related to electricity generation has been developed; the model takes into account the non-renewable and renewable energy sources, demand and supply factors and environmental constraints. The non-renewable energy sources include three types of fossil fuels: coal, natural gas and petroleum, and renewable energy sources include nuclear, hydraulic, wind, solar photovoltaic, biomass wood, biomass waste and geothermal. Energy demand sectors include households, industrial manufacturing and commercial enterprises (non-manufacturing businesses such as software firms, banks, restaurants, service organizations, universities, etc.). Energy supply takes into account the electricity delivered to the consumer by the utility companies at a certain price which maybe different for retail and wholesale customers. Environmental risks primarily take into account the CO2 generation from fossil fuels. The model takes into account the employment in various sectors and labor supply and demand. Detailed electricity supply and demand data, electricity cost data, employment data in various sectors and CO2 generation data are collected for a period of seventeen years from 1990 to 2006 in U.S. The model is calibrated for the aggregate data. The calibrated model is then employed for policy analysis experiments if a switch is made in sources of electricity generation, namely from fossil fuels to renewable energy sources. As an example, we consider a switch of 10% of electricity generation from coal to 5% from wind, 3% from solar photovoltaic, 1% from biomass wood and 1% from biomass waste. It should be noted that the cost of electricity generation from different sources is different and is taken into account. The consequences of this switch on supply and demand, employment, wages, and emissions are obtained from the economic model under three scenarios: (1) energy prices are fully regulated, (2) energy prices are fully adjusted with electricity supply fixed, and (3) energy prices and electricity supply both are fully adjusted.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Germany – Economic policy – 1990-"
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Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml et Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.
2
Cavaille, Charlotte, Federica Liberini, Michela Redoano, Anandi Mani, Vera E. Troeger, Helen Miller, Ioana Marinescu et al. Which Way Now ? Economic Policy after a Decade of Upheaval : A CAGE Policy Report. Sous la direction de Vera E. Troeger. The Social Market Foundation, février 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/978-1-910683-41-5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Most, if not all advanced economies have suffered gravely from the 2008 global financial crisis. Growth, productivity, real income and consumption have plunged and inequality, and in some cases poverty, spiked. Some countries, like Germany and Australia, were better able to cope with the consequences but austerity has taken its toll even on the strongest economies. The UK is no exception and the more recent period of economic recovery might be halted or even reversed by the political, economic, and policy uncertainty created by the Brexit referendum. This uncertainty related risk to growth could be even greater if the UK leaves the economic and legal framework provided by the EU. This CAGE policy report offers proposals from different perspectives to answer the overarching question: What is the role of a government in a modern economy after the global financial crisis and the Brexit vote? We report on economic and social challenges in the UK and discuss potential policy responses for the government to consider. Foreword by: Lord O’Donnell of Clapham.
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Mahdavian, Farnaz. Germany Country Report. University of Stavanger, février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.180.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Germany is a parliamentary democracy (The Federal Government, 2021) with two politically independent levels of 1) Federal (Bund) and 2) State (Länder or Bundesländer), and has a highly differentiated decentralized system of Government and administration (Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit, 2021). The 16 states in Germany have their own government and legislations which means the federal authority has the responsibility of formulating policy, and the states are responsible for implementation (Franzke, 2020). The Federal Government supports the states in dealing with extraordinary danger and the Federal Ministry of the Interior (BMI) supports the states' operations with technology, expertise and other services (Federal Ministry of Interior, Building and Community, 2020). Due to the decentralized system of government, the Federal Government does not have the power to impose pandemic emergency measures. In the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, in order to slowdown the spread of coronavirus, on 16 March 2020 the federal and state governments attempted to harmonize joint guidelines, however one month later State governments started to act more independently (Franzke & Kuhlmann, 2021). In Germany, health insurance is compulsory and more than 11% of Germany’s GDP goes into healthcare spending (Federal Statistical Office, 2021). Health related policy at the federal level is the primary responsibility of the Federal Ministry of Health. This ministry supervises institutions dealing with higher level of public health including the Federal Institute for Drugs and Medical Devices (BfArM), the Paul-Ehrlich-Institute (PEI), the Robert Koch Institute (RKI) and the Federal Centre for Health Education (Federal Ministry of Health, 2020). The first German National Pandemic Plan (NPP), published in 2005, comprises two parts. Part one, updated in 2017, provides a framework for the pandemic plans of the states and the implementation plans of the municipalities, and part two, updated in 2016, is the scientific part of the National Pandemic Plan (Robert Koch Institut, 2017). The joint Federal-State working group on pandemic planning was established in 2005. A pandemic plan for German citizens abroad was published by the German Foreign Office on its website in 2005 (Robert Koch Institut, 2017). In 2007, the federal and state Governments, under the joint leadership of the Federal Ministry of the Interior and the Federal Ministry of Health, simulated influenza pandemic exercise called LÜKEX 07, and trained cross-states and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007b). In 2017, within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with representatives from WHO and the World Bank to prepare for future pandemic events (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). By the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, on 27 February 2020, a joint crisis team of the Federal Ministry of the Interior (BMI) and the Federal Ministry of Health (BMG) was established (Die Bundesregierung, 2020a). On 4 March 2020 RKI published a Supplement to the National Pandemic Plan for COVID-19 (Robert Koch Institut, 2020d), and on 28 March 2020, a law for the protection of the population in an epidemic situation of national scope (Infektionsschutzgesetz) came into force (Bundesgesundheitsministerium, 2020b). In the first early phase of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, Germany managed to slow down the speed of the outbreak but was less successful in dealing with the second phase. Coronavirus-related information and measures were communicated through various platforms including TV, radio, press conferences, federal and state government official homepages, social media and applications. In mid-March 2020, the federal and state governments implemented extensive measures nationwide for pandemic containment. Step by step, social distancing and shutdowns were enforced by all Federal States, involving closing schools, day-cares and kindergartens, pubs, restaurants, shops, prayer services, borders, and imposing a curfew. To support those affected financially by the pandemic, the German Government provided large economic packages (Bundesministerium der Finanzen, 2020). These measures have adopted to the COVID-19 situation and changed over the pandemic. On 22 April 2020, the clinical trial of the corona vaccine was approved by Paul Ehrlich Institute, and in late December 2020, the distribution of vaccination in Germany and all other EU countries
4
Werny, Rafaela, Marie Reich, Miranda Leontowitsch et Frank Oswald. EQualCare Policy Report Germany : Alone but connected ? Digital (in)equalities in care work and generational relationships among older people living alone. Frankfurter Forum für interdisziplinäre Alternsforschung, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main, octobre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/gups.69905.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The policy review is part of the project EQualCare: Alone but connected? Digital (in)equalities in care work and generational relationships among older people living alone, a three-year international project involving four countries: Finland, Germany, Latvia and Sweden. EQualCare interrogates inequalities by gender, cultural and socio-economic background between countries, with their different demographics and policy backgrounds. As a first step into empirical analysis, the policy review aims to set the stage for a better understanding of, and policy development on, the intersections of digitalisation with intergenerational care work and care relationships of older people living alone in Germany. The policy review follows a critical approach, in which the problems policy documents address are not considered objective entities, but rather discursively produced knowledge that renders visible some parts of the problem which is to be solved as other possible perspectives are simultaneously excluded. Twenty publicly available documents were studied to analyse the processes in which definitions of care work and digital (in)equalities are circulated, translated and negotiated between the different levels of national government, regional governments and municipalities as well as other agencies in Germany. The policy review consists of two parts: a background chapter providing information on the social structure of Germany, including the historical development of Germany after the Second World War, its political structure, information on the demographic situation with a focus on the 60+ age group, and the income of this age group. In addition, the background presents the structure of work and welfare, the organisation of care for old people, and the state of digitalisation in Germany. The analysis chapter includes a description of the method used as well as an overview of the documents chosen and analysed. The focus of this chapter is on the analysis of official documents that deal with the interplay of living alone in old age, care, and digitalisation. The analysis identified four themes: firstly, ageing is framed largely as a challenge to society, whereas digitalisation is framed as a potential way to tackle social challenges, such as an ageing society. Secondly, challenges of ageing, such as need of care, are set at the individual level, requiring people to organise their care within their own families and immediate social networks, with state support following a principle of subsidiarity. Thirdly, voluntary peer support provides the basis for addressing digital support needs and strategies. Publications by lobby organisations highlight the important work done by voluntary peer support for digital training and the benefits this approach has; they also draw attention to the over-reliance on this form of unpaid support and call for an increase in professional support in ensuring all older people are supported in digital life. Fourthly, ageing as a hinderance to participation in digital life is seen as an interim challenge among younger old people already online.
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Soloviev, Vladimir, Oleksandr Serdiuk, Serhiy Semerikov et Arnold Kiv. Recurrence plot-based analysis of financial-economic crashes. [б. в.], octobre 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31812/123456789/4121.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article considers the possibility of analyzing the dynamics of changes in the characteristics of time series obtained on the basis of recurrence plots. The possibility of using the studied indicators to determine the presence of critical phenomena in economic systems is considered. Based on the analysis of economic time series of different nature, the suitability of the studied characteristics for the identification of critical phenomena is assessed. The description of recurrence diagrams and characteristics of time series that can be obtained on their basis is given. An analysis of seven characteristics of time series, including the coefficient of self-similarity, the coefficient of predictability, entropy, laminarity, is carried out. For the entropy characteristic, several options for its calculation are considered, each of which allows the one to get its own information about the state of the economic system. The possibility of using the studied characteristics as precursors of critical phenomena in economic systems is analyzed. We have demonstrated that the entropy analysis of financial time series in phase space reveals the characteristic recurrent properties of complex systems. The recurrence entropy methodology has several advantages compared to the traditional recurrence entropy defined in the literature, namely, the correct evaluation of the chaoticity level of the signal, the weak dependence on parameters. The characteristics were studied on the basis of daily values of the Dow Jones index for the period from 1990 to 2019 and daily values of oil prices for the period from 1987 to 2019. The behavior of recurrence entropy during critical phenomena in the stock markets of the USA, Germany and France was studied separately. As a result of the study, it was determined that delay time measure, determinism and laminarity can be used as indicators of critical phenomena. It turned out that recurrence entropy, unlike other entropy indicators of complexity, is an indicator and an early precursor of crisis phenomena. The ways of further research are outlined.
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Allan, Duncan, et Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.
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Dinges, Michael, Christiane Kerlen, Peter Kaufmann, Anna Wang, Kathleen Toepel, Jakob Kofler, Stefan Meyer et Harald Wieser. Theories of change for transformation-oriented R&I polices : the case of the 7th Energy Research Programme in Germany. Fteval - Austrian Platform for Research and Technology Policy Evaluation, avril 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22163/fteval.2022.542.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article investigates how Theories of Change for transformation-oriented R&I programmes can be designed to better grasp system transformation processes and thereby set the basis for a deeper understanding of transformative impact mechanisms and programme learning. The analysis is based within the realm of the energy system, which is an area of specific concern for socio-technical transformation. It focuses on the “7th Energy Research Programme” (EFP) of the German Federal Ministry of Economic Affairs and Climate Action, which is the key R&I policy instrument contributing to the transformation of the energy system in Germany. The article shows how a programme theory approach can be combined with multi-level perspective innovation system thinking and the concept of transformative outcomes to increase the evaluability of complex, transformation-oriented R&I programmes.
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Solaun, Kepa, Chiquita Resomardono, Katharina Hess, Helena Antich, Gerard Alleng et Adrián Flores. State of the Climate Report : Suriname : Summary for Policy Makers. Inter-American Development Bank, juillet 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003415.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Several factors contribute to Surinames particular vulnerability to the effects of climate change. It is dependent on fossil fuels, has forests liable to decay, fragile ecosystems, and its low-lying coastal area accounts for 87% of the population and most of the countrys economic activity. Many sectors are at risk of suffering losses and damage caused by gradual changes and extreme events related to climate change. For Suriname to develop sustainably, it should incorporate climate change and its effects into its decision-making process based on scientific- evidence. The State of the Climate Report analyzes Surinames historical climate (1990-2014) and provides climate projections for three time horizons (2020-2044, 2045-2069, 2070-2094) through two emissions scenarios (intermediate/ SSP2-4.5 and severe/ SSP5-8.5). The analysis focuses on changes in sea level, temperature, precipitation, relative humidity, and winds for the seven subnational locations of Paramaribo, Albina, Bigi Pan MUMA, Brokopondo, Kwamalasamutu, Tafelberg Natural Reserve, and Upper Tapanahony. The Report also analyzes climate risk for the countrys ten districts by examining the factors which increase their exposure and vulnerability on the four most important sectors affected by climate change: infrastructure, agriculture, water, and forestry, as well as examining the effects across the sectors. The State of the Climate provides essential inputs for Suriname to develop and update its climate change policies and targets. These policies and targets should serve as enablers for an adequate mainstreaming of climate change adaptation and resilience enhancement into day-to-day government operations.
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Aiginger, Karl, Andreas Reinstaller, Michael Böheim, Rahel Falk, Michael Peneder, Susanne Sieber, Jürgen Janger et al. Evaluation of Government Funding in RTDI from a Systems Perspective in Austria. Synthesis Report. WIFO, Austria, août 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.22163/fteval.2009.504.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the spring of 2008, WIFO, KMU Forschung Austria, Prognos AG in Germany and convelop were jointly commissioned by the Austrian Federal Ministry for Transport, Innovation and Technology and the Austrian Federal Ministry of Economy, Family and Youth to perform a systems evaluation of the country's research promotion and funding activities. Based on their findings, six recommendations were developed for a change in Austrian RTDI policy as outlined below: 1. to move from a narrow to a broader approach in RTDI policy (links to education policy, consideration of the framework for innovation such as competition, international perspectives and mobility); 2. to move from an imitation to a frontrunner strategy (striving for excellence and market leadership in niche and high-quality segments, increasing market shares in advanced sectors and technology fields, and operating in segments of relevance for society); 3. to move from a fragmented approach to public intervention to a more coordinated and consistent approach(explicit economic goals, internal and external challenges and reasoning for public intervention); 4. to move from a multiplicity of narrowly defined funding programmes to a flexible, dynamic policy that uses a broader definition of its tasks and priorities (key technology and research segments as priority-action fields, adequate financing of clusters and centres of excellence); 5. to move from an unclear to a precisely defined allocation of responsibilities between ministries and other players in the field (high-ranking steering group at government level, monitoring by a Science, Research and Innovation Council); 6. to move from red-tape-bound to a modern management of public intervention (institutional separation between ministries formulating policies and agencies executing them, e.g., by "progressive autonomy").
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Arora, Sanjana, Hulda Mjöll Gunnarsdottir et Kristin Sørung Scharffscher. Gendered dimensions of the COVID-19 Pandemic. University of Stavanger, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.255.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This report forms part of the deliverables produced by the international research project Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak (PAN-FIGHT), funded by the Norwegian Research Council. It provides an overview of project findings pertaining the gender dimensions of the pandemic, with a particular focus on risk perceptions, compliance and vulnerability. The COVID-19 pandemic has reiterated that the impacts of a crisis are not homogenous. Gender, which encapsulates both biological and socio-cultural ways of being, plays a role in how crises are experienced. This is evidenced by the health, economic as well as societal consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic which have affected women and men, girls and boys differently. Knowledge about gendered implications of the pandemic is thus vital for designing equitable policy responses. This report draws on evidence from former research as well as on findings from an online survey conducted as part of the project’s data collection in 2021. The survey, reaching out to respondents in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom, investigated public risk perceptions, reactions to governmental of risk communication about COVID-19, compliance with governmental restrictions and risk mitigation measures and vulnerability during the pandemic (N=4206).