Pour voir les autres types de publications sur ce sujet consultez le lien suivant : Germany – Colonies – Africa.
Articles de revues sur le sujet « Germany – Colonies – Africa »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les 50 meilleurs articles de revues pour votre recherche sur le sujet « Germany – Colonies – Africa ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Parcourez les articles de revues sur diverses disciplines et organisez correctement votre bibliographie.
1
Lindner, Ulrike. « The transfer of European social policy concepts to tropical Africa, 1900–50 : the example of maternal and child welfare ». Journal of Global History 9, no 2 (23 mai 2014) : 208–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022814000047.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractConcerns about a sinking birth rate and possible ‘national degeneration’ led to the implementation of various measures in maternal and child welfare across Europe at the dawn of the twentieth century. Infant health was strongly connected with the idea of population as both a national and imperial resource. In the colonies of the imperial powers, similar issues started to be addressed later, mostly after the First World War, when colonial administrations, who until then had predominantly worried about the health of the white European colonizers, started to take an interest in the health of the indigenous population. This article investigates the transfer of maternal and infant health policies from Britain and Germany to their tropical African colonies and protectorates. It argues that colonial health policy developed in a complex interplay between imperial strategies and preconceptions as well as local reactions and demands, mostly reifying racial demarcation lines in colonial societies. It focuses on examples from German East Africa, which became the British Tanganyika mandate after the First World War, and from the British sub-Saharan colonies Kenya and Nigeria.
2
Fitzpatrick, Matthew P. « Colonialism, Postcolonialism, and Decolonization ». Central European History 51, no 1 (mars 2018) : 83–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938918000092.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the past two decades, colonial studies, the postcolonial turn, the new imperial history, as well as world and global history have made serious strides toward revising key elements of German history. Instead of insisting that German modernity was a fundamentally unique, insular affair that incubated authoritarian social tendencies, scholars working in these fields have done much to reinsert Germany into the broader logic of nineteenth-century global history, in which the thalassocratic empires of Europe pursued the project of globalizing their economies, populations, and politics. During this period, settler colonies, including German South West Africa, were established and consolidated by European states at the expense of displaced, helotized, or murdered indigenous populations. Complementing these settler colonies were mercantile entrepôts and plantation colonies, which sprouted up as part of a systematic, global attempt to reorient non-European economies, work patterns, and epistemological frameworks along European lines. Although more modestly than some of its European collaborators and competitors, Germany joined Britain, France, the Netherlands, and the United States in a largely liberal project of global maritime imperialism.
3
Hyslop, Jonathan. « The Kaiser's lost African empire and the Alternative für Deutschland : Colonial guilt-denial and authoritarian populism in Germany ». Historia 66, no 2 (1 novembre 2021) : 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-8392/2021/v66n2a5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article examines the role which the "imaginary" of the empire that Germany lost in 1919 plays in the contemporary German extreme right, and especially its leading expression, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). It focuses on the symbolic importance of the former colonies in South West Africa / Namibia and East Africa / Tanzania and of the less emotionally charged, although also significant, German 'informal empire' connections to South Africa. The article highlights that the AfD draws on a considerable legacy of political activism concerning Africa stretching back through the colonial revanchist nationalism of the Weimar era, the global network of the Nazi Party's "Foreign Organisation", and the post-war populism of Franz Josef Strauß. AfD ideologues glorify the achievements of the Kaiserreich, and emphasise that Germany has nothing to be ashamed of, in relation to its record in the colonial era. With the recent demands from Namibia for the payment of German reparations for the 1904-7 genocide in that country, this past has become a very live issue in German politics, and the AfD has made much of its opposition to any admission of German culpability. The article also shows how the AfD portrays itself as the defender of the German minority in Namibia and of white South Africans, whose position is represented as a warning of what happens when white people allow racial "others" to attain political power. The analysis seeks to avoid simple "culturalist" /historicist explanations of the presence of these issues in contemporary politics, embedding its account in the continuities of significant social, economic and strategic relationships between southern Africa and Germany.
4
Callahan, Michael D. « NOMANSLAND : The British Colonial Office and the League of Nations Mandate for German East Africa, 1916–1920 ». Albion 25, no 3 (1993) : 443–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050877.
Texte intégralRésumé :
One of the many problems facing the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 was the future of the conquered German and Turkish territories in Africa, the Pacific, and the Middle East. Widespread anti-imperialist sentiment in Europe and the United States opposed direct annexation of the possessions, but wartime agreements and the security interests of the Allies prevented returning the conquered areas to their former rulers. In particular, many British leaders wanted to ensure that Germany could never again attempt world domination and were convinced that the restoration to Germany of its overseas possessions would pose a “grave political and military menace” to Britain's vital maritime connections with South Africa and India. After a long, often acrimonious debate, the Conference agreed on a compromise that placed the former German colonies and Ottoman provinces under the supervision of the League of Nations. This solution gave the Allies control of their acquisitions as “mandates” within a framework of international accountability. Great Britain received the most mandates, including Germany's largest colony of German East Africa. For the British leaders who had always advocated transforming German East Africa into a British colony, the new system seemed to make little practical difference. For the colonial officials in London and at the highest levels of colonial administration within the conquered possession, however, the mandates system presented serious problems and was not simply a disguise for annexation.
5
Kettler, Mark T. « What did Paul Rohrbach Actually Learn in Africa ? The Influence of Colonial Experience on a Publicist’s Imperial Fantasies in Eastern Europe* ». German History 38, no 2 (10 mars 2020) : 240–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghaa013.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Paul Rohrbach was an influential publicist in Wilhelmine Germany. He also routinely used racial justifications to defend brutal policies for managing the indigenous populations of Germany’s African colonies. In recent years, scholars have interpreted Rohrbach’s promotion of colonialism as evidence that colonial ideas increasingly saturated German political and imperial discourse before and during the First World War. His work has thus been cited to support an emerging narrative of pathological continuity, which contends that Wilhelmine German imperialists reflexively drew upon colonial ideologies, experiences and models to inform increasingly repressive and violent plans to rule ethnically diverse space in Eastern Europe. This article argues that Paul Rohrbach has been misinterpreted. His career represents not the ease with which colonial ideas infiltrated German imperial discourse, but rather the severe reluctance of an ardent colonialist to employ colonial methods in European space. Drawing upon his writings on Africa and his discussions of German war aims in Eastern Europe during the First World War, this article demonstrates Rohrbach’s profound unwillingness to structure German imperial expansion in Russia’s Baltic provinces and Congress Poland according to colonial precedents. Differences in the perceived cultural and political sophistication of African, Baltic and Polish societies convinced Rohrbach that repressive and brutal colonial models of rule would be inefficient or counterproductive for achieving German objectives in Eastern Europe. Indeed, Rohrbach’s studies of colonialism actually reinforced his commitment to decentralization and respect for national diversity as essential instruments for governing politically sophisticated European societies. His experiences in Africa, in other words, steeled his confidence in multinational imperialism.
6
Naranch, Bradley D. « “Colonized Body,” “Oriental Machine” : Debating Race, Railroads, and the Politics of Reconstruction in Germany and East Africa, 1906–1910 ». Central European History 33, no 3 (septembre 2000) : 299–338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916100746356.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The years 1906–1910 were a period of crisis and unstable consensus in German colonial history. In contrast to the debates of the previous two decades following Chancellor Otto von Bismarck's 1884 decision to establish overseas protectorates, colonial discourse in Germany after 1905 shifted decisively away from abstract considerations of the desirability of colonies for economic and imperialist expansion to focus on the more practical matters of colonial policy and long-term developmental reform. Indeed, given the fact that by 1905 the German colonial empire covered a sprawling expanse of land six times the size of the German state, including territories in Africa, the South Pacific, and a naval base (Tsingtao) on the coast of China, the enormous challenges of managing its far-flung and costly possessions were becoming increasingly difficult to meet. For better or for worse, the Kaiserreich had become a de facto colonial power, and German society was increasingly and uncomfortably being forced to recognize the hazards and burdens of its fledgling global empire.
7
Noyes, John K. « Nomadic fantasies : producing landscapes of mobility in German southwest Africa ». Ecumene 7, no 1 (janvier 2000) : 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096746080000700103.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In nineteenth-century Germany, ‘nomadism’ was an epithet frequently applied with little distinction to pastoralist, hunter-gatherer and semi-agriculturalist societies. It was used as a description not only of actual indigenous social organizations or economies, but also of a propensity to wander, an inconstancy and hence an obstacle to civilization. This was not confined to anthropological and ethnographic discourse. It also influenced policymaking in the colonies, particularly in discussions of land rights and land utilization. At the same time, discussions of nomadism, when applied to indigenous populations, awakened associations with a key theme in German national identity and national history - that the German nation had once shared this love of wandering. Debates on nomadism in the colonies expressed certain perceptions of German identity, but also anxieties about the mobility of labour and capital. The example chosen in this paper is German southwest Africa at the turn of the century.
8
Figueiredo, E., G. F. Smith et S. Dressler. « The botanical exploration of Angola by Germans during the 19th and 20th centuries, with biographical sketches and notes on collections and herbaria ». Blumea - Biodiversity, Evolution and Biogeography of Plants 65, no 2 (30 novembre 2020) : 126–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3767/blumea.2020.65.02.06.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A catalogue of 29 German individuals who were active in the botanical exploration of Angola during the 19th and 20th centuries is presented. One of these is likely of Swiss nationality but with significant links to German settlers in Angola. The catalogue includes information on the places of collecting activity, dates on which locations were visited, the whereabouts of preserved exsiccata, maps with itineraries, and biographical information on the collectors. Initial botanical exploration in Angola by Germans was linked to efforts to establish and expand Germany's colonies in Africa. Later exploration followed after some Germans had settled in the country. However, Angola was never under German control. The most intense period of German collecting activity in this south-tropical African country took place from the early-1870s to 1900. Twenty-four Germans collected plant specimens in Angola for deposition in herbaria in continental Europe, mostly in Germany. Five other naturalists or explorers were active in Angola but collections have not been located under their names or were made by someone else. A further three collectors, who are sometimes cited as having collected material in Angola but did not do so, are also briefly discussed.
9
Sunseri, Thaddeus. « The Moravian, Berlin, and Leipzig Mission Archives in Eastern Germany ». History in Africa 26 (janvier 1999) : 457–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172152.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The reunification of the Germanies in 1990 has opened up research opportunities for historians of Africa. While research in East German archives was possible for Western scholars during the Cold War, conditions for research were not as easy or affordable as they currently are. Intent on obtaining foreign exchange, East German authorities channeled Western researchers to expensive hotels and limited the number of files a researcher could see in a day in order to prolong the process. Visas had to be obtained well in advance of research trips, and for prescribed durations, curtailing the flexibility one needed if archival materials proved to be especially rich. From the Western side, while the Federal Republic was generous in allocating funds for research in its archives (particularly through DAAD—German Academic Exchange Service—research grants), it prohibited use of those funds for research undertaken in East Germany. Today it is possible to use DAAD funds for travel and research throughout reunited Germany.While federal and state archives in eastern Germany offer valuable resources for researchers interested in the former German colonies, mission archives located in the East have not been widely used by historians of Africa. For the most part these have been content to use published mission histories and newspapers as their sources of information, neglecting diaries, station reports, and correspondence which offer more nuanced and detailed pictures of African life.
10
Linne, Karsten. « The “New Labour Policy” in Nazi Colonial Planning for Africa ». International Review of Social History 49, no 2 (août 2004) : 197–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900400149x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The National Socialist planning for a recolonization of Africa was based on a new social and labour policy and focused chiefly on the “labour question”. In designing their schemes, planners strove to mobilize wage labour and circumvent the much-feared “proletarianization” of the workers. The key problem in exploiting the African colonies had two main aspects: a shortage of manpower and migrant labour. Therefore, planners designed complex systems of organized, state-controlled labour recruitment, and formulated rules for labour contracts and compensation. An expanded labour administration was to ensure that the “deployment of labour” ran smoothly and that workers were registered, evaluated, and supervised. Furthermore, “white labour guardians” were to be assigned the responsibility of overseeing the social wellbeing of the African workers. As was evident not only in Germany but in the colonial powers, France and Great Britain, as well, these concepts all fit into the general trend of the times, a trend characterized by the application of scientific methods in solving social issues, by the increased emphasis on state intervention, and by the introduction of sociopolitical measures. Nazi planning was based on Germany's prewar politics but also reflected the changes occurring in German work life after 1933.
11
SÁNCHEZ, J. M., A. MUNOZ DEL VIEJO, C. CORBACHO, E. COSTILLO et C. FUENTES. « Status and trends of Gull-billed Tern Gelochelidon nilotica in Europe and Africa ». Bird Conservation International 14, no 4 (25 novembre 2004) : 335–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095927090400036x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Gull-billed Tern Gelochelidon nilotica is classed as Endangered in Europe (Tucker and Heath 1994, Hagemeijer and Blair, 1997), but there have been no detailed studies of the trends in the different populations occurring in Europe and Africa. Here we study the status and trends of the species in Europe and north and north-east Africa. We estimate the total population at 10,500–12,900 breeding pairs, and recognize two biogeographical populations in this region. The western population, comprising colonies in northern Europe (Denmark, Netherlands, Germany), France, Italy, Spain, and north and north-east Africa, consists of at most 6,200 pairs, 1,800 of which are in African colonies. The eastern population, comprising colonies in the Balkan Peninsula, Greece, shores of the Black Sea and Sea of Azov, and Turkey, consists of at most 6,800 pairs. Two trends were observed: a first phase from 1900 up to the mid-1970s in which the northern European populations practically disappeared; and a second phase of stabilization, or even increase, in some of the western colonies, while the eastern population continued to decline. There is a marked concentration of the species in just a few localities in the countries of the Mediterranean basin.
12
Fitzpatrick, Matthew. « New South Wales in Africa ? The Convict Colonialism Debate in Imperial Germany ». Itinerario 37, no 1 (avril 2013) : 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000260.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 1852, the naturalist and writer Louisa Meredith observed in her book My Home in Tasmania: “I know of no place where greater order and decorum is observed by the motley crowds assembled on any public occasion than in this most shamefully slandered country: not even in an English country village can a lady walk alone with less fear of harm or insult than in this capital of Van Diemen's Land, commonly believed at home to be a pest-house, where every crime that can disgrace and degrade humanity stalks abroad with unblushing front.”Meredith's paean to life in the notorious Australian penal colony of Hobart was in stark contrast to her earlier, highly unfavourable account of colonial Sydney. It papered over the years of personal hardship she had endured in Australia, as well as avoiding mention of the racial warfare against Tasmania's Aborigines that had afforded her such a genteel European existence.Such intra-Australian complexities, however, were lost when Meredith's account was superimposed onto German debates about the desirability of penal colonies for Germany. Instead, Meredith's portrait of a cultivated city emerging from the most notorious penal colony in Australia was presented as proof that the deportation of criminals was an important dimension of the civilising mission of Europe in the extra-European world. It was also presented as a vindication of those in Germany who wished to rid Germany of its lumpen criminal class through deportation. The exact paragraph of Meredith's account cited above was quoted in German debates on deportation for almost half a century; first in 1859 by the jurist Franz von Holtzendorff, and thereafter by Friedrich Freund when advocating the establishment of a penal colony in the Preußische Jahrbücher in September 1895.
13
Andrzejewski, Piotr. « O zasadności stosowania teorii postkolonialnej w badaniach nad historią Europy Środkowej na przykładzie Polski i Niemiec ». Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no 25/2 (28 avril 2017) : 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2017.25.12.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article concerns the possibility and relevance of the application of postcolonial theory in the case of Central and Eastern Europe. The main focus is on Poland and Germany. The author gathers and analyses the first studies conducted using postcolonial theory. Moreover, he makes a structural and systemic comparison between the situation in German colonies in Africa and Polish lands under German partition and occupation. As the majority of postcolonial research has been limited to literary studies so far, there is still untapped potential in other fields, such as sociology and political sciences.
14
GÜZAY, Aybüke. « GERMAN TRACES İN THE CAUCASUS AZERBAİJAN GERMANS ». Zeitschrift für die Welt der Türken / Journal of World of Turks 14, no 1 (15 avril 2022) : 199–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/zfwt/140116.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the 18th century, Germany also participated in the competition between the European States that started colonization activities and did not want to lag behind other states on the way to complete their union. Germany, which has existed as independent statelets since the 1800s, wanted to have a say in Africa, the Middle East and the Caucasus geographies after establishing its union in 1871. Although the immigration policy of the German colonists started to work after this date, it is seen that the colonization activities in the Caucasus geography took place in previous dates and in a different way. The turning point regarding the German migrations to Russia is the Russian Tsarina II. It is in the time of Catherine. Tsarina II, who is of German origin. After Katherina came to the throne of Russia (1762), she wanted settlers from Germany to migrate to Russia. Its purpose is the agricultural development of the Russian lands. II. Upon Katherina’s call, the Germans began to migrate to Russia and the Caucasus. The first German immigration to Azerbaijan took place in 1818. The Germans first established the villages called “Helenendorf” (Göygöl) and “Annenfeld” (Şamkir) in the territory of Azerbaijan. Later on, 6 more villages were established, namely Grünfeld (Vurguna), Traubenfeld (Tovuz), Jelisawetinka (Agstafa), Georgsfeld (Çınarlı), Alexejewka (Gasamba) and Eigenfeld (Irmaşlı). Thus, 8 villages were built in Azerbaijan by the Germans. It is known that the German population living in these villages and also present in Baku contributes to the economy of Azerbaijan and the development of the country in terms of architecture. From the dates they migrated II. Until the World War II, they had no trouble living and reflecting their own culture in Azerbaijan, but at the same time, they managed to convey their experiences with great skill. II. The fact that Germany was at war with Russia during World War II created a trust problem against the German population in Russia and the majority of the German population was immigrated to Siberia and Kazakhstan by Stalin. In this study, the living conditions and livelihoods of the German settlers in Azerbaijan will be mentioned, and their contributions to the region in architecture and other economic fields will be examined. Keywords: Azerbaijan, German Traces in the Caucasus, German colonies, Helenendorf, Annenfeld.
15
Papenko, Nataliia. « Colonial Policy of German Empire in China and Oceania in the Last Third of XIX – Beginning of XX Century ». European Historical Studies, no 13 (2019) : 157–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.157-182.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The relevance of the topic is determined by the historical significance of the problems that are raised in it. In the article the author discovers the methods and forms of Germany’s colonial policy in the last third part of the 19th – in the beginning of the 20th centuries in China and Oceania. The German Empire was the last from the world’s leading states that entered the path of colonial seizures. The author emphasizes that German politicians generally were satisfied with the development of the country after 1871. For a long time, the range of interests of an imperial chancellor O. von Bismarck (1871 – 1890), as a politician, was limited to the territory of Europe and those countries that were bound by it. Colonies were only interesting for him as an instrument for putting a pressure on the leading countries of the world to solve their European problems. Trying to avoid conflicts with the leading European powers, especially with the Great Britain, O. von Bismarck had been deliberately refraining from colonial expansion until the mid-80’s of the 19th century. In addition, indifference to colonialism at that time was being expressed by some representatives of the party elite and business. However, in the last third part of the 19th century, the country gets full freedom of action in colonial politics, and therefore it begins to occupy territories in various parts of the world, including Africa, Asia and Oceania. The interference of the Second Reich in the division of China was one of the reasons for the massive Yihetuan Movement, and in the future, the deployment of a large-scale conflict – the Russian-Japanese war of 1904 – 1905. All this certainly became a part of the complex of reasons for the First World War. Therefore studying of the reasons for and effects of the colonial policy of Germany in the last third part of the 19th – early 20th centuries is quite important and of considerable scientific interest. In addition, the author notes that most of the politicians in the business circles of Germany considered the colonization of China and Oceania as an important stage not only for economic development of the country, but also for the growth of international authority in the world.
16
Kuznetsov, A. V. « Economic Activities of African Migrants in Major EU Countries : New Approaches ». Outlines of global transformations : politics, economics, law 13, no 1 (30 mai 2020) : 6–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2020-13-1-1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The growing interest in migration issues in the EU has not affected the analysis of African migrants. The focus is on social and political issues, while the economic issues studied are primarily related to the assessment of the reasons for the arrival of Africans in the EU, the trajectory of their movement, as well as the scale of remittances to their homeland and the conditions for their return back to Africa. The article focuses on the main features of African migrants’ economic activity in the EU. Instead of the traditional consideration of only one or several diasporas in a single country or a generalized analysis of the entire EU, we compare the specifics of immigrants from different African countries in the 4 largest EU member states (including the UK, which left the integration project in 2020). Our article begins with a review of studies that contain information on the economic activities of migrants from African countries. Then, based on data from Eurostat and national statistics from Germany, France, Italy and the UK, the role of people from Africa in these countries population is shown. The reasons for the differences between these four countries in the dynamics and structure of immigration from Africa are explained. Statistics of refugees, naturalized persons over the past 10 years, foreign citizens and residents with migration past are considered. France is the leader in the number of migrants, mainly due to people from French-speaking countries of North and West Africa. Italy stands out because it is targeted by many illegal migrant routes due to its geographical proximity to this region. The UK has become a target mainly for residents of former British colonies who are quite successful in naturalization in the United Kingdom (therefore, there are as many Africans without local passports in the UK as in Germany – 0.6 million). Further, it is shown that the key factor for taking a particular economic position in society is the status of migrants, their education also plays an important role (although Africans often work in places where a lower level of qualification is required than they have), as well as language barriers. There are big gender differences. At the end of the article we make conclusions about the problems of African migrants’ adaptation, although the EU countries cannot refuse to employ migrants in unattractive jobs in any case.
17
Jobodwana, Zingisile Ntozintle. « OIL IN THE GULF OF GUINEA STATES AND SOUTH AFRICA IN THE MATRIX OF OVERLAPPING MEMBERSHIP OF AFRICAN REGIONAL COMMUNITIES : AN IMPEDIMENT TO REGIONAL INTEGRATION ? » Journal of Law, Society and Development 3, no 1 (12 septembre 2016) : 6–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2520-9515/273.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Gulf of Guinea states (GOGs) discussed in this article comprise a diverse group of more than 20 African states bordering on the oil-rich Gulf of Guinea. They are former colonies of Belgium, France, Great Britain and Germany. These states are of strategic importance to the United States, the European Union, India and China because of their tremendous natural resources that include biodiversity, oil, gas and other strategic minerals. But to what extent are they also of strategic importance not only to South Africa but to SADC member states? After all, the GOGs boast of their sea routes being safer and more convenient for sea transport. Post-colonial independence finds these states still adopting a mixture of foreign legal systems side by side with indigenous laws and customs. The region is still underdeveloped, with poor physical infrastructure, weak government structures, an inefficient legal system, and internecine strife and other inter-state disputes exerting a debilitating influence. The NEPAD Plan of Action of 2001 looks to the regional economic communities (RECs) to become the leaders in regional economic co-operation and integration. Although the GOGs are characterised at present by overlapping membership of various communities, they have enjoyed some successes based on the newly found petroleum commodity which, wisely managed, can help to increase intra-African trade and produce a viable extensive African market buttressed by South Africa’s economic advances into the rest of Africa. In some of the regions in Africa RECs such as ECOWAS and SADC have been able to transform their economic and monetary co-operation efforts into a powerful driving force for economic policy co-ordination and integration, but a strong, credible, effective and efficient legal framework with sustainable supporting institutions is now needed. South Africa is well poised to assist with deepening the political and economic integration in the GOGs by intensifying foreign direct investment (FDI), capacity-building and training projects, and the transfer of skills and technology. But the RECs’ overlapping membership needs to be rationalised, the negative influences of the superpowers need to be resisted, and support is required to maintain peace and stability and ensure the security of the maritime regimes. A strong, independent supra-national body that is also able to supervise and monitor revenues from oil for the benefit of the region as a whole should be established.
18
Novak, Andrew. « Averting an African Boycott : British Prime Minister Edward Heath and Rhodesian Participation in the Munich Olympics ». Britain and the World 6, no 1 (mars 2013) : 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2013.0076.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 1968, the British government of Prime Minister Harold Wilson lobbied behind the scenes for Rhodesia's exclusion from the Mexico City Olympics. Three years earlier, the former British colony of Southern Rhodesia had seceded from the British Empire under white minority rule and faced isolation from international sporting events. With the election of Conservative Prime Minister Edward Heath in 1970, British foreign policy shifted more heavily to Europe rather than the former British colonies of the Commonwealth, and Heath sought to allow Rhodesia to compete in the 1972 Munich Games lest it isolate West Germany and create a controversy similar to South Africa's expulsion from the Olympics. With the help of Foreign Minister Alec Douglas-Home, Heath manoeuvred Conservative Party factionalism on the issue of Rhodesian sanctions and the Party's traditionally ambiguous relationship with Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith. The merger between the Foreign Office and the Commonwealth Relations Office coincided with this increased emphasis on European foreign policy matters, the Foreign Office's traditional expertise. Ultimately, Rhodesia was excluded from the Olympics despite Heath's hesitation, and the threatened African boycott movement proved to be a critical episode toward the development of the Gleneagles Agreement, which ultimately led to the sporting isolation of South Africa in 1978. Relying on documents in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office Archives, the International Olympic Committee Archives, the Avery Brundage papers at the University of Illinois, and microfilm of African newspapers, this paper reconstructs the pressures on Heath and the International Olympic Committee to expel Rhodesia.
19
Avraham, Doron. « Between Concern and Difference : German Jews and the Colonial ‘Other’ in South West Africa ». German History 40, no 1 (14 janvier 2022) : 38–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghab090.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract German Jews’ involvement in the colonial venture of the Kaiserreich has remained almost untouched by historical research. While it has affirmed the dominance of the nation-state in outlining the Jews’ civic status and identity, historiography has overlooked the implications of colonization on Jews’ self-perception as Germans. This essay inquires into this perception by focusing on the Jews’ ambiguous posture towards the colonial war in South West Africa and the massacre it inflicted on the Herero and the Nama. Jews objected to the excessive violence used against the indigenous population by the German army and responded vigorously against racist theories that imposed inferior racial status on black people in the colonies, and consequently on Jews in general. At the same time, when accused of lack of patriotism and of evading military service in the colonies—thus challenging their German national belonging—Jews presented the opposite position. They used concepts of difference to confirm their national German identity, as reflected by the purported disparity between them, as Germans and Europeans, and the local population in the colony. Moreover, Jews reasserted their participation in colonial conflicts, especially in the war against the Herero, the same war that brought about the locals’ destruction. The objects of a strategy of difference on behalf of Germans, Jews themselves applied the same approach in relation to the Africans. The colonial episode therefore appears to be a test case for the formation of German Jews’ identity.
20
Gewald, Jan-Bart. « Mbadamassi of Lagos : A Soldier for King and Kaiser, and a Deportee to German South West Africa ». African Diaspora 2, no 1 (2009) : 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254609x433369.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract In 1915 troops of the South African Union Defence Force invaded German South West Africa, present day Namibia. In the north of the territory the South African forces captured an African soldier serving in the German army named Mbadamassi. Upon his capture Mbadamassi demanded to be released and claimed that he was a British national from Nigeria. In addition, he stated that he had served in the West African Frontier Force, and that he had been shanghaied into German military service in Cameroon. Furthermore, whilst serving in the German army in Cameroon, Mbadamassi claimed that he had participated in a mutiny, and that, as a consequence, he had been deported to GSWA. The article covers the remarkable military career of the African soldier, Mbadamassi, who between 1903 and 1917 served both the King of the British Empire as well as the Kaiser of the German Empire. In so doing, the article sheds light on the career of an individual African soldier serving in three colonial armies; the West African Frontier Force, the Schutztruppe in Cameroon, and the Schutztruppe in GSWA. The article argues that beyond the fact that colonial armies were institutions of repression, they also provided opportunity for those willing or condemned to serve within their ranks. Furthermore the article provides some indication as to the extent of communication that existed between colonial subjects in the separate colonies of Africa at the time. En 1915, les troupes de l'Union de l'Afrique du Sud ont envahi l'Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande, l'actuelle Namibie. Dans le Nord du territoire, les forces sud-africaines ont capturé un soldat africain servant dans l'armée allemande nommé Mbadamassi. Celui-ci exigea d'être libéré et revendiqua être un Britannique du Nigeria. De plus, il déclara avoir servi dans la West African Frontier Force et avoir été enrôlé de force dans l'armée allemande au Cameroun. En outre, pendant qu'il servait dans l'armée allemande au Cameroun, Mbadamassi a prétendu avoir pris part à une mutinerie, ce qui avait conduit à sa déportation vers l'Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande. Cet article couvre la remarquable carrière militaire du soldat africain Mbadamassi, qui, entre 1903 et 1917, a servi à la fois le roi de l'empire britannique et le Kaiser de l'empire allemand. Ainsi, l'article éclaire sur la carrière individuelle d'un soldat africain servant dans trois armées coloniales; la West African Frontier Force, le Schutztruppe au Cameroun et le Schutztruppe en Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande. L'article soutient qu'au-delà du fait que les armées coloniales étaient des institutions de répression, elles ont aussi offert la possibilité à ceux qui le voulaient ou ceux qui y étaient condamnés de servir dans leurs rangs. En outre, l'article fournit une indication sur l'étendue de la communication qui a existé entre les sujets coloniaux dans les colonies d'Afrique séparées de l'époque.
21
GUETTEL, JENS-UWE. « FROM THE FRONTIER TO GERMAN SOUTH-WEST AFRICA : GERMAN COLONIALISM, INDIANS, AND AMERICAN WESTWARD EXPANSION ». Modern Intellectual History 7, no 3 (30 septembre 2010) : 523–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244310000223.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article argues that positive perceptions of American westward expansion played a major (and so far overlooked) role both for the domestic German debate about the necessity of overseas expansion and for concrete German colonial policies during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. During and after the uprising against colonial rule (1904–7) of the two main indigenous peoples, the Herero and the Nama, of German South-West Africa (Germany's only settler colony), colonial administrators actively researched the history of the American frontier and American Indian policies in order to learn how best to “handle” the colony's peoples. There exists a substantial literature on the allegedly exceptional enchantment of Germans with American Indians. Yet this article shows that negative views of Amerindians also influenced and shaped the opinions and actions of German colonizers. Because of its focus on the importance of the United States for German discussions about colonial expansion, this article also explores the role German liberals played in the German colonial project. Ultimately, the United States as a “model empire” was especially attractive for Germans with liberal and progressive political convictions. The westward advancement of the American frontier went hand in hand with a variety of policies towards Native Americans, including measures of expulsion and extinction. German liberals accepted American expansionism as normative and were therefore willing to advocate, or at least tolerate, similar policies in the German colonies.
22
Troitiño, David Ramiro, Karoline Färber et Anni Boiro. « Mitterrand and the Great European Design—From the Cold War to the European Union ». Baltic Journal of European Studies 7, no 2 (1 octobre 2017) : 132–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2017-0013.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractFrançois Mitterrand had a leading role in directing the course for the European integration process. While he orchestrated the economic integration of Europe, he remained deeply opposed to further political integration within the Communities. This article researches Mitterrand’s rationale for his clear focus on economic affairs and develops his vision for the institutional setting of the European Union (EU). The focus of the article is allocated to four different perspectives that reflect the four pillars of Mitterrand’s European policy: the common currency, the establishment of a closely integrated and small Western European based EU, the development of the Social Europe and of a free trade area between Europe and Africa. It is argued that although EU institutions have been established based on Mitterrand’s design, today’s reality deviates from the conditions on which his plan was based. For Mitterrand, the ideal EU involved a deep-rooted Western Europe with France at its core and a loose association with Central and Eastern Europe. His perception resembles the current discussions of multi-speed Europe and the determination of France and Germany to proceed to the next stage of the integration process. Importantly, Mitterrand’s print can still be recognised in the EU’s social policy included in the treaties, yet still far from being implemented. Notably, like all of the French Presidents, Mitterrand developed a design for Africa in which an extensive free trade area between Europe and former French colonies were to be established. In this proposal, Germany was to be assigned the part of the economic engine behind the actualisation of the proposal, while France was to carry out the role of a required middle man of the transactions. To further assure France’s political predominance over the Communities, Mitterrand designed a common currency for a small number of homogenous Western-European states.
23
Sippel, Harald. « Recht und Emotion : ‚German Angst‘ und das Verwaltungshandeln in Deutsch-Südwestafrika ». Recht in Afrika 21, no 2 (2018) : 208–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2363-6270-2018-2-208.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper establishes a relationship between the academic complex ‘Law and Emotion’ and the concept of ‘German Angst’ using the example of the former colony German South West Africa. ‘German Angst’ is a special manifestation of the feeling of fear. It describes a merely perceived threat, an unfounded anxiety, which under certain circumstances should be typical of “the Germans”. The article examines whether what is today understood by ‘German Angst’ had already been influencing the extreme colonial administrative action and legislative measures towards the African population in German South West Africa compared to other former German overseas territories.
24
Fonju, Dr Njuafac Kenedy. « From the 12 Principal Appointed German Colonial Perpetrators of the First Holocaust in Namibia (PAGCPFHN) through the 18 British Settlers South African Racist Minority Agents (BSSARMA) to the 7 United Nations Appointed Commissioners Related to the Namibian Question (UNACRNQ) and Independence at the Down of the Cold War 1883-1990 ». Cross-Currents : An International Peer-Reviewed Journal on Humanities & ; Social Sciences 8, no 9 (13 novembre 2022) : 115–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.36344/ccijhss.2022.v08i09.001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper covers a period of 107 years (1883-1990) dealing with the identification of 37 diplomatic agents in South West Africa there after Namibia with 12 Germans from 1883 to 1915, 18 British South African racist administrators from 1915 to 1990 and intervention with 7 United Nations Commissioners 1966-1988. The country became one of the most interested historical Sub-Saharan African country throughout the history of European colonization of Africa and an African country obtaining the League of Nations Mandate over another African country but dragging her feet for 75 years to grant independence spanning from 1915 to 1990. It also brings out the strategies used by the U.N to halt all the colonial racist apartheid system and hegemony of the minority regime of South Africa and coincidentally making the end of such inhuman torturing activities with power handed over to black majority in 1990 coupled with the reunification of the former colonial master Germany as important signals marking the end of the Cold War. In the teaching of histories related to the challenges Africa, Germans, British, America, Soviet Union and World Affairs in general, attention have to be focus on connectivity of related events of the 20th Century concerning the Namibia Question whose colonial problems were very much considerable by the international community for the liberation of the last African colonial territory subdue by the so-called British White Settlers of the Apartheid System in the Republic of South Africa. In fact, the scrutiny of specialized sources, documentaries and websites related information permitted us to adopt a historical approach with three clear illustrative tables identifying the main actors in their different portfolios who were involved in the colonial brutalities from the Germans and British White African Settlers on one hand and attempted solutions put forth by the United Nations to handle the Question of Namibia as one of the last African country to be liberated
25
Schaper, Ulrike. « »Die Polygamie bedeutet einen Krebsschaden für die deutschen Kolonien.« ». WerkstattGeschichte 29, no 84 (1 septembre 2021) : 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/zwg-2021-840204.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract In its African colonies, the German colonial authorities of ten encountered marriages among the colonized population that did not correspond to the European bourgeois ideal of monogamous marriage. Colonial government and Christian missions saw polygamy as an obstacle to their colonial or missionary project. Using files from the German colonial administration in Cameroon, documents from the archive of the Basel Mission, and texts from missionary and colonial magazines, the article examines what precisely the colonial government and missions saw as the dangers of polygamy and what challenges arose in dealing with it. Overall, it is shown how essential monogamy was for the self-definition of the German colonial power. Criticism of polygamy served to distinguish Germany from the colonial other and to devalue its culture. Polygamy was considered non-Christian, non-European, non-civilized. In practice, however, this clarity blurred in the face of diverse challenges, so that missions and the colonial government tended to seek pragmatic and temporary solutions.
26
Kalibani, Mèhèza. « The less considered part : Contextualizing immaterial heritage from German colonial contexts in the restitution debate ». International Journal of Cultural Property 28, no 1 (février 2021) : 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739120000296.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractSince the publication of the “restitution report” by Felwine Sarr and Bénédicte Savoy in November 2018, the debate around the restitution of African artifacts inherited from German colonialism in German museums has become increasingly intense. While the restitution debate in Germany is generally focused on “material cultural heritage” and human remains, this reflection attempts to contextualize the “immaterial heritage” (museum collections inventory data, photographs, movies, sound recordings, and digital archive documents) from German colonialism and plead for its consideration in this debate. It claims that the first step of restitution consists of German ethnological museums being transparent about their possessions of artifacts from colonial contexts, which means providing all available information about museum collections from colonial contexts and making them easily accessible to the people from the former German colonies.
27
Büttner, Thea. « The Development of African Historical Studies in East Germany ; An Outline And Selected Bibliography ». History in Africa 19 (1992) : 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171997.
Texte intégralRésumé :
My main concern in this paper is to throw some light on the scope of the problem from the view of the development of African historical studies in East Germany after World War II. It is necessary first to discuss some negative and positive sides of German historical African studies before 1945. For several decades German research has demonstrated a startling lack of interest in the research problems of African history. In connection with the colonial conquests of the European powers, special institutes grew in social anthropology, colonial economics, and geography, although the historical development of the peoples of Africa was ignored. As an outward appearance of this development there grew in several German universities, departments for Oriental languages e.g., at the University of Berlin on the direct instruction of Bismarck, and in 1908 the Colonial Institute at Hamburg University.Leading German historians and Africanists of the past demonstrated their theoretical ignorance in relation to African history. They proceeded from the definition of Leopold von Ranke, who classed the African peoples with the “non-history possessing” peoples who have made no contribution to world culture. G. W. F. Hegel uttered only fatalistic and stereotyped ideas—for him Africa was “no historical part of the World, it has no movement or development to exhibit.” These fundamental conceptions penetrated in one degree or another, the majority of publications on Africa up to 1945. Even Dietrich Westerman, one of the best known Africanists, who published one major book on African history in the German language, Geschichte Afrikas, in 1952 made his studies in the old tradition of seeing sub-Saharan Africa predominantly from the European point of view and continuing the image of an African peoples' history that was not accomplished by the world moulding civilized mankind and has not contributed its share to it. In short, the theoretical foundation of colonialism was rooted in German research in a deep racialist ideology. Only a few explorers and scientists swam against the tide.
28
Kokkonen, Pellervo. « Religious and Colonial Realities : Cartography of the Finnish Mission in Ovamboland, Namibia ». History in Africa 20 (1993) : 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171970.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Missionary work was one of the main forces in the opening of the African continent to direct western influence. In many cases, from the 1830s onwards, missionaries were the first Westerners residing in the interior of the continent, thus accumulating considerable knowledge concerning geographical conditions in their respective areas of residence.The question arises: how did information from these people with scarce knowledge about the interior filter down to representations of geographical conditions such as maps and literary descriptions? Working in close cooperation with Africans, their conceptions were likely to be somewhat more detailed than those of the colonial administration. Politically, they often assumed the role of mediators between the foreign powers and local societies; perhaps this was also the case where geographical knowledge was concerned. The aim of this study is to investigate the extent to which the Finnish Mission in colonial Ovamboland under German influence had an active role in mapmaking.One ostensible reason for Germany's annexation of colonies was to turn a profit from them and strengthen the economy of the homeland. An additional function of German colonies was to persuade people who otherwise would have emigrated to the United States or Latin America to stay within the German economic sphere. White settlers were to supplant what was considered inefficient African land use with commercial agriculture whose products were to be exported to Germany. Public opinion in Germany also advocated colonization for status reasons, which made politicians sensitive to it.
29
Laumann, Dennis. « A Historiography of German Togoland, or The Rise and Fall of a “Model Colony” ». History in Africa 30 (2003) : 195–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003211.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The literature on German Togoland, as compared with that of most of the other former European colonies on the African continent, is far from extensive. While the colony was relatively small and short-lived, the dearth of academic work is notable, since Togoland not only was prized by the Germans as their most successful colonial venture but was also viewed as a “model colony” by contemporary observers in other European imperial nations.Only a handful of books devoted exclusively to the colony have been published since the emergence of African history in the late 1950s as an academic field in the West. The authors of these books, as well as a number of articles and dissertations, thoroughly consulted the relevant archival materials housed in Europe and North America and, to a lesser extent, in West Africa, but failed to collect the oral history of the period. Thus these studies tend to be based almost solely on the observations of Europeans and focus on the activities of the German imperialists, in particular on their administrative and economic policies. A few scholars have attempted to emphasize African experiences during this historical episode, despite a reliance on those same archival materials.The Togoland colony dates to February 1884, when a group of German soldiers kidnapped chiefs in Anécho, a town located in present-day southeastern Togo, and forced them into negotiations aboard the German warship Sophie. Further west, a protectorate was proclaimed over the Lomé area in a treaty signed in July by Gustav Nachtigal, a German Imperial Commissioner, and one Plakkoo, an official of the town of Togo, after which the new colony was named by the Germans.
30
Olukoju, Ayodeji. « ‘King of West Africa’ ? Bernard Bourdillon and the Politics of the West African Governors' Conference, 1940–1942 ». Itinerario 30, no 1 (mars 2006) : 17–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300012511.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The outbreak of the Second World War in September 1939 and the collapse of French resistance to the German onslaught a year later were momentous events which had far-reaching implications for France, Britain, and their colonies. In West Africa, the war affected existing patterns of inter-state relations within and across the French/British imperial divides, which were further complicated for the British by the emergence of two blocs in the French colonial empire – Vichy and Free French. It was in this context that the West African Governors' Conference was created in 1940 to coordinate the war effort and to manage relations with the French colonies.
31
Zholudeva, Natal’ya R., et Sergey A. Vasyutin. « Employment Problems of Muslim Migrants in France (Exemplified by Paris). Part 1 ». Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no 6 (20 décembre 2021) : 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v137.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The first part of the article briefly covers the history of immigration to France, social conflicts associated with migrants, and the results of French research on discrimination of immigrants in employment. In spite of the high unemployment rate, compared with other European Union countries, France remains one of the centres of migration and receives a significant number of migrants and refugees every year. The origins of immigration to France go back to the mid-19th century. Initially, it was mainly for political reasons, in order to find a job or receive an education. Between the First and the Second World Wars, France accepted both political (e.g. from Russia, Germany and Spain) and labour migrants (from Africa and Indo-China). After World War II, the French government actively invited labour migrants from the French colonies, primarily, from North Africa (Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco). When the Algerian War ended, the Harkis – Algerians who served in the French Army – found refuge in France. By the late 1960s, the Moroccan and Tunisian communities were formed. Up to the 1980s, labour migration was predominant. However, with time, the share of refugees and those who wanted to move to France with their families started to increase. This caused a growing social and political tension in French society resulting in conflicts (e.g. the 2005 riots in Paris). Moreover, the numerous terrorist attacks and the migration crisis of 2014–2016 had a particularly negative impact on the attitude towards migrants. All these issues have to a certain extent affected the employment of the Muslim population in France.
32
Sokolov, A. P., et A. D. Davydov. « Germany’s Colonial Policy in Contemporary German Social and Political Discourse ». Journal of International Analytics 13, no 3 (30 septembre 2022) : 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2022-13-3-67-78.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The intensification of the discussion on the German colonial past at the present stage combines the experience of historical research on this topic with the domestic and foreign policy objectives of Germany’s leadership. The purpose of this article is to examine the process of rethinking the colonial past in the Federal Republic of Germany as a part of ideological support for the FRG’s foreign policy on the African direction. The article examines how the debate over Germany’s colonial past has evolved in recent years, and how the intensification of the debate affects the government’s policy towards African countries. The conclusion is that Berlin’s address to this topic so far rarely goes beyond academic and socio-political debate, while the tangible steps of the government remain mostly at the level of declarative intentions. While expressing willingness to admit responsibility for the destruction wrought, the authorities of the Federal Republic of Germany seek to maintain control over its “monetization,” as they fear to get a flow of bills with potentially unlimited sums. Most initiatives are in the first stages of implementation and far from meeting the requests of African states. Germany’s colonial history, marked by both crimes against the local population and the infrastructure development of its controlled territories, is a potential resource for engagement with African countries. The importance of Africa for German foreign policy as expected will increase in the future due to economic, demographic and geopolitical factors.
33
Partridge, Damani. « Daniel Joseph Walther,Creating Germans Abroad : Cultural Policies and National Identity in Namibia.Athens : Ohio University Press, 2002. » Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no 2 (avril 2005) : 433–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505210198.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Creating Germans Abroadis clearly inspired by the work of Benedict Anderson (1983) and written in the spirit of the work of Ann Stoler (1995; 2002). In this work, Walther suggests the idealization of the possibility of a German homeland outside of the European territory in colonial Southwest Africa. The emphasis on agriculture, climate, and landscape countered the increasing push towards industrialization in the Fatherland. Here, there was not just a nostalgic longing for an imagined German past that is pastoral as opposed to industrial (a longing used and manipulated by Nazi ideologues), but an actual place where the idealizedHeimat(homeland) could be realized in practice. The problem, however, became the presence of so many non-Germans, in this case not only “Black” Africans, but also “White” Afrikaners. In this sense, an appropriate title for the book might also be “Creating Germany Abroad.”
34
SCHVEITZER, ANA CAROLINA. « FOTOGRAFIA E ALTERIDADE FEMININA NA LITERATURA COLONIAL ESCRITA POR ALEMáƒS ». Outros Tempos : Pesquisa em Foco - História 13, no 22 (28 décembre 2016) : 177–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.18817/ot.v13i22.554.
Texte intégralRésumé :
O colonialismo alemão foi uma experiência de poucas décadas, de 1884 a 1914. Neste peráodo, o desenvolvimento da tecnologia fotográfica, como a invenção e difusão da máquina portátil, possibilitou a propagação e o uso de fotografias nas colônias europeias em áfrica. Logo, diferentes imagens sobre estas regiões foram produzidas e circularam em contexto colonial, promovendo um conhecimento visual a respeito do continente africano. Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar de que modo as imagens de mulheres africanas foram mobilizadas para a construção do conhecimento visual nos anos de colonialismo. Para tanto, foram analisadas fotografias publicadas na literatura colonial escrita por mulheres alemãs. O estudo do circuito social dessas fotografias permitiu refletir acerca da alteridade feminina em contexto colonial alemãoPalavras-chave: Colonialismo alemão. Conhecimento visual. Mulheres.PHOTOGRAPHY AND FEMALE OTHERNESS IN THE COLONIAL LITERATURE BY GERMAN WOMEN WRITERSAbstract: The German colonialism was an experience of a few decades, from 1884 to 1914. In this period, the development of photographic technology, as well as the invention and spread of the portable machine, enabled the diffusion and the use of photographs in the European colonies in Africa. Consequently, different images of the regions were produced and circulated into the colonial context, providing a new visual knowledge of the African continent. This research aims to analyse how the images of African women were used for the construction of this visual knowledge during the period of colonialism. Therefore, it”™s been analysed photographs which were published into the colonial literature written by German women. The study of the social circuit of these photographs made it possible to reflect on the female otherness inside the German colonial context. Keywords: German colonialism. Visual knowledge. Women. Fotografáa y alteridad femenina en la literatura colonial escrita por mujeres alemanasResumen: El colonialismo alemán fue una experiencia de pocas décadas, de 1884 a 1914. Durante este peráodo, el desarrollo de la tecnologáa fotográfica, como la invención y difusión de la máquina portátil, permitió el uso de las fotografáas en las colonias europeas en áfrica. Por lo tanto, diferentes imágenes de estas regiones fueron producidas y distribuidas en el contexto colonial, proporcionando un conocimiento visual del continente africano. Esta investigación propone analizar cómo las imágenes de las mujeres africanas fueron movilizadas para la construcción del conocimiento visual en los años de colonialismo. Asá, fueron seleccionadas y analizadas las fotografáas publicadas en la literatura colonial escrita por mujeres alemanas. El estudio del circuito social de estas fotografáas permitió reflexionar sobre la alteridad femenina en el contexto colonial alemán.Palabras clave: Colonialismo alemán. Conocimiento visual. Mujeres.
35
Kleinöder, Nina. « A «Place in the Sun» ? » Zeitschrift für Unternehmensgeschichte 65, no 1 (4 mars 2020) : 9–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zug-2019-0017.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe article «A ‹Place in the Sun›? German Rails and Sleepers in Colonial Railway Building in Africa, 1905 to 1914» takes up Bernhard von Bülow’s imperialistic claim that was closely connected to economic protagonists. Today, these protagonists are still fairly unknown and overlooked by (economic) colonial research. Therefore, the article is an approach to outline a first example for German entrepreneurial engagement in colonial railway building, by analyzing the case of Fried. Krupp/Friedrich-Alfred-Hütte. Looking at Krupp’s activities in (West-)Africa, the article explores which paths the German railway building followed, and tries to identify protagonists and their networks. We assume that the distinct markets of colonies were a vehicle for the internationalization of the firms involved. In questions of agency and as part of the imperial project, German enterprises participated in the colonization of Africa, but at the same time, they followed their own economic agenda.
36
Kalistratov, Andrey. « Africa of the beginning of the 20th century in the notes and epistolary of the German physician Ludwig Kühlz ». INTELLIGENTSIA AND THE WORLD, no 3 (1 octobre 2020) : 68–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.46725/iw.2020.3.5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article analyzes the notes and letters of the doctor of medicine Ludwig Külz, who from 1902 to 1913 worked as a doctor in the West African German colonies of Togoland and Cameroon. The methodical and methodological bases of the work are theories and research tools of relatively new disciplines of intelligentsia studies and imagology. L. Kühlz is considered by the author as a typical representative of the autonomous social and intellectual colonial community, and the images formed around him about Africa and its inhabitants as a result that reflects the complex processes of modernization of the German Second empire and personal education, which were significantly influenced by education and medical practice the activities of the author, the source studied. The article concludes that the views of L. Kühlz fit into the colonial discourse traditional for his time. The readiness of this doctor of medicine to endure the hardships of African service in the name of the German Empire, to bear the burden of culture of the white man through the treatment of the natives and their enlightenment, was combined with paternalism towards local residents and a sense of superiority over them, in which grains of racism were sometimes seen.
37
Sunseri, Thaddeus. « The Baumwollfrage : Cotton Colonialism in German East Africa ». Central European History 34, no 1 (mars 2001) : 31–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916101750149121.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In March 1907, as newly-appointed Colonial Minister Bernhard Dernburg prepared to visit German East Africa to assess the colony's potential for economic development following the recent Maji Maji rebellion, requests poured in from businessmen seeking to accompany the minister. Prominent among the select few allowed on the trip were representatives of the German textile industry interested in founding cotton plantations in the colony. Among those participants was Gustav Hertle, director of the Leipzig Cotton Spinnery, the largest cotton spinner in Germany, who had long expressed interest in colonial cotton production. Following the trip the Leipzig Spinnery went on to acquire land in German East Africa, where it founded one of the biggest cotton plantations in the colony. Other textile industrialists who accompanied Dernburg also established cotton plantations in East Africa.
38
Moyd, Michelle. « Making the Household, Making the State : Colonial Military Communities and Labor in German East Africa ». International Labor and Working-Class History 80, no 1 (2011) : 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754791100007x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis essay uses German East Africa as a historical example to illustrate some of the complex interrelationships between colonial labor and military practices. Analysis of African soldiers' roles in colonial labor regimes underscores the degree to which colonial militaries, labor, and punitive structures reinforced each other on a daily basis. Colonial states depended on their African soldiers, and the free and unfree laborers they recruited, conscripted, and supervised, for preservation of the German colonial state's political authority and economic viability. Moreover, these military labor practices tied soldiers' households to colonial state interests, laying the basis for new colonial cultures and campaign communities.
39
Roos, Julia. « The Race to Forget ? Bi-racial Descendants of the First Rhineland Occupation in 1950s West German Debates about the Children of African American GIs* ». German History 37, no 4 (12 octobre 2019) : 517–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghz081.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract After the First World War, the German children of colonial French soldiers stationed in the Rhineland became a focal point of nationalist anxieties over ‘racial pollution’. In 1937, the Nazis subjected hundreds of biracial Rhenish children to compulsory sterilization. After 1945, colonial French soldiers and African American GIs participating in the occupation of West Germany left behind thousands of out-of-wedlock children. In striking contrast to the open vilification of the first (1920s) generation of biracial occupation children, post-1945 commentators emphasized the need for the racial integration of the children of black GIs. Government agencies implemented new programmes protecting the post-1945 cohort against racial discrimination, yet refused restitution to biracial Rhenish Germans sterilized by the Nazis. The contrasts between the experiences of the two generations of German descendants of occupation soldiers of colour underline the complicated ways in which postwar ruptures in racial discourse coexisted with certain long-term continuities in antiblack racism, complicating historians’ claims of ‘Americanization’ of post-1945 German racial attitudes.
40
Bischoff, Eva. « “Heimischwerden Deutscher Art und Sitte” Power, Gender, and Diaspora in the Colonial Contest ». Itinerario 37, no 1 (avril 2013) : 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000259.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 1909, in a public lecture on German colonial politics, author and colonial activist Clara Brockmann emphasised the crucial role of female emigration to the colonies of the Kaiserreich (German empire). With special reference to German Southwest Africa, she argued:The immigration of the German woman in our colony is much talked about and much is done for it. The aim is quite obvious: the prevention of mixed marriages, which are the mental and economic ruin of the settler, the achievement of a profitable farm business, which cannot be fully developed without the assistance of the housewife, and the establishment of German manners and mores, of German family life, which is created foremost by the presence of the woman.Brockmann was one of many women who were committed to “the colonial cause” during the Kaiserreich. Most of these activists were organised in the Frauenbund der Deutschen Kolonialgesellschaft (Women's League of the German Colonial Society). Its central aim was to support and organise the emigration of German women to the colonies of the German Empire. This paper takes a closer look at the rhetoric and politics of the Frauenbund, its claims for the decisive role women were to play in the colonial project, its emigration scheme, organised to provide German settlers with racially “appropriate” wives, and its underlying assumption that Germanness itself was under threat in colonial space. The Kaiserreich's female colonial activists have been the object of numerous studies so far. None of these studies, however, reflects on the issue within the larger context of nineteenth-century global white mass migration or white diasporic movements as described, for instance, by Jürgen Osterhammel.
41
Eleazar Wendt, Samuel. « Hanseatic Merchants and the Procurement of Palm Oil and Rubber for Wilhelmine Germany’s New Industries, 1850–1918 ». European Review 26, no 3 (11 juin 2018) : 430–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798718000121.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article analyses the reorientation of Hanseatic merchants’ involvement in world trade during the second half of the nineteenth and first decades of the twentieth centuries. This shift was influenced by the independence of former British and Iberian colonies in the Americas, which caused the implosion of colonial trade monopolies. The abolition of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, and the Scramble for Africa also allowed German commerce to obtain more direct access to markets in and raw materials from tropical regions. An examination of the commodity chains of rubber and palm oil/kernels reveals the great influence of Hanseatic merchant families (e.g. O’Swald, Schramm or Woermann) on determining and shaping the terms by which African and South American regions became incorporated into the emerging world economy.
42
Maderspacher, Alois. « The National Archives of Cameroon in Yaoundé and Buea ». History in Africa 36 (2009) : 453–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0009.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Even in learned journals on African and imperial history, few references have been made to the records contained in the archives in Cameroon, West Africa. Kamerun was a German colony (Schutzgebiet) from 1884-1916/19. In 1911, the Germans took over New Cameroon (Neu Kamerun), 295,000 km2 of land of French Equatorial Africa, ceded during the second Morocco Crisis. After World War I this transaction was reversed and the German colony was separated into French and British League of Nations Mandates in 1919. These mandates were transformed into United Nations Trusteeships in 1946. Finally, French Cameroun became independent in 1960, and after a plebiscite in 1961, one part of the British Cameroons joined Nigeria and the other part reunited with the formerly French part, now the independent Federal Republic of Cameroon.Due to the involvement of three colonial powers in Cameroon, the national archives in Yaoundé and Buea are an excellent source for the colonial history of West Africa, allowing for a simultaneous analysis of German, French, and British files. Whereas the colonial files in the European archives mainly give us the point of view of high politics, the archives in Cameroon offer a different dimension. The files reveal the intricacies of the colonial system on the ground, and the problems with which the colonial administrator had to cope in the bush: How did one introduce European legal tender in a territory never touched by Europeans before? How did one cope with the colonial rivals, who were couching at the frontiers to take over the territory? How did one attempt to win peoples' hearts and minds day in and day out? What happened when the new colonial power took over a territory with an already developed administration from another colonial power, as it took place in Cameroon in 1911 and 1916/19? The national archives of Cameroon contain potential answers to these questions. Hence this paper will focus on the sources that are available for the colonial period in these archives.
43
Unangst, Matthew. « Men of Science and Action : The Celebrity of Explorers and German National Identity, 1870–1895 ». Central European History 50, no 3 (septembre 2017) : 305–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938917000620.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Before the commercialization of colonialism, Germans primarily engaged with the possibility of a German colonial empire through German explorers of Africa. This article examines the discourse about such men with an eye to the ways in which Germans formulated identities around them as celebrities in the earlyKaiserreich. A shift in the discourse is observable around the time of the beginning of formal German colonialism in the mid-1880s. To that point, observers had placed German explorers within an international scientific community defined by its cosmopolitanism. From the mid-1880s, explorers more often appeared as embodiments of a chauvinistic national identity that defined German colonialism as superior to other variants. This discursive shift was indicative, on the one hand, of the erosion of theBildungsbürgertum'scontrol of the meaning of German colonialism and, on the other, of the emergence of alternative colonialist identities through public engagement with the exploration of Africa.
44
Krobb, Florian. « Retrospective and futuristic idealization : Defining German coloniality after the loss of empire ». Journal of European Studies 47, no 2 (6 avril 2017) : 142–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047244117700072.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article discusses two very different examples of German post-imperial writing as manifestations of a colonialist imaginary that was both retrospective / nostalgic and futuristic / aspirational. They serve to illustrate how colonialist discourse after 1918 shaped attitudes towards colonial space in ways that survived the next historical caesura, that of 1945. Some of the animal stories from former German East Africa assembled in Rudolf Sendke’s book of reminiscences (1925) enact an idealized benevolent and respectful, yet determined and capable role of Germans in unruly and dangerous colonial space, while Adolf Kaempffer, 15 years later, devises a vision of the perfect National Socialist society based on social engineering and racial segregation to be created in an imaginary regained German South-West Africa.
45
Karugila, J. M. « German records in Tanzania ». African Research & ; Documentation 50 (1989) : 12–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00010189.
Texte intégralRésumé :
German East Africa the largest of the former German colonies had a rather interesting history of care, control and preservation of public records. The aim of this paper is firstly to trace in brief the history of German colonisation in East Africa, as a background to a better understanding of the registry practices and records keeping procedures of the government of German East Africa. Secondly, the paper is intended to relate what has happened to the records of the German era after the colony became a mandate under the British Administration and after the attainment of independence.Germany's efforts to found colonies in East Africa can be traced as far back as 1884. In September of that year, Dr. Carl Peters, one of the founders of the German Colonization Society (Gesellschaft fuer deutsche Kolonisation) and his friends, set out on a voyage to East Africa to look for colonies.
46
Karugila, J. M. « German records in Tanzania ». African Research & ; Documentation 50 (1989) : 12–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00010189.
Texte intégralRésumé :
German East Africa the largest of the former German colonies had a rather interesting history of care, control and preservation of public records. The aim of this paper is firstly to trace in brief the history of German colonisation in East Africa, as a background to a better understanding of the registry practices and records keeping procedures of the government of German East Africa. Secondly, the paper is intended to relate what has happened to the records of the German era after the colony became a mandate under the British Administration and after the attainment of independence.Germany's efforts to found colonies in East Africa can be traced as far back as 1884. In September of that year, Dr. Carl Peters, one of the founders of the German Colonization Society (Gesellschaft fuer deutsche Kolonisation) and his friends, set out on a voyage to East Africa to look for colonies.
47
Schulze, Frederik. « German Missionaries, Race, and Othering Entanglements and Comparisons between German Southwest Africa, Indonesia, and Brazil ». Itinerario 37, no 1 (avril 2013) : 13–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000235.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Recent approaches in global history and postcolonial studies have pointed to global aspects of colonialism and suggested that the history of colonialism should not be described just as a unidirectional history of power, because the reverberations of colonialism within the metropolis were also important. If we reflect further, we might ask not only if the metropolis and the colonies were entangled, but also if different colonial contexts had connections to one another. Pursuing this in the case of missionary activities, Rebekka Habermas recently demanded that scholars connect missionary history and global history so as to examine the global entanglements of the mission. She drew attention to missionary societies’ active on a global scale. It stands to reason that missionary societies, as global actors, pursued similar politics in different regions and, therefore, different regions and contexts were thereby connected. But is it possible to show direct entanglements between individual mission contexts? Can we explain certain practices and discourses in colonial situations better if we look at other regional contexts?In testing these questions, the case of the so-called “emigrant mission” (Auswanderermission), directed at Germans emigrants to Brazil by a sister organisation of the Protestant Rhenish Missionary Society, is instructive. Strangely, Habermas mentioned neither the Americas nor the emigrant mission when she proposed the analysis of global entanglements of the mission, as if there had been no missionary activities in the Americas. But it is exactly this kind of entanglement that seems most interesting, the entanglement between regions with apparently different histories. This paper tries to address this lacuna by asking if the history of the emigrant mission in Brazil can be linked with “normal” missionary contexts of, for example, missions directed at non-Europeans, in order to understand why certain discourses were circulating in Brazil. In this instance, the former German colony of Southwest Africa and the Indonesian islands of Sumatra and Nias serve as classical missionary examples, as the Rhenish Missionary Society was very active in these regions. In considering relations between German emigrants in Brazil, the German colony in Africa, and the German mission in a Dutch colony, one must remember that Brazil, although it figured very prominently in German colonial debates of the nineteenth century, was not a formal German colony.
48
Kettler, Mark T. « Designing Empire for the Civilized East : Colonialism, Polish Nationhood, and German War Aims in the First World War ». Nationalities Papers 47, no 6 (27 mai 2019) : 936–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.49.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis article critically reexamines how Germans understood Polish national identity during World War I, and how their perceptions affected German proposals for ruling Polish territory. Recent historiography has emphasized the impact of colonial ideologies and experiences on Germans’ imperial ambitions in Poland. It has portrayed Germans as viewing Poland through a colonial lens, or favoring colonial methods to rule over Polish space. Using the wartime publications of prominent left liberal, Catholic, and conservative thinkers, this article demonstrates that many influential Germans, even those who supported colonialism in Africa, considered Poland to be a civilized nation for which colonial strategies of rule would be wholly inappropriate. These thinkers instead proposed multinational strategies of imperialism in Poland, which relied on collaboration with Polish nationalists. Specifically, they argued that Berlin should establish an autonomous Polish state, and bind it in permanent military and political union with the German Empire. The perception of Poland as a civilized nation ultimately structured Germany’s occupation policy and objectives in Poland throughout the war, much more than stereotypes of Polish primitivity.
49
Kalb, Martin. « Water, Sand, Molluscs : Imperial Infrastructures, the Age of Hydrology, and German Colonialism in Swakopmund, Southwest Africa, 1884-1915 ». Environment and History 26, no 2 (1 mai 2020) : 175–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/096734018x15254461646521.
Texte intégralRésumé :
How did nature challenge German colonialism in Southwest Africa? What role did water, sand, and a small mollusc play as Germans tried to establish their first and, in many ways, only settler colony? This paper explores the events surrounding the town of Swakopmund, a small coastal settlement defined as the main entry point (Eingangstur) into German Southwest Africa at the time. As a case study, Swakopmund arguably provides an excellent framework when showcasing the importance of widely underestimated environmental protagonists in the construction of the German Empire; it also underlines the value of incorporating environmental history more broadly into discussions of German colonial fantasies in the age of hydrology.
50
Jones, Adam. « Still Underused : Written German Sources for West Africa Before 1884 ». History in Africa 13 (1986) : 225–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171543.
Texte intégralRésumé :
It is gratifying to receive compliments when one publishes books, yet I have mixed feelings about some of the kind words awarded to my two volumes of translations from seventeenth-century German sources on west Africa. What some people seem to be saying is: “Thank God I won't have to waste time learning that language!” Not only does this attitude rest on the untenable assumption that a translation is an adequate substitute for the original; it also underestimates the importance of those German works which remain untranslated.For those interested in the colonial period, of course, the German literature and archival material is very rich--not only for Togo and Cameroun, but also for other countries, notably Liberia. As soon as the Germans became politically involved in west African affairs in 1884, there appeared a whole flood of publications dealing with this part of the world; and there is also a great deal of unpublished material for the whole period 1884-1939 which urgently calls for more attention from scholars interested in the African past. This is generally recognized (the usual excuse offered for not using the German material is the difficulty of access to the Potsdam archive); yet it is seldom appreciated how much German material there is for the period before 1884.