Pour voir les autres types de publications sur ce sujet consultez le lien suivant : Germany – Commercial policy – History.
Thèses sur le sujet « Germany – Commercial policy – History »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les 50 meilleures thèses pour votre recherche sur le sujet « Germany – Commercial policy – History ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Parcourez les thèses sur diverses disciplines et organisez correctement votre bibliographie.
1
Davis, John Richard. "Trade, politics, perspectives, and the question of a British commercial policy towards the German states 1848-1866." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296985.
Texte intégral
2
Potschka, Christian. "Towards a market in broadcasting : a comparative analysis of British and German communications policy." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2010. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/6324.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Political structures and the evolution of late capitalism in liberal Western democracies lend a common frame to the development of national media systems. However, whereas media policy from the post-war period to the mid-1980s was largely driven by socio-political concerns and coextensive with policy for public service television, this model has been vehemently challenged. Key factors were the convergence of erstwhile-separated industries and infrastructures, as well as the ambitions of the corporate sector and governments alike, to benefit from the economic opportunities offered by the communications revolution. By assessing the changing relationship between the role of the state, economic structures and technological innovation, this research investigates these processes in the UK and Germany. Both countries have the two key public service systems but also feature striking differences such as the antithetic political systems and democratic processes (majoritarian vs. consensus democracy). The basic assumption suggests that a genuine understanding of contemporary developments is only possible if political/economic as well as historic/sociological perspectives are incorporated into the holistic approach applied. Thereby this study gives consideration to key processes and events which have determined transitions between communications policy paradigms and regulatory regimes. Given the Anglo-Saxon tradition of regulating, key processes and events in the UK are often indicated by the appointment and report of a committee of enquiry. For the purpose of this study the most crucial of these is the Committee on Financing the BBC (1986), which first applied market-driven politics onto British broadcasting, and whose recommendations still serve as a blueprint for current communications policy-making. In Germany the KtK Report (1974) formed the basis for decisive reforms in broadcasting and communications. Apart from that, however, Germany features the characteristic of administering state interventions in as detailed a manner as possible through legislation. Of central importance are, therefore, the rulings of the Federal Constitutional Court, which continuously set decisive parameters for the development of the broadcasting system. The thesis follows two driving themes which have been identified as crucial in terms of the comparative dimension and are elaborated continuously in more detail. First, the focus is on the interdependencies between public and private sector. Second, implications and responses of the central vis-à-vis federal characteristic of state formation are investigated. In doing so, the thesis draws on vast sources of archival documents as well as exclusive material from a series of elite interviews with a purposively-selected sample of very high-level sources, including Chairmen, Director-Generals, ministers, very senior civil servants and so on. The thesis demonstrates how communications policy-making is carried out in both countries and how these processes are determined by national regulatory frameworks which are rooted within the borders of the nation state. As such the research findings have broader implications for commercial and public sector regulation.
3
Gaudenzi, Bianca. "Commercial advertising in Germany and Italy, 1918-1943." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609367.
Texte intégral
4
Kern, Thorsten. "West Germany and Namibia's path to independence, 1969-1990: foreign policy and rivalry with East Germany." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/24509.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines West Germany's relationship with Namibia between 1969 and 1990. It investigates West German foreign policy towards Namibia, at the height of the Namibian liberation struggle, against the backdrop of East and West German rivalry. It brings to light that the post-war division of Germany into two separate states significantly impacted both German states' policies towards Namibia. The Federal Republic of Germany's (FRG) changing approach towards the German Democratic Republic (GDR) is analysed in relation to the Federal Republic's shifting attitude towards the South West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO), Namibia's leading national liberation movement. It shows that the political dynamic that drove the normalisation of relations between East and West Germany played a key role in West Germany's move towards supporting SWAPO in the mid-to-late 1970. Furthermore, this thesis demonstrates that the Federal Republic's political landscape was dominated by political division over the issue of SWAPO's role in Namibia's future. This dissertation therefore examines the diverging views among political parties and its wider effects on shaping West Germany's policy towards Namibia. It calls to attention that political discord led to attempts by political factions to influence events in Namibia, independent of the Federal Government, through alternative instruments of foreign policy. Particular attention is also paid to the ideological underpinnings that promoted or hindered interactions and co-operation between East and West Germany in Namibia, on the one hand, and the two German states and SWAPO on the other. It reveals that West Germany's attitude towards SWAPO cannot be separated from the wider realities of the Cold War. In particular, it shows that the normalization of relations between West Germany and SWAPO can only be fully understood against the backdrop of intra-German rivalry.
5
Sagagi, A. Muhammad. "Commercial policy and industrialisation in Nigeria, 1963-1978." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1985. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/34674/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As a contribution to the continuing debate among trade and development economists as to the role of industrial strategies in the pattern of economic development, this study analyses the experience of one developing country, Nigeria, with an import substitution strategy. The performance of the industrial sector is critically assessed and related to the trade policy adopted. Using published data, the study covers 24 industries and a period of 16 years, beginning 1963 and extending to 1978. An analysis of the structure of protection reveals a considerably high and wide ranging levels of effective protection, in favour of consumer-goods oriented sectors. The relationship between these rates of effective protection on the one hand and import substitution and sectoral growth on the other was examined using various parametric and non-parametric tests of association. The evidence, which is only suggestive in nature, indicates that the structure of protection does play a role, albeit a minimal one, in stimulating industrial growth. Using Input-Output techniques, the employment, foreign exchange and output implications of the present strategy of Import- Substitution and of a hypothetical strategy of export promotion are analysed. There is a general absence of 'key' employment sectors and, paradoxically, an export promotion strategy is found to be less employment generating and more capital using but less foreign exchangeusing than the existing strategy. Although there is a considerable scope for capital-labour substitution in many industries, it was found that the often recommended policy of getting prices 'right' will not be sufficient to bring about an appreciable improvement in the employment situation. The development of factor productivity between 1963 and 1978 for each of the 24 industries was analysed; and three possible determinants of productivity are investigated: capital intensity and technical progress, output growth (the Verdoorn's Law) and trade policy. With regards to the latter, it was found that periods of especially slack productivity growth roughly correspond to those in which there was especially restrictive trade policy as quantified by high erps. The economic efficiency of the manufacturing sector was appraised using the criteria of net social profitability, social rate of return and Domestic Resources Costs (DRCs). Evidence was found in support of the hypothesis that the resource pull of protection to the protected industries is accompanied by higher rates of private, but lower rates of social profitability for the more heavily protected sectors. The overall conclusion of the thesis is that the policies of protection should have been more rationally applied and the IS strategy more rationally executed in line with the country's enunciated objectives.
6
Radtke, Robert Warren. "The British commercial community in Shanghai and British policy in China, 1925-1931." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315945.
Texte intégral
7
Sutton, Cavender. ""We Germans Fear God, and Nothing Else in the World!" Military Policy in Wilhelmine Germany, 1890-1914." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2019. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3571.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Throughout the Second Reich’s short life, military affairs were synonymous with those of the state. Indeed, it was the zeal and blood of Prussian soldiers that allowed the creation of a unified German empire. After solidifying itself as a major power, things grew more complicated as the Reich found itself increasingly surrounded by hostile rivals. To the west, French humiliation over their catastrophic defeat in 1870-71 continued to fester while, in the east, Russian sympathies for the new empire waned. The finalization of a Franco-Russian alliance in 1894 meant Germany faced formidable adversaries along her eastern and western borders. That unsettling realization dictated the empire’s military policy until its downfall in 1918. Drawing from the writings and speeches of Wilhelmine Germany’s military and political leaders, this work seeks to examine and analyze the Second Reich’s military policies and decision-making processes over the three decades preceding the First World War.
8
Kreft, Anne-Kathrin Abedi-Djourabtchi Amir. "The weight of history : change and continuity in German foreign policy towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict /." Online version, 2010. http://content.wwu.edu/cdm4/item_viewer.php?CISOROOT=/theses&CISOPTR=327&CISOBOX=1&REC=10.
Texte intégral
9
Corps, Terence John. "Reciprocity revised : the Jacksonians, navigation, and the shaping of United States commercial policy, 1829-1850." Thesis, Durham University, 1992. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/6138/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The study investigates the importance of the policy of reciprocal navigation within U.S. domestic politics and commercial diplomacy in the late Jacksonian era. Addressing the neglect by historians of the development of the policy after 1829, the study examines the basis of a strong minority in opposition to the existing equality in commercial exactions granted to the shipping of foreign countries which reciprocated with like terms. This opposition, located chiefly in the maritime centres of New England and Baltimore, and reaching its climax in the harsh economic climate of the early 1840s, made use of pressure group tactics in an attempt to persuade American policy-makers to suspend the policy, or to abandon it altogether. They also drew attention to similar problems in the related matter of trade with Britain's colonies in the western hemisphere. Their efforts met with varied results: the gradual improvement of the colonial trade problem until its final resolution with the reform of the British Navigation acts in 1849; short-term legislative attention to the issue of reciprocal navigation, but with no positive outcome; temporary suspension of the policy by diplomatic officers of the Tyler administration; and finally the further extension of reciprocity, and the exploitation by the Polk administration of the opposition to it as a negotiating tool to win commercial concessions from European states. The study concludes that reciprocal navigation, while not a party issue as such, did evoke responses which reflected prevailing partisan and sectional attitudes. At a time of growing sectional tension the issue tended to divide northern and southern Whigs, for and against sympathy for the critics of reciprocity respectively; while Democrats managed to maintain party unity on this issue, despite the apparent southern priorities of the Polk administration, as revealed by their manipulation of shippers' discontent.
10
Bukaty, Ryan Michael. "Commercial Diplomacy: The Berlin-Baghdad Railway and Its Peaceful Effects on Pre-World War I Anglo-German Relations." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849612/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Slated as an economic outlet for Germany, the Baghdad Railway was designed to funnel political influence into the strategically viable regions of the Near East. The Railway was also designed to enrich Germany's coffers with natural resources with natural resources and trade with the Ottomans, their subjects, and their port cities... Over time, the Railway became the only significant route for Germany to reach its "place in the sun," and what began as an international enterprise escalated into a bid for diplomatic influence in the waning Ottoman Empire.
11
Wilkinson, Sarah. "Perceptions of public opinion. British foreign policy decisions about Nazi Germany, 1933-1938." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e4be72fd-3dd2-44f5-8bf6-19922402e397.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the historical problem of determining the relationship between a government's perception of public opinion and the decisions it takes. We introduce evidence for the social habits of the Cabinet in order to suggest new formulations of 'élite' and 'mass' public opinion. We argue that parliamentary opinion was generally more important in decision-making for the Cabinet, except at moments of extreme crisis when a conception of 'mass' opinion became equally significant. These characterization of mass opinion were drawn from a set of stereotypes about public opinion which academic and political theorization had produced. It is argued that this theorization was stimulated by ongoing debates about mass communication, the importance of the ordinary man in democracy and the outbreak of the first world war during the inter-war period. The thesis begins with an introduction to the methodological problems involved, followed by one chapter on theorization about public opinion in the inter-war period. Three diplomatic crises are considered in the case study chapters: the withdrawal of Germany from the Disarmament Conference in 1933, the German reoccuption of the Rhineland in 1936 and the threat of invasion of the Sudetenland in 1938. Two further chapters examine the role of public opinion in protests to Germany about the treatment of the Jews in 1933 and in 1938. It is argued that perceptions of public opinion played a much more important role in decision-making than has hiterto been thought. The most significant argument posits that perceptions of public opinion were equally as important as military considerations in the decision to refuse the Godesberg terms in 1938. More generally, the way in which politicians used public opinion rhetorically is described and the limits of the usefulness of the term for historians are suggested.
12
Van, der Heyden Ulrich Klaus Helmut. "GDR development policy with special reference to Africa, c. 1960-1990." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001860.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores the political, economic and theoretical underpinnings of the German Democratic Republic’s (GDR’s) development policies towards the Third World between c.1960 and 1990. Particular attention is paid to Africa. Case studies of assistance to SWAPO and the ANC further focus the attention of the reader on southern Africa in particular. Aspects of both military and civilian aid are considered, including both development initiatives overseas in Africa, and development training for Africans within the GDR itself. Since German “reunification”, the GDR’s history has been explored largely from a West German perspective. The present work attempts to provide a more balanced view of successes and shortcomings of the GDR’s policies towards, and interaction with, African countries and liberation movements. It also aims to bring to the attention of English-speaking readers German archival sources, other primary sources and published works which they would otherwise have been unlikely to encounter. From its formation, the GDR made strenuous efforts to develop relations with countries which were either free from colonial dependency or were struggling for freedom. Over the course of thirty years, it followed a number of different approaches, and developed diverse objectives. These were shaped in the wider context of the cold war, the Hallstein doctrine (which established that the FRG – and, in effect, its allies - would not establish or maintain diplomatic relations with any state that recognised the GDR), the relationships between the GDR and partner socialist states, and the economic difficulties faced by the GDR. Arising from this complex situation, from time to time, both internally in the GDR and in terms of its foreign affairs, tensions and discrepancies arose between theoretical objectives and political and economic reality. Despite these severe constraints, during the period under review, the volume and range of the GDR’s relationships with developing countries increased dramatically. For example, between 1970 and 1987, the number of developing countries with which the GDR had foreign economic relations on the basis of international agreements grew from 23 to 64. Viewed within its economic context, the state was arguably far more committed to development aid than the Federal Republic of Germany. In addition, there is a great deal of evidence that “solidarity” with developing nations and the oppressed enjoyed a considerable degree of popular support.
13
Murray, Scott W. "The origins of an illusion: British policy and opinion, and the development of Prussian liberalism, 1848-1871." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28832.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The massive historiography dealing with the problem of Germany's development in the first half of twentieth century has been strongly influenced by the notion that certain peculiar national characteristics led Germany down a Sonderweq, or "special path," which diverged from that of other Western European nations. However, by helping to focus scholarly attention on various political, social and intellectual developments which took place in Germany in the nineteenth century, the Sonderweq thesis has distracted scholars from examining more closely the possible impact which the interplay of international relations had on Germany's development during this pivotal period. The present study examines the extent to which British foreign policy affected the growth of authoritarianism and the decline of liberalism in Prussia during the period 1848-1871, and how certain Intellectual currents in England at the time affected both the formulation and the expression of British policy regarding Prussia.
By examining both the policies pursued by British statesmen at certain key points during the period 1848-1871, and the views expressed by a group of highly idealistic British liberal commentators who watched affairs in Prussia closely during this period, I have attempted to demonstrate the following: firstly, that existing interpretations of British policy regarding Prussia have overemphasized the role of liberal idealism in the calculations of British policy-makers, who appear instead to have consistently pursued pragmatic policies aimed at a Prussian-led unification of Germany; and secondly that it was this latter group of British commentators who provided policy-makers with a style of rhetoric which obfuscated the pragmatic considerations underlying British policy. Moreover, it was this same corpus of liberal, "Whig" commentary which laid the conceptual foundations for what was to become the standard interpretative approach to German history, particularly amongst Anglo-American historians writing since 1945 - the Sonderweq thesis. Thus, by separating the rhetoric from the actual practice of British policy, and by identifying the liberal biases which pervaded British liberal discourse on Prussia during this period, I have attempted to clarify Britain's role in the important developments taking place in Germany at this time, while broadening our appreciation of how and why subsequent scholarship on the German question has so readily embraced the notion that German history is "peculiar".<br>Arts, Faculty of<br>History, Department of<br>Graduate
14
Szpakowicz, Błażej Sebastian. "British trade, political economy and commercial policy towards the United States, 1783-1815." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610189.
Texte intégral
15
Martin, William R. "Corporatism in American foreign policy toward Germany between the wars, 1921-1936." PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4380.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is an investigation of how United States foreign policy was made in the context of German-American relations in the period between the two world wars. The problem under investigation is whether the United States was using a corporatist approach in dealing with the problems of Germany and ultimately Europe and whether the corporatist model is a good one for analyzing foreign policy development during this period. Corporatism, as it is used in this thesis, is defined as an organizational form which recognizes privately organized functional groups outside the United States government, which collaborate with the government to share power and make policy. In the case of foreign policy, the focus of this investigation is on the role played by autonomous financial experts, especially from the banking community.
16
Antinelli, Annachiara. "The case of People’s Republic of China penetration and foreign policy developments in Djibouti State : the logistic and commercial sectors." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Afrikanska studier, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-30443.
Texte intégral
17
Phelps, Thomas Edward. "The German peasant family, 1925-1939 : the problems of the republic and the impact of national socialism." Virtual Press, 1990. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/720350.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Rural society during the German National Socialist movement has been overlooked by most historians. Instead the urban elements are stressed. I have chosen to study the impact of National Socialism upon peasant families.Three major limitations exist for this project. First, only the peasant family itself is reviewed. Second, this project is concerned only with the years from 1925 through 1339. Third, this project limits its review to only that territory comprising Germany after World War I. This was done to allow for a more equal comparison of agricultural statistics.The construction of this project remains simple. Three major chapters exist. Chapter One reviews the Republic: its politics, economy, and the problems of the peasant family. The remaining chapters then review these problems as they were resolved by the National Socialists. Chapter Two reviews the family itself: family size, health, inheritance, and social status. Chapter Three reviews farm-management: production, mechanization, labor, and prosperity. Both chapters are divided into two parts: part one reviews the new policies; part two reviews the impact.The findings of this project were different than expected. I had expected to find minimum improvement in the condition of peasant families. Instead, I discovered that, in general, these policies failed in their objectives. The reasons for these failures differed. But much of the blame rests in faults of the laws themselves. Final results, however, were mixed. Farm-management improved slightly, but the family itself witnessed reduced health. The average family was not destitute, but neither did it prosper.<br>Department of History
18
McCarthy, Matthew John. "'A sure defence against the foe '? : maritime predation & British commercial policy during the Spanish American Wars of Independence, 1810-1830." Thesis, University of Hull, 2011. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:4454.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The following study investigates the British government�s response to maritime predation in the period 1810-1830 and evaluates the effectiveness of the measures implemented to protect British trade and shipping. A necessary prerequisite for this task is to establish the impact of commerce raiding activity on the British mercantile marine, which has thus far eluded historians. Chapters one and two of the following study are dedicated to this purpose. In chapter one, the key findings of previous works with regard to the organizational and operational features of commerce-raiding activity are synthesised and the extent and nature of the threat posed to British trade and shipping is established. The ways in which this threat became a reality for British merchants is the subject of chapter two. The impact of predation on the British mercantile marine is identified through the use of quantitative and qualitative data. A database of prize actions, which can be defined as encounters between British merchant vessels and maritime predators, has been constructed for this study from the intelligence contained in contemporary newspapers and government correspondence. The database provides statistics on the number of British vessels affected by maritime predators, the annual frequency of prize actions, and the perpetrators responsible for their initiation. Adding depth to these statistics are the letters, petitions, memorials and claims certificates received by the British government, which give detailed breakdowns of the losses incurred by merchants in individual prize cases. In chapter three the wider political context within which the British government received merchant appeals for assistance is established, providing a framework with which to identify and explain the measures implemented to tackle the problems being experienced at sea and to evaluate their effectiveness. Chapters four through to seven thematically analyse the British government�s response to maritime predation. British countermeasures against the depredations of independent Spanish American commerce-raiders are addressed in chapter four. The British government�s response to Spanish predation is the subject of chapters five and six, while chapter seven provides an analysis of British policy towards Cuban-based piracy. These four chapters draw heavily upon government correspondence when identifying the measures implemented by British statesmen to counter the threat of maritime predation, while the public debates and the proceedings of the Anglo-Spanish claims commission underpin appraisals of the effectiveness of these measures. Given that commerce-raiding activity during the Spanish American Wars of Independence has never been examined from a British perspective, this study will add a new dimension to the existing literature. In doing so, this study will provide a platform from which to reassess the arguments of previous works with regard to the character of predation in the early nineteenth century, the motivation of those individuals who participated in the activity, and the contribution of commerce-raiding to the outcome of the independence conflict. However, the following study also has the potential to raise points of wider significance and make contributions to knowledge and understanding of other aspects of history. The focus of the current study on the effectiveness of British policy in protecting the interests of British merchants from the threat of predation therefore to shed light on wider social, political and economic changes occurring within Britain during the early nineteenth century The upsurge in commerce-raiding activity during the Spanish American Wars of Independence occurred at a time of profound change in the direction of British economic policy. Cain and Hopkins have outlined the nature of this change and explained the rationale with which it was underpinned. They argue that between 1688 and 1850 Britain was ruled by a gentlemanly elite made up of an alliance between the landed aristocracy and financiers in the City of London. This alliance sought to service the national debt, fund patronage and manage the political system in ways that preserved privilege, civil peace and the constitution. In the period prior to 1815 the pursuit of these objectives saw the British government play a protectionist role in the economy. However, following the Napoleonic Wars it became clear that fundamental changes were needed to restore the health of the economy, maintain civil order and deflect growing criticism of the patronage system that had begun to circulate in the late eighteenth century. Consequently, the ruling class embarked on a process of redefining its role and purpose and gradually began to introduce reforms of the constitution, of the patronage system, of social legislation, and of economic policy. In the economic realm following the Napoleonic Wars, forward-looking members of the Tory government, who were inspired by Adam Smith�s attack on mercantilism in the Wealth of Nations, adopted a laissez-faire outlook and began to progressively withdraw the government from direct participation in the economic process.57 By 1850 the transition was effectively complete and mercantilism had given way to an era of free trade. As D.C.M. Platt has demonstrated, for the remainder of the nineteenth century the British government maintained an urgent official interest in the general welfare of British commerce overseas but exhibited a distinct prejudice against promoting individual financial and trading interests. This study promises to shed further light on early nineteenth-century British economic policy by providing a case-study with which to view this transition in action and with which to assess its significance to the lives of British subjects.
19
Hüntelmann, Axel C. "Hygiene im Namen des Staates : das Reichsgesundheitsamt 1876-1933 /." Göttingen : Wallstein, 2008. http://d-nb.info/988532948/04.
Texte intégral
20
Neef, G. D. "The failure of quadripartite negotiations for economic reform and the blockade of Berlin : American policy, currency reform and the division of Germany, 1945-48." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1985. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272933.
Texte intégral
21
Stedman, Andrew David. ""Then what could Chamberlain do, other than what he did"? A synthesis and analysis of the alternatives to Chamberlain's policy of appeasing Germany, 1936-1939." Thesis, Kingston University, 2007. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/20253/.
Texte intégral
22
Bisson, Douglas Ronald. "The Merchant Adventurers and the Tudor commonwealth: the formulation of a trade policy, 1485-1565 /." The Ohio State University, 1987. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487335992905996.
Texte intégral
23
Stark, John Robert. "The Overlooked Majority: German Women in the Four Zones of Occupied Germany, 1945-1949, a Comparative Study." Columbus, OH : Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1045174197.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.<br>Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 433 p.: ill., maps (some col.). Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: Alan Beyerchen, Dept. of History. Includes bibliographical references (p. 424-433). Abstract available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text currently unavailable.
24
Vonyó, Tamás. "Post-war reconstruction and the economic miracle : the dynamics of West German economic growth during the 1950s and 1960s." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669982.
Texte intégral
25
Grimmer-Solem, Erik. "The science of progress : the rise of historical economics and social reform in Germany, 1864-1894." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cff7d27b-b020-46d4-b2e0-b98d686c1f3b.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis reassess the so-called 'Historical School of Economics' of Gustav Schmoller and his colleagues Lujo Brentano, Adolf Held and Georg Friedrich Knapp, analysing the close relationship between the development of historical economics and the rise of social reform in Germany. It reveals that there is little evidence for a cohesive 'Historical School' and suggests that it was not primarily an outgrowth of romantic and historicist currents of thought as is commonly believed. Schmoller and his colleagues were a pragmatic, empirically-inclined group of statistically-trained economists who drew inspiration from the advances made in the natural sciences. Having directly observed the effects of rapid urbanisation, industrialisation, and the rise of labour movements and socialism in Prussia and abroad, they became dissatisfied with classical economic doctrines and laissez-faire, subjecting these to empirical tests and criticism. Drawing inspiration from British reforms and developments throughout Europe, they devised alternative hypotheses and made innovative policy recommendations. They were also important professionalisers of economics, modifying the curriculum, organising professional bodies, and creating new monographs and journals, the latter substantially aided by the interest and generosity of a leading publisher. Using empirical studies, statistics and history as analytical and critical tools, they sought practical solutions to economic and social problems by disseminating information to both the public and government officials through publications, conferences and petitions. They became leading advocates of trade union rights, factory inspection, worker protection laws, education reforms, worker insurance, agricultural reforms, and the democratisation of industrial relations. Their influence on economic and social policy, while indirect, was considerable, especially through government officials. However, the close association of historical economics with reform and social policy also made them a conspicuous target of criticism within academia and politics. Despite this, by the early 1890s the research methods and social legislation they propounded were gaining wider currency not only in Germany but also in Austria.
26
Barkley, David L., and Peter E. Helander. "The Role of Commercial Bank Loans in Nonmetropolitan Economic Development." College of Agriculture, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/602137.
Texte intégral
27
Foisy, Cory A. "Soviet war-readiness and the road to war : 1937-41." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79938.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This is a study of the foreign and domestic policies of the USSR as they pertain to its war-readiness, as well as the degree to which these policies presumably opened the door to the European conflagration and, in 1941, to the Nazi-Soviet war. Topics to be discussed include: (1) the crash industrialization of the Soviet Union and industrial war preparations from 1928--41; (2) the development of Soviet military doctrine before and after 12 June 1937; (3) a critical re-examination of the popularly accepted reasons for the devolution of the Soviet armed forces; and (4) Soviet foreign policy from 1937--41. The chronological end of the paper (1941) is followed by a brief epilogue discussing the evident success of the Soviet industrialization program by reference to Soviet industrial performance during the Nazi-Soviet war. Furthermore, the epilogue will challenge the popular depiction of the German invasion as an effortless, seamless advance into the Soviet heartland.
28
Thompson, Kenneth Parker. "A Political History of U.S. Commercial Remote Sensing, 1984-2007: Conflict, Collaboration, and the Role of Knowledge in the High-Tech World of Earth Observation Satellites." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/30235.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The political history of U.S. commercial remote sensing began in 1984 when the U.S. government first attempted to commercialize its civil earth observation satellite system " Landsat. Since then, the high technology of earth imaging satellite systems has generated intense debates and policy conflicts, primarily centered on U.S. government concerns over the national security and foreign policy implications of high-resolution commercial satellite systems. Conversely, proponents of commercial observation satellites have urged U.S. policymakers to recognize the scientific and socio-economic utility of commercial remote sensing and thus craft and implement regulatory regimes that allow for a greater degree of information openness and transparency in using earth observation satellite imagery. This dissertation traces and analyzes that tumultuous political history and examines the policy issues and social construction of commercial remote sensing to determine the role of knowledge in the effective crafting and execution of commercial remote sensing laws and policies.
Although individual and organizational perspectives, interests, missions, and cultures play a significant role in the social construction of commercial observation satellite systems and programs, the problem of insufficient knowledge of the myriad dimensions and complex nature of commercial remote sensing is a little studied but important component of this social construction process. Knowledge gaps concerning commercial remote sensing extend to various dimensions of the subject matter, such as the global, economic, technical, and legal/policy aspects.
Numerous examples of knowledge voids are examined to suggest a connection between deficient knowledge and divergent policy perceptions as they relate to commercial remote sensing. Relevant knowledge voids are then structurally categorized to demonstrate the vastness and complexity of commercial remote sensing policy issues and to offer recommendations on how to fill such knowledge gaps to effect increased collaboration between the US government and the U.S. commercial remote sensing industry. Finally, the dissertation offers suggestions for future STS studies on policy issues, particularly those that focus on the global dimensions of commercial remote sensing or on applying the knowledge gap concept advanced by this dissertation to other areas of science and technology policymaking.<br>Ph. D.
29
Adams, Stephanie P. "Too Many (Working) Women: Economic Reconstruction and Constructing Gender Roles in Western Germany, 1946-1957." Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1212782224.
Texte intégral
30
Givens, Seth. "Cold War Capital: The United States, the Western Allies, and the Fight for Berlin, 1945-1994." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1515507541865131.
Texte intégral
31
Eldridge-Nelson, Allison. "Veil of Protection: Operation Paperclip and the Contrasting Fates of Wernher von Braun and Arthur Rudolph." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1510914308951993.
Texte intégral
32
Åberg, Anna. "A Gap in the Grid : Attempts to introduce natural gas in Sweden 1967-1991." Doctoral thesis, KTH, Teknik- och vetenskapshistoria, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-121546.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis follows the process of introducing natural gas in Sweden and the construction of a Northern European gas grid from 1967 to 1991. Natural gas is a relatively unnoticed fuel in Sweden today, but this relative anonymity stands in contrast to an extensive historical activity that has taken place behind the scenes of Swedish energy policy. The single pipeline constructed between Denmark and Sweden in the early 1980s was both preceded and followed by many other attempts to construct a larger natural gas pipeline in the region made in the last 50 years. Åberg traces these attempts while discussing the complex and messy process of constructing and managing a transnational energy infrastructure.Åberg follows actors in Sweden and other countries in their attempts to negotiate and construct a natural gas infrastructure, and puts this process into a national as well as transnational context. The perceived risks and opportunities surrounding natural gas are examined, together with factors that have influenced the development of natural gas in a broader sense. By seeing the changing and messy natural gas projects as arenas where different actors construct and negotiate risks and opportunities, as well as contexualize the projects, Åberg shows how the natural gas sector in Sweden has evolved and taken shape.The study shows that natural gas in Sweden has suffered from unstable actor coalitions on different levels, a difficult market situation, and a changeful political context, especially with regard to energy policy. The import status of the fuel and the consequential transnationality of the natural gas infrastructure have also made the process of constructing a pipeline more complex. However, natural gas was introduced in Sweden, showing that when a strong enough actor coalition agreed that there was enough reason to warrant a natural gas introduction and was ready to join this endeavor, a connection could be achieved. This puts into question to what degree general explanations in terms of finance and policy drive energy decisions, and makes a case for showing how these explanations are adapted into their social and historical contexts in sometimes surprising ways.<br><p>QC 20130507</p><br>The integration of energy markets across system and nation boundaries
33
Riemann, Andreas. "Die Kirchenpolitik der SED gegenüber der Evangelischen Kirche Berlin-Brandenburg im Bezirk Potsdam 1961-1966." Master's thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2012. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2012/6029/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Die Magisterarbeit untersucht die Kirchenpolitik der SED in der ersten Hälfte der sechziger Jahre auf regionaler Ebene. Sie fragt, wie die Staats- und Parteiorgane des Bezirkes Potsdam gegenüber der Evangelischen Kirche Berlin-Brandenburg agierten, wie die zentralen Beschlüsse vor Ort umgesetzt wurden und welche Probleme dabei auftraten.
Bei der Durchsetzung des Sozialismus in der DDR und der Sicherung der eigenen Herrschaft, stand der Staatspartei SED die evangelische Kirche als gesellschaftlicher Großverband im Weg. Nach einem harten Repressionskurs in den fünfziger Jahren, änderte die SED um 1960/61 ihre Strategie, um den Einfluss der Kirche auf die Gesellschaft auszuschalten. Die Christen sollten in die Gesellschaft integriert und vom Sozialismus überzeugt werden.
Nach der Darstellung der Grundlagen der Kirchenpolitik der SED sowie der Evangelischen Kirche, analysiert die Arbeit die Umsetzung der Überzeugungsstrategie des SED-Staates im Bezirk Potsdam. Kirchenpolitische Strukturen, Akteure sowie Methoden werden anhand von Unterlagen des Rates des Bezirkes Potsdam sowie der SED-Bezirksleitung untersucht. Die Kirchenpolitik in den Bezirken sollte zu Beginn der sechziger Jahre systematischer und kontinuierlicher durchgeführt werden als zuvor. In einem Betreuungssystem wurden alle Pfarrer, kirchliche Mitarbeiter und engagierte Laien erfasst, um sie in regelmäßigen Gesprächen vom Sozialismus zu überzeugen, notfalls mit finanziellen Anreizen.
Bei der Umsetzung klafften Anspruch und Realität weit auseinander. Personalmangel, Qualifizierung und mangelnde Bereitschaft der Mitarbeiter, aber auch die Resistenz der Pfarrerschaft ließen den Bezirksorganen meist nur die Beobachtung und Verwaltung kirchlicher Angelegenheiten. Als die Kirche in Berlin-Brandenburg Anfang 1966 den EKD-Ratsvorsitzenden Kurt Scharf zu ihrem Bischof wählte, war offensichtlich, dass die Überzeugungsstrategie erhebliche Mängel aufwies.<br>The M.A. thesis analyses the church policy of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany on a regional level in the first half of the 1960s. The paper investigates how the administrative body of the state and the party in the Bezirk (district) Potsdam dealt with the Protestant Church in Berlin-Brandenburg, how they implemented central decisions and which problems occurred.
With implementation of socialism in the GDR and securing their own power the Socialist Unity Party had its adversary in the Protestant church as one of the biggest social organizations. After hard repressions in the 1950s the Socialist Unity Party changed its strategy around 1960/61 to eliminate the influence of the protestant church on society. Christians from now on were supposed to be integrated in society and to be convinced of socialism.
The paper focuses on the principles of church policy of the Socialist Unity Party and the Protestant Church, and investigates the implementation of the new persuasion strategy in the Bezirk Potsdam. Structures of church policy, protagonists and methods will be analysed on basis of documents from the Rat des Bezirkes (council) and the party leadership of the Bezirk. At the beginning of the 1960s the church policy of the regional districts in the GDR was meant to be more systematic and continuous as before. In a “mentoring” system all pastors, church staff and committed laypersons were registered in order to convince them of socialism in regular talks, in case of need with financial incentives.
However, concerning implementation demands and reality diverged immensely. Staff shortage, lacking willingness and qualification of the staff, but also due to the pastors’ resistance the administrative body of state and party in the Bezirk Potsdam could only deal with administration and the observation of church matters. That the persuasion system had enormous obstacles became obvious when in 1966 the Protestant Church in Berlin-Brandenburg elected the leader of the EKD, Kurt Scharf, as their bishop.
34
Liberato, Ana Rodrigues. "Como um banco escapa à crise e sobrevive para contar a história : O caso do Banco Santander Totta." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/3748.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Mestrado em Economia Internacional e Estudos Europeus<br>A crise financeira do início do século XXI atingiu proporções de enorme dimensão no que respeita ao sistema bancário. Mas nem todas as instituições bancárias sofreram da mesma maneira o impacto da crise. O objectivo do meu trabalho é o de encontrar algumas explicações para o facto de o Banco Santander Totta, banco onde sou colaboradora, ter resistido melhor à crise do que os outros bancos portugueses. Numa primeira parte abordo a questão de saber o que têm sido as crises ao longo da História. Muitas das crises a que a Humanidade assistiu têm pontos de contacto com a realidade que vivemos agora. Desde que há economia há crises. Mas a de 1929 ficou na memória colectiva como uma das mais graves. Procuro sistematizar os vários tipos de crises. E concluir que a actual crise se caracteriza exactamente por acumular factores de várias crises anteriores, cada um potenciando os factores negativos dos outros. O caso específico de Portugal é objecto de atenção especial. Descrevo a seguir a cultura institucional do Banco Santander que se caracteriza por privilegiar o aspecto prudencial do seu desenvolvimento e por uma estabilidade accionista muito significativa. Utilizando alguns dos rácios mais importantes para avaliar o desempenho dos bancos, comparo o Banco Santander Totta com os seus principais competidores. A comparação é-lhe francamente favorável. Concluo com a minha apreciação das razões que mais contribuem para aquele resultado. A diluição de custos e o acesso a fontes de financiamento permitida pela participação num grupo internacional com a projecção do Grupo Santander, a prudência do banco na gestão da sua política de crédito, a relativamente menor exposição a dívidas soberanas, uma política comercial que permite angariação de liquidez, são algumas das razões que identifico nas conclusões do meu trabalho.<br>The financial crisis of the beginning of the 21st century has reached proportions of a great dimension in what respects the banking system. The aim of my work is to find some explanations for the fact that Banco Santander Totta, where I am currently working, managed to resist the crisis in a better way than the other Portuguese Banks. In a first part, I address the issue of knowing what crisis have been throughout History. Many of the crisis that Humanity has seen, have similarities with the reality we live in. Since economy exists, crisis exists as well. But the one of 1929, stayed in the collective memory as one of the worst. I try to systematize the different types of crisis. And conclude that the current crisis, can be characterized by the accumulation of some of the factors of the previous different crisis, each one aggravating the negative factors of the others. The specific case of Portugal is discussed with special attention. In the following part, I describe the institutional culture of Banco Santander whose highlights are the importance of the prudential aspects of its development and its remarkable shareholder stability. Using some of the most important ratios to evaluate the performance of banks, I compare Banco Santander Totta with its main competitors. The comparison is rather favorable to the bank I am studying. I conclude with my appreciation of the reasons that most contribute to that result. The dilution of costs and the access to funding sources allowed by the bank’s participation in an international group with the importance of Santander Group, the bank’s prudence in its credit policy management, its minor exposition to sovereign debts, its commercial policy that results in increasing liquidity, these are some of the reasons that I mention in the conclusions of my work.
35
Åkerlund, Andreas. "Mellan akademi och kulturpolitik : Lektorat i svenska språket vid tyska universitet 1906–1945." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-133779.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of this thesis is to analyze the establishment and development of lectureships in the Swedish language in German universities during the first half of the 20th century. Building on earlier research about the role of language teaching abroad for public diplomacy, the study sees the lecturer as a part of both the the academic and political fields in Germany and Sweden. The establishment of and changes in the system of lectureships in Swedish 1906–1945 are explained through an analysis of the actors involved and of the assets allowing the actors to control both the establishment of lectureships and the appointment of lecturers in Germany. During the Weimar Republic a number of actors were involved in the establishment of the lectureships. They included academics with a scholarly interest in Scandinavian languages and old Norse,, the German state, which worked to promote the study of foreign countries and international academic mobility as a way of breaking German isolation after World War I, and the Swedish organization for the preservation of Swedishness abroad for which the teaching of Swedish abroad was a way of increasing the academic status of the language. After the National Socialist takeover in 1933 the NSDAP and the Swedish foreign ministry also took an interest in the Swedish lectureships in Germany for propaganda purposes. The dissertation shows how a system for the appointment of Swedish lecturers to Germany was established through interaction between the actors. Central in this process were the control over economic assets, a social network which made recommendations of lecturers possible, and the control over communication between both the lecturers and universites and between the German and Swedish states. The study also shows that the uneven distribution of assets between German and Swedish actors resulted in an inferior position for the German state and organizations in relationship to their Swedish counterparts.
36
Depoortere, Rolande A. "La Belgique et les réparations allemandes après la première Guerre mondiale, 1919-1925." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212662.
Texte intégral
37
BHOLA, GAURAV. "INDIA AND CHINA SPACE PROGRAMS: FROM GENESIS OF SPACE TECHNOLOGIES TO MAJOR SPACE PROGRAMS AND WHAT THAT MEANS FOR THE INTERNATI." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2009. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3276.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Indian and Chinese space programs have evolved into technologically advanced vehicles of national prestige and international competition for developed nations. The programs continue to evolve with impetus that India and China will have the same space capabilities as the United States with in the coming years. This will present new challenges to the international community in spheres civilian, to space and military applications and their residual benefits.<br>M.A.<br>Department of Political Science<br>Sciences<br>Political Science MA
38
Bouiller, Sophie. "Le Parti social-démocrate allemand et la justice sociale dans les années 1980. Une identité social-démocrate à l'épreuve de l'unification (1989-1990)." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL024.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse propose une analyse des notions de justice sociale et d'État-providence au prisme de la politique sociale du SPD dans les années 1980. À la fois parti d'opposition au Bundestag à Bonn et parti au pouvoir dans certains Länder en RFA, le SPD se trouvait dans une position ambiguë, propre au fédéralisme allemand. Afin de peser sur les réformes sociales initiées par le ministre du Travail Norbert Blüm (CDU) pour résoudre la crise de l'État-providence, les sociaux-démocrates adoptèrent une stratégie alternant opposition et coopération avec le gouvernement Kohl. Dans le même temps, ils engagèrent un travail de refondation programmatique en vue de reconquérir le pouvoir en 1990. Aux divisions générationnelles communément admises par la recherche se substitua une fracture entre une « aile sociale » adepte d'une politique traditionnelle et une « aile réformatrice » sensible aux valeurs post-matérialistes et « écosocialistes ». Du fait de son immédiateté, le processus d'unification de l'Allemagne (1989-1990) constitua un révélateur permettant de juger, à l'épreuve des faits, la validité des programmes et des discours sociaux-démocrates. Malgré les propositions concrètes de Rudolf Dreßler pour améliorer l'union sociale entre la RFA et la RDA, le SPD ne parvint ni à se faire entendre sur la question de l'unité allemande ni à imposer sa volonté de refonder l'État-providence. Les réserves d'Oskar Lafontaine sur l'emballement des coûts économiques et sociaux contribuèrent à entretenir la confusion concernant la position du SPD sur l'unité allemande<br>This doctoral thesis analyses the concepts of social justice and the welfare state in light of the social policies of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in the 1980s. Both in the opposition in the Bundestag in Bonn and in office in some West German Länders, the SPD found itself in an ambiguous position, peculiar to German federalism. The Social Democrats took on a strategy based alternatively on opposition and cooperation with Helmut Kohl’s government, in order to influence the welfare reforms introduced by the Labour Minister Norbert Blüm (Christian Democratic Union, CDU). The SPD simultaneously started to overhaul its political platform with a view to taking back power in 1990. The generational conflicts, which have been widely established by researchers, gave way to a new divide between a “social wing” advocating a traditional policy and a “reforming wing” drawn towards post-materialist and “eco-socialist” values. By virtue of its immediacy, the German unification process (1989-1990) proved to be a litmus test, which allowed the efficiency of the SDP’s agenda and rhetoric to be evaluated. In spite of Rudolf Dreßler’s concrete propositions to improve the social union between East and West Germany, the SDP failed both to share its views on German unification and to impose its determination to overhaul the welfare state. Oskar Lafontaine’s reservations about the economic and social costs spiralling out of control contributed to a blurring of the lines on the SDP’s position on German unification.This doctoral thesis analyses the concepts of social justice and the welfare state in light of the social policies of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in the 1980s. Both in the opposition in the Bundestag in Bonn and in office in some West German Länders, the SPD found itself in an ambiguous position, peculiar to German federalism. The Social Democrats took on a strategy based alternatively on opposition and cooperation with Helmut Kohl’s government, in order to influence the welfare reforms introduced by the Labour Minister Norbert Blüm (Christian Democratic Union, CDU). The SPD simultaneously started to overhaul its political platform with a view to taking back power in 1990. The generational conflicts, which have been widely established by researchers, gave way to a new divide between a “social wing” advocating a traditional policy and a “reforming wing” drawn towards post-materialist and “eco-socialist” values. By virtue of its immediacy, the German unification process (1989-1990) proved to be a litmus test, which allowed the efficiency of the SDP’s agenda and rhetoric to be evaluated. In spite of Rudolf Dreßler’s concrete propositions to improve the social union between East and West Germany, the SDP failed both to share its views on German unification and to impose its determination to overhaul the welfare state. Oskar Lafontaine’s reservations about the economic and social costs spiralling out of control contributed to a blurring of the lines on the SDP’s position on German unification
39
NOONAN, Eamonn M. "Choosing confrontation : commercial policy in Britain and Germany,1929-1936." Doctoral thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5917.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 3 February 1995<br>Examining board: Prof. Albert Carreras, European University Institute (chairman) ; Prof. John Joseph Lee, University College Cork ; Prof. Peter Hertner, European University Institute (supervisor) ; Prof. Alan Milward, London School of Economics (supervisor) ; Prof. Clemens Wurm, Humboldt-Universität, Berlin<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
40
Kerley, Margot. "Commercial television in Australia: government policy and regulation, 1953 to 1963." Phd thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/13892.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Television came relatively late to Australia, but by 1950 the overriding issue
of whether to allow commercial as well as national television stations had
been settled in favour of a 'dual system', with reference to the examples of
Britain, Canada and the United States.
The Royal Commission on Television was set up in 1953 to determine the
residual details. It decided that television could be successfully regulated by
the Broadcasting Control Board which had proved itself a capable regulator
of radio broadcasting, and that television transmission channels would be
licensed to private individuals or companies selected by means of public
hearings. Television 'services' would, it was hoped, gradually be extended to
all major urban and regional centres in an equitable and orderly manner.
The weaknesses of the Broadcasting and Television Act 1956, began to be
manifest from the first round of licence hearings. The Control Board were
placed in an increasingly invidious position, caught between the market
imperatives which were driving the commercial television industry, and
the demands of a bevy of reformers who sought to change programme
outcomes to reflect a variety of minority interests.
Despite the existence of an avowed policy of 'localism', commercial
licensees were quick to form networks based initially on programme sharing
arrangements, but later extended by means of a web of minority
shareholdings in regional subsidiary companies.
41
ACKERMANN, Ute. "Geheimrezept oder chemische Reaktion? Die westdeutsche chemische Industrie (1950-1964): Firmen, Produkte und Märkte." Doctoral thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5701.
Texte intégral
42
PASTER, Thomas. "Choosing lesser evils : the role of business in the development of the German welfare state from the 1880s to the 1990s." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12028.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 12 June 2009<br>Examining Board: Colin Crouch (Warwick Business School), Anke Hassel (Hertie School of Governance), Martin Rhodes (University of Denverm formely EUI) (Co-Supervisor),
Sven Steinmo (EUI) (Supervisor)<br>First made available online on 13 November 2019<br>This thesis is an empirical study of the role of organized business in the formation of marketcorrecting industrial relations and welfare state institutions, relying on a historical-diachronic case study of welfare state development in Germany from the 1880s to the 1990s. How did the formation of the 'German model' become possible in the face of employers’ structural power? The thesis confronts two alternative theoretical approaches for explaining employers’ acceptance of market-correcting institutions: an economic-functionalist approach ('crossclass coalition thesis') and a political-strategic approach ('political accommodation thesis'). The first one focuses on economic benefits derived by specific types of firms from welfare state and industrial relations institutions, the second on political constraints and changes in the political power structure, and employers’ strategic responses to them. The thesis finds that the political accommodation thesis has greater explanatory power and challenges business interest-based explanations of welfare state development. The empirical analysis in the thesis traces the preferences (interest perceptions), strategic considerations, and resulting policy positions of the national employer federations in Germany during three different political regimes: the Wilhelmine Empire (1871-1918), the inter-war Weimar Republic (1918-1933), and the post-war Federal Republic (1949-1990s). The analysis focuses on those historical reform events that, in retrospect, came to shape welfare state and industrial relations institutions in Germany. Process analysis based on historical sources and diachronic comparison are used as methods to reconstruct (i) the motivations of employers for supporting or opposing specific policy options, and (ii) the socio-political and institutional environment within which employers formed their preferences and strategies. The thesis studies Germany as a crucial case study because of the paradigmatic character of this country as a type of non-liberal capitalism that is often understood to benefit certain types of firms today. Empirically, the thesis finds that socio-political and institutional constraints motivated employers to accept specific policies and institutions, rather than hard-wired economic interests. The thesis identifies two dominant employer strategies in welfare state politics: (a) pacification of radicalized elements within labor, and (b) containment of expansionary reform projects. Moreover, the thesis finds that employers consistently preferred conservative types of social policies to universalist (social democratic) alternatives, and explains this as a result of differential impacts on work incentives. The deliberate formation of cross-class coalitions is found to have been rare and to have happened only under conditions of extraordinary political and economic uncertainty. Issues of skill formation are found to have played a marginal role.
43
KOTKINA, Irina. "Classical opera under authoritarian rule : a comparative study of cultural policy in the USSR, Italy and Germany." Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10401.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 15 December 2008<br>Examining Board:
Prof. Edward Arfon Rees (EUI, and European Research Institute, University of Birmingham) - supervisor
Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (EUI)
Prof. Svetlana Savenko (Moscow State P.I. Tchaikovsky Conservatory, and Russian State Institute for Art Studies)
Prof. Hans Erich Bödeker (Max Planck Institute for History, Göttingen, and Max Planck Institute for the History of Science, Berlin)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>The aim of this thesis is to analyze and compare the operatic culture of Stalinist USSR, Nazi Germany, and Fascist Italy. This task implies analyzing and comparing the operatic cultures, and scrutinizing governmental policies as they affected opera in the USSR, Germany, and Italy in the period of authoritarian rule. The most important focus is on the impact which these three regimes had on opera. And we start our analysis from the paradoxical fact that opera managed to retain its high quality during the time of strictest repression
44
ROMEI, Valentina. "Competitive strategies, commercial organization and the growth of marketing services : Europe : 19th and 20th centuries." Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6586.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 4 December 2006<br>Examining Board: Prof. Giovanni Federico (EUI) supervisor ; Prof. Bartolomé Yun Casalilla (EUI) ; Prof. Marc Casson (University of Reading) ; Prof. Albert Carreras (Pompeu Fabra University)<br>First made available online on 14 May 2018
45
TIEDTKE, Per. "Co-operation or rivalries at times of crisis? : Germany, Italy and the international economy 1929-1936." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/40745.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 8 September 2015<br>Examining Board: Professor Youssef Cassis, EUI; Professor Federico Romero, EUI; Professor Joachim Scholtyseck, University of Bonn; Professor Harold James, Princeton University.<br>When in 1929 the world economy went into crisis, a new approach to international trade and finance appeared on the scene. Characterised by bilateralism, protectionism and autarchy, this approach challenged the idea of liberal free trade. Its main proponents were Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. This thesis is about the role of economic factors in the German-Italian rapprochement under the banner of the fascism. The analysis looks with an institutional approach at three levels: the formulation of foreign economic policies, the implementation by governments, and the execution at the level of businesses. Not only is the bilateral German-Italian commercial relationship analysed, but also co-operation and rivalries between German and Italian government officials, economic experts and business representatives in third-party markets, as well as international organisations (especially the League of Nations) dealing with the crisis. The thesis shows that the "Rome-Berlin Axis", which plunged Europe and the world into the disaster of World War II, was built on economic foundations with serious cracks. Admittedly, Germany's and Italy's mutual economic importance increased notably, while they foreclosed their markets to former trade partners (especially the US). However, the analysis of the institutions governing the trade and its detailed structure indicate without question that this rapprochement followed no economic logic. Germany needed political support for its revisionist plans for Europe and was willing to pay for it. Nevertheless, in third-party markets no concessions were made. Especially in Southeastern Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean, Nazi Germany harvested what Fascist Italy had sown. To increase market shares, Berlin copied foreign economic policies, developed by the likewise financially strapped Italy. Opportunities for better economic collaboration were given away. Victims of the approach can be found in many areas (e.g., chemicals, cars, artificial fibres) and especially among cross-border business endeavours. The contradictions in the economic rapprochement of the interwar ultra-nationalistic regimes clearly demonstrate the limits of economic nationalism in a globalising world.
46
ZARIFI, Maria. "German science as a medium of cultural policy and propaganda? : the scientific relations between Greece and the Third Reich : a case study." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6025.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Examining board: Prof. Peter Becker, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Heinz-Gerard Haupt, European University Institute ; Prof. Hagen Fleischer, University of Athens ; Prof. Ruediger vom Bruch, Humboldt Universitaet zu Berlin<br>Defence date: 16 December 2005<br>First made available online 29 November 2016<br>This dissertation studies the scientific relations the German National Socialists developed with Greece and how they tried through these relations to exercise cultural, political and economic influence. The investigation, however, goes back to the Weimar years and unfolds the beginnings of Germany's Foreign Cultural Policy and the mobilization of science in the country's efforts to regain its lost place in the sun and escape the isolation after its defeat in WWI. The author tries to cast some light to problems like continuities and discontinuities or analogies in concepts and practices between the Weimar and the Nazi period in the interacted fields of science, culture and foreign affairs. The study focuses on the small peripheral country of Europe, Greece, well known for its ancient culture but not its scientific achievements, and tries to understand Germany's interest to promote its scientific relations with a country with poor performance in modern science but with high geo-strategic importance.
47
Khut, Chiew-Lee 1971. "Primacy of ideology? : the confiscation and exchange of "degenerate art" in the Third Reich." 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armk45.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Bibliography: leaves 156-167. The aim of this thesis is to show how in practice the National Socialists sacrificed ideological considerations to the material advantages that could be gained from the sale of "degenerate art". In practice the term "degenerate" was extended beyond modern art to include French Impressionist and Post-Impressionist art, specifically because they were highly saleable. This is evinced by the sales of "degenerate art" which were conducted by the Reichministerium für Volksklärung und Propaganda (RMVP). The record of the sales compiled by the propaganda ministry in the summer of 1941, provide conclusive evidence that the Reich government compromised its ideological position for financial gain. The sale of "degenerate art" conducted by order of the Reich at the Galerie Fischer auction in Lucerne in 1939, provides further evidence that the practice of confiscation was economically driven.
48
Khut, Chiew-Lee. "Primacy of ideology? : the confiscation and exchange of "degenerate art" in the Third Reich." Thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/115366.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of this thesis is to show how in practice the National Socialists sacrificed ideological considerations to the material advantages that could be gained from the sale of "degenerate art". In practice the term "degenerate" was extended beyond modern art to include French Impressionist and Post-Impressionist art, specifically because they were highly saleable. This is evinced by the sales of "degenerate art" which were conducted by the Reichministerium für Volksklärung und Propaganda (RMVP). The record of the sales compiled by the propaganda ministry in the summer of 1941, provide conclusive evidence that the Reich government compromised its ideological position for financial gain. The sale of "degenerate art" conducted by order of the Reich at the Galerie Fischer auction in Lucerne in 1939, provides further evidence that the practice of confiscation was economically driven.<br>Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Adelaide, Centre for European Studies and General Linguistics, 2001.
49
FAURI, Francesca. "Negotiating for industrialization : Italy's commercial strategy and industrial expansion in the context of the attempts to further European integration." Doctoral thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5755.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 14 December 1994<br>Examining board: Prof. R.T. Griffiths, EUI (supervisor) ; Prof. V. Zamagni, Università di Bologna (second supervisor) ; Prof. A. Carerras (EUI) ; Prof. M.L. Cavalcanti, Università di Napoli ; Prof. D.W. Ellwood, Università di Bologna<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
50
ASBEEK, BRUSSE Wendy. "West European tariff plans, 1947-1957 : from study group to Common Market." Doctoral thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5708.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 23 May 1991<br>Examining board: Prof. R.T. Griffiths (supervisor) ; Prof. J. Pelkmans (second supervisor) ; Prof. G. Gerbet ; Prof. P. Hertner ; Prof. A.S. Milward<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017