Thèses : « Georgia – Politics and government – 1951- »

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Ramos, Howard. "Divergent paths : aboriginal mobilization in Canada, 1951-2000." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84541.

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My dissertation focuses on the rise and spread of Aboriginal mobilization in Canada between 1951 and 2000. Using social movement and social-political theories, it questions the relationship between contentious actions and formal organizational growth comparing among social movement and political sociological perspectives. In most accounts, contentious action is assumed to be influenced by organization, political opportunity and identity. Few scholars, however, have examined the reverse relationships, namely the effect of contentious action on each of these. Drawing upon time-series data and qualitative interviews with Aboriginal leaders and representatives of organizations, I found that critical events surrounding moments of federal state building prompted contentious action, which then sparked mobilization among Aboriginal communities. I argue that three events: the 1969 White paper, the 1982 patriation of the Constitution, and the 1990 'Indian Summer' led to mass mobilization and the semblance of an emerging PanAboriginal identity. This finding returns to older collective behaviour perspectives, which note that organizations, opportunities, and identities are driven by triggering actions and shared experiences that produce emerging norms. Nevertheless, in the case of Canadian Aboriginal mobilization, unlike that of Indigenous movements in other countries, building a movement on triggering actions led to mass mobilization but was not sustainable because of a saturation of efficacy. As a result, Aboriginal mobilization in Canada has been characterized by divergent interests and unsustained contention.

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Phillips, Jenna Frances. "British policy during the Korean War 1950-1951." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648129.

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García, Ignacio. "Mexican American Youth Organization: Precursors of Change in Texas." University of Arizona, Mexican American Studies and Research Center, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/218651.

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Rahma, Awalia. "Sufi order and resistance movement : the Sans̄ưiyya of Libya, 1911-1932." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30206.

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This thesis is a study of the Sanusiyya order, in which particular emphasis is placed on its role as a resistance movement. Based on a survey of the social, economic, religious and political activities of this sufi brotherhood and its involvement in the tribal system of the North Africa during the first three decades of this century, an attempt will be made to identify on the one hand the factors that contributed to the strength of its resistance to Italian invasion, and on the other, the elements that led to its failure. It is argued that its initial success in the resistance benefited from the network of the zawiyas where ikhwan from different tribes were integrated socially and economically in accordance with strong Islamic values. However, lack of military training and weapons, dependency on a prominent figure, competing ambitions within the Sanusi family and geographical distance ultimately weakened the resistance.

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Justiss, Charnita Spring. "Sarah T. Hughes: Her Influence in Texas Politics." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2674/.

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Conservative males traditionally dominated Texas politics. In 1930, however, Sarah T. Hughes, a liberal woman from Maryland, began a spectacular career in state politics despite obstacles because of her gender and progressive ideas. First elected to the Texas Legislature in 1930, she remained active in politics for the next fifty years. Hard work, intelligence, and ability allowed her to form solid friendships with Texas's most powerful politicians. She became the first woman in Texas to hold a district judgeship, the first woman from Texas appointed to the federal bench, and the only woman to swear in a U.S. president. Hughes profoundly influenced state politics, challenging the long-standing conservative male domination. She helped to create a more diverse political field that today encompasses different ideologies and both genders.

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Farmer, Ted Anthony. "Politics and society in Virginia, 1960-1969 : new course for the Old Dominion /." Thesis, This resource online, 1991. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-11242009-020048/.

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Kefford, Glenn. "Has Australian Federal Politics Become Presidentialized?" Thesis, Griffith University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366314.

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This thesis examines the idea that Australian federal political leaders are becoming more powerful. This idea, often referred to as presidentialization, generates heated debates in academic circles. Using one of the more systematic frameworks, namely the Poguntke and Webb (2005) model, and combining a behavioural component, this thesis seeks to explore whether Australian federal politics has become presidentialized. Poguntke and Webb viewed presidentialization as consisting of three separate but inter-related faces. These were: the executive face, the party face and the electoral face. This thesis undertakes this task by examining four leadership periods from the Australian Labor Party (ALP). This includes: The Chifley leadership period (1945-51), the Whitlam leadership period (1967-1977), the Hawke Leadership period (1983-91) and the Kevin Rudd leadership period (2006-2010). In the Chifley leadership period it is argued that very little evidence of the presidentialization phenomenon as described by Poguntke and Webb (2005) is identifiable. This finding adds to their hypothesis that many of the causal factors that contributed to presidentialization did not emerge until after 1960. This section of the thesis also highlights how different Australian society and the ALP were during this period than to the later periods examined in this thesis. The second period, the Whitlam leadership period, is vastly different. Clear increases in the capacity of leaders to exert power began to emerge. Hugely important structural changes to the ALP occur during this period which fundamentally alters intra-party power. Some evidence of leaders being able to exert greater power within the executive of government can also be identified during this period. The elections that Whitlam contested display a mixed level of personalisation. Thesis (PhD Doctorate) Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) Griffith Business School Griffith Business School Full Text

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Bauhs, James Anthony. "George Orwell As Social Conservative: Populism, Pessimism, and Nationalism in an Organic Community, 1934-43." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278361/.

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This thesis argues that a socially conservative tendency informed much of George Orwell's commentary between 1934 and 1943, and that the same tendency reflected a general European trend. The main sources of this thesis are a large selection of George Orwell's works and a smaller selection of works by Frantz Fanon, Jose Ortega y Gasset, and Antonio Gramsci. This thesis relies upon Orwell's involvement in the Spanish Civil War between 1936 and 1937 and his embrace of nationalism in 1940 as major organizational points of reference. This thesis concludes that Orwell's commentary was an example of a general European conservative reaction against Marxist-Leninist thought.

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Slavin, Matthew I. "State Industrial Policy and the Autonomy of State Leaders: Evidence from the Oregon Experience." PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1228.

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This research identifies variables that determined the amount of autonomy Oregon's gubernatorial leadership possessed in formulating and implementing the Regional Strategies program, centerpiece of industrial policy in Oregon during the latter half of the 1980s. The literature on state industrial policy points to instances in which the leaders of America's state governments are acting autonomously. Gubernatorial actors appear to be formulating industrial policy goals independent of powerful non-state groups and other state actors and developing the capacity to transform their policy preferences into authoritative actions. The literature is largely devoid, however, of any systematic accounting of the variables that determine the extent to which gubernatorial actors possess autonomy. Drawing upon interviews with key actors involved in formulating and implementing the Regional Strategies initiative and document research, this case study points to five principal sources of variation in gubernatorial success. These are as follows: (I) Economic crisis. The inability of longstanding industrial recruitment practices to reconcile divisions caused by Oregon's deepest recession since the Great Depression eroded support for existing state economic development arrangements, enabling Oregon's newly elected Governor Neil Goldschmidt to reform state economic development policy along industrial policy lines and accumulate discretionary authority for state economic development spending denied his predecessors. (2) The division of power between the executive and legislative branches of Oregon state government. Reacting to tensions founded in localism, regionalism, and concern with having its authority usurped, Oregon's legislature placed limitations upon Governor Goldschmidt's industrial policy mandate. Legislatively-enforced measures precluded the competitive evaluation of local economic restructuring plans, frustrating a key Administration goal, and instead made equity and political expediency the driving force behind key industrial policy decisions. Legislators also denied the Administration authority it was seeking over semi-autonomous state agencies, impeding its plan to consolidate control over state economic development policymaking. 3) State fiscal capacity. Industrial recruitment's failure led voters to establish a statewide lottery with proceeds dedicated to economic development. The lottery expanded Oregon's fiscal capacity for economic development, providing the Goldschmidt administration an instrument with which to fund industrial policy. (4) The degree to which local interests were fiscally dependent upon state revenues. Administration success in securing key industrial policy goals was a direct consequence of its ability to use the discretionary authority it possessed over lottery spending to enforce local compliance with its policy preferences. The Administration proved more successful in circumstances in which local authorities were fiscally dependent upon gubernatorial controlled state lottery revenues for funding local economic development projects than in instances in which local interests were independent of the state for revenues. (5) The character of private capital investment. Economic development is contingent upon the investment of private assets, over which Oregon's political leadership exercised little direct control. The failure of anticipated private investment to materialize frustrated Administration plans to use lottery money to leverage private investment in favored projects. Investment induced by Oregon's industrial policy initiative was likely to promote job growth in low wage sectors, frustrating the Administration's goal of using industrial policy to generate high wage jobs.

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Lohse, Stephen Alan. "U.S. Foreign Assistance and Democracy in Central America: Quantitative Evaluation of U.S. Policy, 1946 Through 1994." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277758/.

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U.S. policymakers consistently argue that U.S. security depends on hemispheric democracy. As an instrument of U.S. policy, did foreign assistance promote democracy in Central America, 1946 through 1994? Finding that U.S. foreign assistance directly promoted neither GDP nor democracy in Central America, 1946 through 1994, I conclude that U.S. policy failed consistently in this specific regard.

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Ballantyne, David Timothy. "Ernest F. Hollings and the transformation of South Carolina politics c. 1948-1975." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648806.

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Stanglin, Gerald Minor. "Perceptions and Assessments of Power in Legislative Politics for Texas Public Community College Administrative Leadership." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc332283/.

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The problem with which this study was concerned is the political influence of community/junior college chief executive officers (CEOs) and campus presidents on the state legislature, both directly and indirectly, in the funding of community colleges in Texas. Perceptions of effectiveness were recorded by survey from campus presidents and CEOs as well as from legislators and key legislators. In addition, interviews were conducted with several key legislators and the chief administrators of the two statewide community college organizations. The purpose of the study was to analyze the policy-making process in Texas of which community/junior colleges are a part. The influential relationships and interactions of the sixty-five CEOs and campus presidents of the public community college districts and campuses in Texas were analyzed after a survey instrument was administered. Perceptions of rank—and—file legislators were gathered through use of another survey instrument and perceptions of key legislators were gathered in the same manner but with the addition of a personal interview. Certain questions were asked of them concerning interactions and communication with leaders of community colleges. With the legislators and the presidents certain demographic data was collected and analyzed as a part of the study. Among the findings, campus presidents and CEOs do not have sufficient levels of acquaintance, interaction and communication to heavily influence local people whom they consider powerful in state funding of community colleges. Furthermore, legislators do not receive enough communication from powerful local group members to positively influence their decisions regarding community college funding. Presidents and CEOs from the metropolitan districts communicate most often with their legislators followed by those from rural districts. Board members from the metropolitan districts are most active in communicating with their legislators. Finally, legislators view the community college nearest them as equal to or better than community colleges statewide.

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Strickland, Kristi Throne. "The Significance and Impact of Women on the Rise of the Republican Party in Twentieth Century Texas." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2597/.

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During the early twentieth century, the Democratic party dominated the conservative political landscape of Texas. Through the 1920s, members of the Republican party focused on patronage and seemed content to maintain the position of minority party. A growing dissatisfaction with the liberal policies of the New Deal during the 1930s created opportunities for state Republicans to woo dissenting Democrats to their side. With a change of leadership within the state GOP after 1950, the Republicans waged serious campaigns for offices for the first time. Republican men exercised their political yearnings through leadership positions. Women, on the other hand, were shut out of the leadership ranks, and, as a consequence, they chose a traditional female strategy. They organized clubs in order to support the new leadership and rising candidates. Against formidable odds, Republican women acted as foot soldiers and worked diligently to attain their objectives. As early as 1920, Texas Republican women began to organize. In 1938 they joined the newly chartered National Federation of Republican Women. In 1955 Texas women organized the Texas Federation of Republican Women (TFRW). Working through the TFRW, the women became the catalysts that broke the Republican party from its state of inertia, and they significantly contributed to the breakdown of the one-party system in Texas. Willing to do the "shoe leather politicking" necessary for victory, women became invaluable to GOP candidates, who began their campaigns in the clubhouses of Republican women. In 1978, with the election of the first Republican governor in a century, Republicans finally brought competitive politics to Texas. By the 1990s, the GOP became the majority party in the state. Republican women were not only important to the growth of the party, they were the driving force that broke the state from the shackles of one-party rule by winning elections through grassroots efforts. This study fully recognizes the rich contribution women made to Texas politics throughout the twentieth century.

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Finguerut, Ariel 1980. "Entre George W. Bush ( 2000 - 2008) e Barack H. Obama ( 2009) : a efetividade da Nova Direita no consenso político norte-americano." [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281232.

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Orientador: Paulo César Souza Manduca Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T13:01:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Finguerut_Ariel_D.pdf: 5310440 bytes, checksum: a62805584c2733e3720571a13b6ee36f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 Resumo: Neste trabalho procuramos entender a efetividade da Nova Direita na política norte-americana. Para tanto, foi preciso conhecer o papel do conservadorismo, destacando a função dos Think Tanks enquanto espaço de formação e circulação das ideias. Ao estudar a Nova Direita, sua estrutura, dinâmica de ação e articulação político-social, discutimos este conceito propondo uma nova leitura. Como resultado apresentamos um panorama do conservadorismo americano contemporâneo e a percepção da Nova Direita sobre os governos de George W. Bush e Barack H. Obama Abstract: The central proposal of this work is to understand the effectiveness of the New Right in American politics. Therefore, it was necessary to know the role of conservatism and in this regard it was highlighted the role of Think Tanks as an area of training and the dissemination of ideas. By studying the New Right, its structure, dynamic action and political-social articulation, we discussed this concept by proposing a new reading. As a result we present an overview of the contemporary conservatism in U.S and the perception of the New Right on the governments of George W. Bush and Barack H. Obama Doutorado Ciencia Politica Doutor em Ciência Política

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Raymond, Alex. "La politique tibétaine du gouvernement de la République Populaire de Chine de 1949 à 1951." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0141.

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L’objet de ce travail est une réinterprétation de l’histoire des premiers contacts entre le nouveau gouvernement communiste chinois, le gouvernement tibétain et la population tibétaine, ainsi que de l’introduction progressive de l’idéologie léniniste sur le plateau tibétain, en exploitant pour cela des sources principalement officielles, parfois officieuses, publiées en RPC, et pour l’essentiel non encore utilisées à ce jour. Cette étude montre qu’il est souvent impossible de séparer tant la politique du nouveau gouvernement chinois dans le Tibet du Dalaï-lama et dans les autres régions de culture tibétaine, qu’également la réaction des populations locales dans les différents terrains du monde tibétain. Seront entre autre étudiés les motivations derrière la volonté des responsables de la RPC d’occuper le plus rapidement possible le Tibet, les innombrables difficultés liées à cette tentative, le fait qu’il sera matériellement impossible à l’APL, à la veille de la bataille de Chamdo, en octobre 1950, d’avancer plus avant en territoire tibétain, et comment Mao Zedong va réussir à transformer une déconvenue militaire en une victoire politique. Sera également analysé la politique en 1949-1951 du PCC dans les autres régions tibétaines, en quoi cette politique a pu être différente d’une région à l’autre, mais en quoi il pourrait quand même y avoir, dans cette diversité, une vision globale idéologique. Comment la victoire (incomplète) de l’APL à Chamdo aura été obtenue in extremis, l’état major de la 18e armée, comme les dirigeants de la RPC, ayant des doutes réels sur cette victoire jusqu’à la fin. Comment les responsables de la RPC, bien qu’à l’origine en position de faiblesse, vont réussir non seulement à empêcher le Dalaï-lama de partir à l’étranger, mais même à obtenir qu’une délégation soit envoyée à Pékin pour « négocier ». L’utilisation de documents chinois inédits va permettre également d’apporter des éléments nouveaux sur le déroulement des « négociations » aboutissant à l’ « Accord en 17 points ». Le dernier acte, se traduira par l’arrivée, extrêmement difficile, des premiers détachements des forces de l’APL à Lhassa et comment la capitulation du gouvernement tibétain a pu être obtenue The object of this study is a reinterpretation of the history of the first contacts between the new Chinese Communist government, the Tibetan government and the Tibetan population, as well as the gradual introduction of Leninist ideology on the Tibetan plateau, using for that official or sometimes semi-official sources published in the PRC, most of them not used until now. This study shows that it is often impossible to separate the politics of the new Chinese government in Tibet of the Dalai Lama and the politics of the Chinese government in other regions of Tibetan culture, as well as the reaction of local populations in the different areas of the Tibetan world. This study for example analyses the motivations behind the willingness of the leaders of the PRC to occupy Tibet as quickly as possible, the countless difficulties associated with this attempt, the fact that it will be physically impossible for the PLA, on the eve of the Battle of Chamdo in October 1950, to advance further into Tibetan territory, and how Mao will succeed in transforming a military failure into a political victory. It will also analyze the policy of the CCP in 1949-1951 in the other Tibetan regions, how this policy may have been different from one region to another, but how could there be in this diversity a global ideological vision. How the (incomplete) victory of the PLA in Chamdo was obtained in extremis, the staff of the 18th Army, like the leaders of the PRC, having real doubts about this victory until the end. How the leaders of the PRC, although originally in a weak position, will succeed not only in preventing the Dalai Lama from going abroad, but even obtain that a delegation will be sent to Beijing to " to negotiate ". The use of unpublished Chinese documents will also bring new elements on course of the "negotiations" leading to the "17-point Agreement". The final act will result in the extremely difficult arrival of the first detachments of PLA forces in Lhasa and how the capitulation of the Tibetan government will be obtained

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Teichgräber, Martin H. (Martin Hubert). "Political Parties in Central America: A Reassessment." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500670/.

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Studies of political parties in Latin America have often been descriptive and not directed to link a theoretical foundation about political parties with qualitative or quantitative empiricism. This was in part because parties in the region were usually perceived as rather unimportant in the political arena. This study attempts to correct this often unjustified proposition by focusing on the development of political parties in five Central American countries: Costa Rica, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. The analysis focuses particularly on the relationship between party fragmentation, party polarization, the level of democracy, and socio-economic modernization. The quantitative analysis uses a cross-national longitudinal research design and tries to overcome shortcomings in prior descriptive approaches based on case studies. The overall findings show that party fragmentation and party polarization are positively related to the level of democracy in Central America.

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BEZERRA, Josineide da Silva. "Novos municípios, velhas políticas : práticas de emancipação distrital e estratégicas de reprodução política na Paraíba (1951-1965)." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2016. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/17406.

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Submitted by Haroudo Xavier Filho (haroudo.xavierfo@ufpe.br) on 2016-07-15T12:42:08Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Tese - Josinielde.pdf: 2544573 bytes, checksum: 9fae0da90b7aafc0d9097046f8c5a60b (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-15T12:42:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Tese - Josinielde.pdf: 2544573 bytes, checksum: 9fae0da90b7aafc0d9097046f8c5a60b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-24 CAPES Esta tese procura analisar o processo de fragmentação dos limites internos da Paraíba, nas décadas de 1950 e de 1960, efetivado por meio da criação de 130 municípios, mais que quadruplicando o número de unidades municipais do estado. Nesse período, sob influência da redemocratização política do país, amparada na Constituição de 1946, coube às unidades federativas regularem a sua malha municipal. Além disso, o texto constitucional e outras normativas ampliaram os repasses fiscais para estados e municípios. Nesse contexto político-institucional, a criação de municípios marcou todos os estados, sendo a Paraíba aquele que, proporcionalmente, mais elevou localidades distritais à condição de município. A reflexão sobre esse processo está inserto no campo de uma história política, sob o embasamento conceitual de que o município é um espaço social e historicamente produzido, inserido em disputas e convergências políticas vividas por diferentes atores, por ensejar um território de poder. As emancipações distritais foram apoiadas pela sociedade local, com o argumento de que os distritos eram “esquecidos” pela sede municipal. Foram conduzidas pela elite política estadual, a partir dos deputados estaduais, que apresentaram os projetos emancipacionistas, e dos governadores, que os sancionaram. Nesses projetos, as emancipações foram anunciadas como uma política pública estratégica para o “desenvolvimento” local, com a formação de unidades de governo que seriam “independentes” e que teriam acesso a mais recursos fiscais, em um momento em que esses recursos foram ampliados e distribuídos de acordo com o número de municípios de cada estado. A pesquisa objetivou problematizar esse discurso, analisando como a criação desses territórios municipais reproduziu novos espaços de poder para grupos políticos locais de base familiar, tradicionais ou emergentes, e serviu a interesses políticos e eleitorais de segmentos da elite estadual. No desenvolvimento do trabalho, além da pesquisa bibliográfica, realizou-se uma pesquisa documental no arquivo da Assembleia Legislativa e em jornais de circulação estadual e um levantamento de dados em diferentes instituições, como o IBGE e o TRE. This thesis aims to analyze the process of fragmentation of the internal limits of Paraíba state in the 1950s and 1960s, implemented from the creation of 130 municipalities - more than the quadruple of the number of municipalities of the state. During this period, influenced by the political re-democratization of the country, and according to the 1946 Constitution, the federal units took responsibility for the regulation of the organization of municipalities. Furthermore, the Constitution and other normative documents increased fiscal transfers to states and municipalities. In this political and institutional context, the creation of new municipalities was evidenced in all states, and Paraíba was the one that proportionally presented the highest number of districts which were promoted to the conditions of municipalities. Reflection on this process is embedded in the field of political history, under the conceptual background that the municipality is a historically produced and social space, inserted in disputes and political convergences experienced by different actors, providing an area of power. The districts emancipations were supported by the local community, with the argument that the districts had been "neglected" by the municipal headquarters. These emancipations were conducted by the state political elite; from state legislators, which presented the emancipation projects; and the governors, responsible for the sanction of the requests. In these projects, the emancipations were announced as a strategic public policy for the local "development", forming units of government that would be "independent" and have access to more tax resources, when these ones have been expanded and distributed according to the number of municipalities in each state. The research aimed to discuss this speech, analyzing how the creation of these municipal territories reproduced new spaces of power to local family-based political groups, traditional or emerging ones, and served the political and electoral interests segments of the state elite. This work includes, besides bibliographical research, a documentary research conducted in the archives of Legislative Assembly of Paraíba state and state newspapers, and data collection with institutions, such as Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE) and Tribunal Regional Eleitoral, Paraíba (TRE-PB).

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Dalio, Danilo Jose. "A barganha nacionalista-pragmatica : a politica externa do segundo governo Vargas para os Estados Unidos (1951-1954)." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279405.

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Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Institutto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-14T22:31:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dalio_DaniloJose_M.pdf: 2052522 bytes, checksum: d044549918d8c794d75609dbfc3ecde8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 Resumo: As relações com os Estados Unidos se constituíram como um dos fatores fundamentais nos planos industrializantes do segundo governo Vargas. Embora inserido em uma conjuntura "quente" da Guerra Fria, de indefinições e incertezas no conflito bipolar, as condições essenciais a uma "política de barganha" não pareciam esgotadas para o governo Vargas. Tanto o alinhamento político-militar como a cooperação econômica eram termos negociáveis na primeira metade dos anos 50. Trata-se, portanto, de entender como o governo Vargas articulou esses termos nas negociações com os Estados Unidos em prol do desenvolvimento econômico nacional. As contradições no governo varguista, provenientes de conflitos e interesses internos e internacionais, são objeto de divergências na historiografia brasileira, sobretudo no tocante à definição do caráter da política externa do governo Vargas, do sentido de seu nacionalismo e do seu projeto de desenvolvimento. A noção de barganha nacionalista-pragmática não pretende refutar essas contradições, mas servir como um fundamento sob o qual elas puderam objetivamente conviver Abstract: Relations with the United States were established as one of the key factors at industrialization plans of the second Vargas government. Although embedded in a climate "hot" of the Cold War, the unknowns and uncertainties in the bipolar conflict, the conditions essential to a "political bargaining" did not seem exhausted for the Vargas government. Both the political-military alignment and economic cooperation were negotiable terms in the first half of the 50s. This is, therefore, to understand how the Vargas government articulated these terms in negotiations with the United States in support of national economic development. The government varguista contradictions, from conflicts and interests domestic and international, are subject to differences in the Brazilian historiography, with regard to defining the character of the foreign policy of the Vargas government, their sense of nationalism and its development projects. The concept of bargain-pragmatic nationalism is not intended to refute these contradictions, but serve as a basis under which they could live objectively Mestrado Relações Internacionais Mestre em Ciência Política

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Clemens, George S. "The Truman-Macarthur conflict : a case study of the Korean War and the militarization of American foreign policy, 1950-1951." Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1045638.

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On April 11, 1951, President Harry S. Truman dismissed General Douglas MacArthur as Commander of United Nations forces in Korea. Since the dismissal, contemporaries of the Truman-MacArthur era and historians have tried to make sense of Truman's momentous decision to relieve one of America's greatest military heroes. While a great number of studies have devoted attention to the controversy, few if any have placed the Truman-MacArthur conflict within the context of the unprecedented militarization of American foreign policy that took place during the early cold war. This study departs from the traditional "blame-casting" that has dominated Truman-MacArthur scholarship in the past and concludes that General MacArthur was a casualty who was dismissed because he failed to grasp the global nature of the post-World War II American foreign policy agenda.Chapter One analyzes the literature dealing with the Truman-Macarthur controversy and illustrates why historical scholarship has failed to grasp the larger forces at work in American foreign policy while MacArthur was UN Commander in Korea. Chapter Two traces the tumultuous events of the controversy from the outbreak of war in Korea to MacArthur's April 11 dismissal. Finally, Chapter Three analyzes the Senate hearings that followed MacArthur's dismissal, illustrates the importance of the Joint Chiefs of Staff's testimony, and explores the broader, global issues the Truman Administration faced in transforming its foreign policy while General MacArthur failed to grasp the nature of this transformation. Department of History

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Mcgauvran, Ronald Joel. "The Middle Matters: Political Responses to Income Inequality in an American State." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2018. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1157531/.

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Dupuis-Rossi, Riel. "Modernizing colonialism : an examination of the political agenda of the First Nations Governance Act (2002)." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=112335.

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In this thesis, I argue that the First Nations Governance Act (FNGA) shares the colonial aspirations of other pieces of historical legislation in the Canadian context. The FNGA attempted to have First Nations' local governing structures mirror those of the Canadian state. As a result, this piece of legislation fails to recognize and respect the jurisdictional authority of First Nations over their own internal socio-political structures and systems. The FNGA is therefore a colonial assault on First Nations' jurisdiction in the realm of governance undermining the right to self-government and self-determination of First Nations. I demonstrate this by examining three major issues dealt with in the FNGA: the status of historical and modern Canada-First Nations treaties, the jurisdiction of First Nations governance authority as well as control over band membership and Indian status classification systems.

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Pilet, Jean-Benoît. "Réformer le système électoral en Belgique: une mise en cause du modèle consociatif ?l'analyse des fondements de trois réformes électorales débattues entre 1990 et 2005." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210759.

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Hild, Matthew George. "Greenbackers, Knights of Labor, and Populists : farmer-labor insurgency in the late-nineteenth-century South." Diss., Georgia Institute of Technology, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/25691.

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Fox, Lisa Ann. "Cracking the Closed Society: James W. Silver and the Civil Rights Movement in Mississippi." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc28419/.

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This thesis examines the life of James Wesley Silver, a professor of history at the University of Mississippi for twenty-six years and author of Mississippi: The Closed Society, a scathing attack on the Magnolia State's history of racial oppression. In 1962, Silver witnessed the campus riot resulting from James Meredith's enrollment as the first black student at the state's hallowed public university and claims this was the catalyst for writing his book. However, by examining James Silver's personal and professional activities and comparing them with the political, cultural, and social events taking place concurrently, this paper demonstrates that his entire life, the gamut of his experiences, culminated in the creation of his own rebel yell, Mississippi: The Closed Society. Chapter 1 establishes Silver's environment by exploring the history and sociology of the South during the years of his residency. Chapter 2 discusses Silver's background and early years, culminating with his appointment as a faculty member of the University of Mississippi in 1936. Chapter 3 reveals Silver's personal and professional life during the 1940s, as well as the era's notable historical events. The decade of the 1950s is discussed in chapter 4, particularly the civil rights movement, Silver's response to these changes, and those in his own life. Chapter 5 follows the path of James Meredith's integration of Ole Miss, the publication of Silver's book, and its aftermath. The conclusion is a brief epilogue of Silver's post-Mississippi life.

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Vonyó, Tamás. "Post-war reconstruction and the economic miracle : the dynamics of West German economic growth during the 1950s and 1960s." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669982.

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Rubio, Luis Arnoldo. "La Communauté européenne dans le cadre de la crise centre-américaine." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213228.

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Bridges, Kenneth William. "The Twilight of the Texas Democrats: The 1978 Governor's Race." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2003. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4435/.

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This dissertation examines the results and strategies used in the 1978 Texas gubernatorial election to determine what issues, demographics, and campaign strategies led the Republican Party nominee, Dallas businessman Bill Clements, to defeat the Democratic nominee, Attorney General John Hill, to break the 105-year old Democratic lock on the governorship and how this victory affected the evolution of Texas into a two-party state. Research materials include manuscripts and published speeches, letters, oral interviews, elections results, and secondary materials.

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Bernardo, Y. Garcia Luis Angel. "Le Ventre des Belges: miracle économique et restauration des forces de travail :origines et développement de la politique alimentaire du second immédiat après-guerre, 1914-1948." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209052.

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Au cours du second immédiat après-guerre, la Belgique continue être soumise à une « économie de disette » qui s’est épanouie sous la seconde occupation. Afin d’assurer le ravitaillement alimentaire de la population et le maintien d’une activité économique, la puissance publique est contrainte d’organiser l’économie nationale traditionnellement acquise à la liberté du marché. Le temps de la pénurie alimentaire mondiale, la politique alimentaire va diriger l’approvisionnement général du pays par la stabilisation des prix et salaires, les importations, la mobilisation du secteur alimentaire, la distribution de l’alimentation, le rationnement et enfin la répression du « marché noir ». En dépit de la cherté des approvisionnements extérieurs et la régulation de la pénurie au niveau mondial, les gouvernements belges qui se succèdent depuis la Libération s’attachent à l’amélioration du niveau de vie d’une population affaiblie par l’occupation. Cette restauration des forces de travail est un corollaire indispensable à la reprise de l’activité économique et à la reconstruction du pays mais aussi au maintien de l’ordre établi et à la restauration politique. Cet objectif alimentaire a été assigné en exil et dans Bruxelles occupée par les élites dirigeantes – qu’elles soient politiques, économiques ou syndicales – dans une rare unanimité au même titre que la défense d’un « franc fort ». Le Parti communiste, qui participe au pouvoir dès le premier Gouvernement d’Union nationale de la Libération, va aussi adhérer à ces deux objectifs et se voit attribuer le lourd et ingrat portefeuille du Ravitaillement pendant la plus grande partie de son existence qui s’étale de septembre 1944 à décembre 1948. Le choix assumé par une Belgique solvable d’une « politique d’abondance » aux dépens d’une planification des investissements se démarque des choix opérés par la France, les Pays-Bas ou la Grande-Bretagne impécunieux mais obsédés par la modernisation de leurs appareils de production respectifs. L’objectif belge d’apporter à la population – à coup de subventions massives – l’indispensable puis l’utile mais aussi le superflu va se maintenir jusqu’à la libération progressive des transactions et des prix et participe à la restauration rapide de l’économie belge transformatrice et exportatrice. Dès la fin de la guerre en Europe, un apparent « miracle économique » se produit en Belgique avec la reprise rapide des exportations à destination des pays limitrophes. Le processus de restauration économique a été initié dès les premières semaines de la Libération grâce aux prestations massives aux armées alliées et le « remboursement » inespéré d’une partie conséquente de celles-ci après-guerre. Dès le début de l’année 1947, la production industrielle belge rattrape le niveau d’avant-guerre alors que les productions charbonnière et agricole restent à la traîne. La politique alimentaire du second immédiat après-guerre place le consommateur au centre de l’économie agricole et multiple les contraintes du côté de l’offre en matière de transactions et de prix. Encombrée par l’héritage de l’occupation – en dépit d’un droit d’inventaire – elle rencontrera une forte opposition de la part du secteur alimentaire et principalement le monde agricole et le petit commerce. Ceux-ci déploieront des stratégies défensives à la fois politiques et illégales. Ces dernières s’expriment essentiellement depuis l’occupation par le détournement d’une part conséquente des maigres disponibilités alimentaires au profit de l’ennemi et d’une minorité au fort pouvoir d’achat. Quant au monde ouvrier organisé qui constitue aux yeux de la puissance publique le principal acteur du côté de la demande alimentaire, il va contester dès la Libération la politique d’austérité et l’inéquité des sacrifices demandés au nom de la restauration du pays. En dépit d’une pacification convenue entre les élites patronales et syndicales en échange de réformes sociales et la participation loyale des communistes au pouvoir, la seconde sortie de guerre sera marquée par de nombreuses grèves « sauvages » débordant le cadre syndical réformiste et communiste.À vrai dire, la politique alimentaire mise en œuvre au cours de la seconde libération et du second immédiat après-guerre – ainsi que les réponses apportées par l’offre et la demande – ne peuvent être étudiées et comprises qu’en convoquant les crises alimentaires précédentes depuis la première occupation que la Belgique fut la seule à connaître en Europe occidentale sur la plus grand partie de son territoire, à l’exception du petit voisin grand-ducal. Tant la puissance publique, les élites dirigeantes que le monde agricole ou encore le mouvement ouvrier sauront tirer les enseignements des expériences passées. Enfin, la production agricole de la Belgique structurellement dépendante des importations massives de céréales et autres aliments du bétail s’inscrit depuis la fin du XIXème siècle dans une économie alimentaire mondialisée. Les crises alimentaires des temps de (sortie de guerre) traversées par la petite économie transformatrice et exportatrice sont avant tout des crises des approvisionnements extérieurs marquées par leur diminution voire leur quasi disparition. Au cours du second immédiat après-guerre, la politique alimentaire de la Belgique – comme celle des autres grands pays importateurs français, britannique ou néerlandais – sera toujours aussi tributaire des approvisionnements extérieurs régulés depuis la guerre par les Grands Alliés anglo-saxons. Ceux-ci passeront le relais en 1946 aux organismes internationaux gravitant autour des Nations Unies jusqu’aux abondantes récoltes mondiales de l’An 1948. Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Herremans, Bertrand. "Guerres de cabinets, ou, Petite histoire de l'impuissance de la Belgique dans la question nationale en Europe centrale, orientale et balkanique, 1918-1924." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210650.

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La thèse aborde les interrogations, les positions de principe, les ambitions et les réalisations bien plus modestes de la diplomatie belge, en interaction avec les milieux politiques et une partie de la société du temps, quant à la question des nationalités en Europe centrale, orientale et balkanique (1918-1924). Les sept pays retenus sont la Pologne, la Tchécoslovaquie, l’Autriche, la Hongrie, la Yougoslavie, la Roumanie et la Bulgarie.Par question des nationalités, il faut entendre trois aspects indissociables :la question de la modification des frontières dans cette partie du Vieux Continent (disparition des empires au profit des Etats précités), celle des territoires disputés entre lesdits Etats et enfin celle des minorités nationales.Pour expliquer les différentes postures de chacun, l’étude envisage une multitude de facteurs de politique intérieure ou extérieure, principalement les peurs du socialisme et du séparatisme, mais aussi la question des rapports des individus (psychologie) et des groupes (cercles de connaissances, partis,…). Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Majerus, Benoît. "Occupations et logiques policières: la police communale de Bruxelles pendant les première et deuxième guerres mondiales, 1914-1918 et 1940-1944." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211112.

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En tant que pays occupé pendant les deux conflits mondiaux, la Belgique s’avère être un laboratoire pour étudier le phénomène des occupations pendant le XXe siècle. Pour la bureaucratie étatique, ces occupations posent la question de leur positionnement face à une dissociation entre Etat et Nation. La comparaison diachronique de la police communale de Bruxelles – à travers l’angle organisationnel et à travers sa pratique dans l’espace social – a permis de dégager plusieurs thèses. Le développement des appareils administratifs a pris de telles dimensions dans le XIXe siècle que l’occupant est obligé de trouver un modus vivendi avec les institutions existant sur les territoires occupés, lui-même étant incapable de gérer seul les pays sous son contrôle. Cette constellation donne une marge de manœuvres importante à la police locale, l’institution qui fait l’objet de notre étude.Pendant les deux guerres, la police est soumise à un processus de réformes visant à améliorer son fonctionnement :centralisation du commandement, spécialisation d’unités, élargissement géographie des compétences d’intervention… Ces changements s’inspirent d’une part d’idées ambiantes en Belgique et d’autre part de projets réalisés en Allemagne dans les deux périodes procédant la guerre.L’intégration de l’appareil policier communal à l’intérieur d’un régime d’occupation est facilitée par le professionnalisme de celui-ci qui contraste fortement avec la pratique des polices auxiliaires pour lesquelles l’ordre patriotique et/ou idéologique peut prendre le dessus sur le ‘maintien d’ordre classique’. Cette prédominance professionnalisante explique la continuité du fonctionnement de l’institution qui poursuit ses tâches entre 1914-1918 et 1940-1944.En m’inspirant des travaux de l’historien allemand Alf Lüdtke et du sociologues français Dominique Montjardet, j’ai essayé de questionner trois postulats sous-jacents dans l’historiographie :-\ Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation histoire info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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WHEATLEY, Jonathan. "The problems of post-Soviet regime change : dynamic and static elements of the Georgian regime 1989-2001." Doctoral thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5434.

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Defence date: 7 March 2003 Examining board: Prof. Stefano Bartolini (EUI) ; Dr. Ghia Nodia (Ilya Chavchavadze University for Language and Culture, Tbilisi) ; Prof. Philippe Schmitter (EUI) ; Prof. Robert Service (St. Anthony's College, Oxford) PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

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Love, Peter. "Frank Anstey : a political biography." Phd thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112090.

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This biography of Francis George Anstey (1865-1940) is a study of a radical in Labor politics. Although he did not achieve fame through high office, Anstey was one of the most prominent and influential Labor politicians of his generation. He was a flamboyant and witty orator who could enthral and delight his audiences on an impressive range of subjects. He was a prolific journalist and occasional editor of a labour weekly he helped establish. His stirring account of the Russian revolution and civil war was received enthusiastically by radicals in Australia and abroad. But his greatest influence was as a popular theorist. It was he more than anyone else who defined and elaborated a radical political economy of finance capital which not only helped sustain pressure for public control over the monetary system, but was at the centre of a tradition which inspited the Chifley government s attempt to nationalise the private banks. He was a publicist, a theorist and, on matters of loyalty to its working class origins, a conscience of the Labor party. Anstey, however, could be a difficult colleague. He was a man of prodigious, if erratic, energy whose extravagant moods could change quickly from elation to despondency. His gently ironic wit could switch suddenly to savage satire and, occasionally, vitriolic abuse. He was also a man of strong principles which often brought him into conflict with his party colleagues who were more willing to accept the limitations which parliamentary politics imposed on the exercise of power, and to make the necessary compromises. Anstey had no taste nor talent for that. He was impatient for Labor to implement its policies and advance the cause of working class emancipation. The thesis argues that the very qualities which brought him to prominence as a romantic, populist radical were ill-suited to the steady, cautious reform which has characterised the work of the parliamentary Labor party. It suggests that the tension between his ideas, principles and personality, and the constraints imposed by liberal parliamentary democracy in a capitalist economy finally condemned him to failure. It further argues that his somewhat romantic vision of the potential for the working class to transform society, in the end, turned his disappointment into an embittered fatalism The tragedy of Anstey's career, it is suggested, was not just the destruction of his faith, but its apparent inevitability,

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TIMMERMANS, Arco I. "High politics in the Low Countries : functions and effects of coalition policy agreements in Belgium and the Netherlands." Doctoral thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5406.

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Defence date: 19 January 1996 Examining Board: Prof. Rudy B. Andeweg (Rijksuniversiteit Leiden) ; Prof. Stefano Bartolini (EUI) ; Prof. Jean Blondel (EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Kris Deschouwer (Vrije Universiteit Brussel) ; Prof. Ernst ten Heuvelhof (Technische Universiteit Delft) First made available online on 15 December 2016

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GONÇALVES, Márcia. "Beyond the 'imperial mystique' : empire and national identity in the Portuguese Estado Novo (c. 1930-1951)." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/35424.

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Defence date: 31 March 2015 Examining Board: Professor Sebastian Conrad, EUI – Free University, Berlin (Supervisor); Dr. Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo, ICS – University of Lisbon (External Supervisor); Professor Francisco Bethencourt, King’s College, London; Professor Lucy Riall, EUI. Whilst being a period of consolidation for the Portuguese right-wing dictatorship known as Estado Novo, the 1930s and 1940s were marked by geopolitical change and major redefinition of mental maps about colonial order. This dissertation explores the intertwined dynamics between imperial and national identity discourses in Portugal during these turbulent decades, departing from the idea that they were mutually constitutive in metropolitan culture and were negotiated on an everyday basis to adjust to different challenges. In order to contest the idea that the Portuguese 1930s and 1940s were marked by a monolithic imperial-based nationalism stemming from the state apparatuses, this study moves beyond the investigation of major nationalist events and colonial propaganda. Instead, it explores the interplay between Nation and Empire through the lens of the contemporary debates about the Empire and Portuguese colonial status in the world that stood out in the public discussion during this period. Therefore, it looks at representations of Portugueseness and Portuguese colonialism’s exceptionalism in five main themes: 1) the question of native forced labour in the Portuguese empire around the 1930 Forced labour convention, 2) European colonial claims for a new partition of Africa on the eve of the Second World War, 3) Portugal and its empire as a united nation, 4) colonial migration and settlement and 5) the specificity of the Portuguese national character and its impact on the national methods of colonisation.

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(8067962), Philip Evan Husom. "Political Shocks and Economic Reform in the Post-Soviet World." Thesis, 2019.

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This dissertation analyzes the adoption of neoliberal economic policies in the wake of two shocks, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Color Revolutions. I look at whether policy choices in the aftermath of massive political change significantly constrain future economic policy. Two arguments have attempted to explain post-Soviet economic reform, one arguing that initial elections largely determined economic reform, and another arguing that even the results of initial elections were conditioned by a state's neighbors and diffusion. In the first chapter I test these arguments, using regression analysis to update and reanalyze determinants of economic reform in post-Soviet Eurasia. My results indicate that initial elections may have been influential in the short term, but their influence is indirect. Instead, the Soviet collapse created an opening for the establishment of patronage dynamics, and it is these dynamics that largely determine the timing of economic reform. I then use three cases to illustrate why early evaluations of post-Soviet economic reforms need revision. Analysis of Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan after each shock demonstrates that elites and political institutions are important determinants of reforms, and there is significant variation in neoliberal policy adoption that previous arguments do not explain. I find that economic policy mirrors political cycles of patronalism in these countries and the effects of shocks on policy are not straightforward. When economic reform does occur, it is often an instrument used to advance other political goals.

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Mnaba, Victor Mxolisi. "The role of the church towards the Pondo revolt in South Africa from 1960-1963." Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1801.

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In the year 2004 South Africa celebrated its first ten years of democracy, which reflected the success of the struggle for the liberation of this country. The year 1960 was considered as a year of strong resistance throughout South Africa. Political leaders like Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Robert Sobukwe, Raymond Mhlaba, Chief Albert Luthuli, Walter Sisulu, Ahmed Kathrada, Lionel Bernstein, Dennis Goldberg and others played a vital role in leading the black people to resist the plan of the current Prime Minister Hendrick Verwoerd, who deprived Africans of their citizenship by forcing the Bantustan system upon them. On the 6th June 1960 more than four thousand Pondos from eastern Pondoland (Bizana, Lusikisiki, Flagstaff and Ntabankulu) met at Ngquza Hill with the intention of discussing their problems. They demanded the withdrawal of the hated system of the Bantu Authorities Act, the representation of all South Africans in the Republic's Parliament, relief from increased taxes and the abolition of the pass system. Before these problems were tabled before the people, a military force had occupied Ngquza Hill. The peaceful meeting was turned into a massacre of innocent people, when police shot victims, tear-gassed them and beat them with batons. Eleven people were killed, many of them were shot in the backs of their heads; and more than 48 casualties were hospitalized and arrested. The Paramount Chief, Botha Sigcau, was blamed for the massacre because he was seen as supporting the government, and this led to the uprising in Pondoland from 1960 to 1963. This event happened three months after the Sharpeville shooting of the 21st March 1960. More than 200 casualties were reported and 69 unarmed protesters were shot dead outside the police station. The ANC and PAC, the liberation movements of the day, were banned and a state of emergency was declared. The Nationalist government suspected the African National Congress of being behind the revolt in Pondoland. The ringleaders of the Pondo Revolt were Mthethunzima Ganyile, Anderson Ganyile, Solomon Madikizela and Theophulus Ntshangela. They listed the Acts that were to be protested against as follows: The Bantu Authorities Act of 1951, the Bantu Education Act of 1953, the Pass Law System of 1952, as well as rehabilitation and betterment schemes. These Acts were imposed by the National Party through Paramount Chief Botha Sigcau. All were detrimental to the future of the Pondo people. Church leaders such as Beyers Naude, Ben Marais and Bartholomeus Keet of the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC), Archbishop Geoffrey Clayton and Archbishop Desmond Tutu of the Anglican Church, Rev Charles Villa-Vicencio of the Methodist Church of Southern Africa, Allan Boesak of the Dutch Reformed Mission Church (DRMC) and others played a major role in confronting and challenging the Nationalist government, which justified apartheid as grounded on Scripture. Not all church leaders opposed this policy: the Dutch Reformed Church was the bedrock of apartheid, along with other Afrikaans speaking churches. This dissertation will serve as a tool to determine the involvement of the church regarding the Pondo Revolt in South Africa from 1960 to 1963. Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology M.Th. (Church History)

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Morris, Allen William. "Prophetic theology in the Kairos tradition : a pentecostal and reformed perspective in black liberation theology in South Africa." Thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25907.

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This study focused on the ‘silence of the prophets’ in the post-apartheid era. It sought to understand why the prophets, who spoke out so vehemently against the injustices of apartheid, did not speak out against the injustices of the government after 1994 even when it became blatantly apparent that corruption was beginning to unfold on various levels, especially with the introduction of the so-called Arms Deal. Accordingly, the study singles out Drs Allan Boesak and Frank Chikane who were among the fiercest opponents of the apartheid regime before 1994. The study traced the impact of the ideological forces that influenced Boesak and Chikane’s ideological thinking from the early Slave Religion, Black Theology in the USA and Liberation Theology in Latin America. Black Theology and Black Consciousness first made their appearance in South Africa in the 1970s, with Boesak and Chikane, among others, as early advocates of these movements. In 1983, Boesak and Chikane took part in the launch of the United Democratic Front (UDF) in Mitchells Plain, Cape Town. This movement became the voice of the voiceless in an era when the members of the African National Congress (ANC) and Pan African Congress (PAC) had been sent into exile. It also signalled a more inclusive and reconciliatory shift in Boesak and Chikane’s Ideological thinking. Whereas Black Consciousness sought to exclude white people from participating in the struggle for liberation, the UDF united all under one banner without consideration for colour, race, religion or creed. After the advent of liberation in South Africa in 1994, it became increasingly obvious that corruption was infiltrating many levels of the new government. But the prophets were silent. Why were they silent? The study presents an analysis of the possible reasons for this silence based on interviews with Boesak and Chikane as role players and draws conclusions based on their writings both before and after 1994. Overall, the study concluded that they were silent because they had become part of the new political structures that had taken over power. To sum up, the study demonstrates the irony of prophetic oscillation and concludes that no prophet is a prophet for all times. Thus, as a new democracy unfolds in South Africa, the situation demands new prophets with a new message. Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology D. Phil. (Theology)

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Thèses sur le sujet « Georgia – Politics and government – 1951- »

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