Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Geopolitica paura democrazia »

O texto colige três pequenos textos do pensador norueguês das relações internacionais Johan Galtung, que abordam seus recidivos temas da paz, da pesquisa sobre a paz e dos direitos humanos. O primeiro texto trata de uma homenagem pelos 20 anos da morte do estadista social-democrata alemão Willy Brandt (1913-1992), por cuja política para com o Leste Europeu no final dos anos 1960 (Ostpolitik), que levara à distensão com aqueles países, e futuramente à unificação alemã, recebera o prêmio Nobel da Paz em 1971. O segundo texto apresenta o projeto Hexágono TRANSCEND, cujo objetivo é estudar a geopolítica hexagonal contemporânea, considerando que os grandes polos geopolíticos do mundo atual seriam os EUA, a UE, a Rússia, a China, a Índia e a OMC, todos os quais possuidores de aspectos negativos e positivos, cujo estudo deverá se basear no método triádico diagnóstico-prognóstico-terapia. O terceiro texto foi escrito para o 6º Fórum Social, dedicado à discussão dos 10 artigos da Declaração das Nações Unidas sobre o Direito ao Desenvolvimento (1986), focado no tema dos direitos humanos. Abstract: This paper group three short texts wrote by the Norwegian international relations thinker Johan Galtung, who brought up the peace theme, researching peace and human rights. The first text is about a tribute to the 20th death anniversary of Willy Brandt (1913-1992), German social-democrat statesman, whose policy for the east Europe in the end of 60s (Ostopolitik), which brought dissention to east European countries, and, in time to come, the German unification, received the Nobel prize in 1971. The second text presents the hexagon project TRANSCEND, whose objective is study the contemporary hexagonal geopolitics, considering that the world's great geopolitics core would be USA, UE, Russia, China, India and the WTO, all bearers of positive and negative aspects, based on diagnoses-prognoses-therapy triadic method. The third text was written to the 6th Social Forum, meeting dedicated to discuss the 10 articles of the United Nations Declaration on the right to development (1986), focusing the human rights theme

Este artigo pretende realizar uma análise sobre a relação entre a condição periférica latino-americana e o presente momento de retrocesso social vivenciado na região. Isto é, busca compreender o que há de específico na América Latina, enquanto periferia do sistema-mundo, que possibilita o avanço do autoritarismo e a redução de direitos. Para isso, utiliza a obra do teórico descolonial Aníbal Quijano para investigar as especificidades da democracia e dos Estados modernos latinoamericanos. É possível concluir, então, que referidas mazelas presentes na região estão correlacionadas tanto com a localização geopolítica quanto com o papel desempenhado pelas elites nacionais.Palavras-chave: América-Latina. Giro-decolonial. Colonialidade. Retrocesso social. Crise.ANÍBAL QUIJANO, SOCIAL REGRESSION AND CRISIS: the peripheral condition and the ailments of the present timeAbstractThis article intends to carry out an analysis of the relationship between the Latin American peripheral condition and the present moment of social regression experienced in the region. That is, it seeks to understand what is specific inLatin America, as the periphery of the world-system, which makes it possible to advance authoritarianism and reduce rights. For that, it uses the work of decolonial theorist Aníbal Quijano to investigate the specificities of democracy and modern Latin American states. It is possible to conclude, then, that these ailments present in the region are correlated both with the geopolitical location and the role played by national elites.Keywords: Latin America. Decolonial turn. Coloniality. Social regression. Crisis.

O Banco Mundial e o FMI são instituições financeiras tradicionais e centrais da história recente. Entretanto, algumas pautas como a falta de gestão democrática, o descaso ao meio ambiente e, as políticas desproporcionais de poder, fizeram com que países em desenvolvimento buscassem outros instrumentos para se inserirem neste campo. Uma das alternativas, foi a formação de bancos de desenvolvimento, como é o caso do Novo Banco de Desenvolvimento (NBD), criado pelo BRICS em 2014. O NBD é o foco deste trabalho, o qual analisa sua possível viabilidade como uma alternativa à influência ocidental no mercado financeiro. Para tanto, são utilizadas as contribuições de autores como Immanuel Wallerstein e Giovanni Arrighi, na perspectiva de entendimento das transformações do atual capitalismo e da geopolítica econômica. Pode-se averiguar ao longo do trabalho, que o NBD, em poucos anos, aprovou e executou diversos projetos, voltados para as áreas de energia, transporte, infraestrutura social e urbana, proteção do meio ambiente e saúde pública. O aumento de sua importância pode viabilizar um novo cenário frente aos centros financeiros tradicionais, a despeito das inúmeras assimetrias sistêmicas existentes.Palavras-chave: BRICS. Novo Banco de Desenvolvimento. geopolítica financeira.ABSTRACTThe World Bank and the IMF are traditional and central financial institutions of recent history. However, some guidelines such as the lack of democratic management, disregard for the environment and, as disproportionate policies of power, made it possible for developing countries to seek other instruments to insert in this field. One of the alternatives was the creation of development banks, as is the case of the New Development Bank (NBD), created by the BRICS in 2014. The NBD is the focus of this work, which analyzes its feasibility as an alternative to western influence in the financial market. To this end, they are published as contributions from authors such as Immanuel Wallerstein and Giovanni Arrighi, in the perspective of understanding the transformations of current capitalism and economic geopolitics. Throughout the work it is seen that the NBD has approved and executed several projects related to energy, transport, social and urban infrastructure, environment protection, and public health. Its increased importance may enable a new scenario in view of the traditional finance centers, although the numerous existing systemic asymmetries.Keywords: BRICS. New Development Bank. Financial geopolitics. Recebido em: 24 nov. 2021 | Aceito em: 23 nov. 2022.

Durante la Guerra Fría (1947-1991), las cuestiones geopolíticas determinaron el desarrollo del deporte internacional. Los Juegos Olímpicos se convirtieron en la arena de la lucha no solo deportiva sino política. Las victorias deportivas se utilizaban para mostrar la supremacia política, económica e ideológica de los países participantes. En la presente investigación se realiza un análisis de los medallistas de la Unión de Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas (URSS), los Estados Unidos (EEUU), la República Democrática Alemana (RDA) y la República Federal de Alemania (RFA) en los Juegos Olímpicos de Verano entre los años 1952 y 1988. Se analiza una muestra de 1945 medallistas olímpicos provenientes de los países indicados que compitieron durante 8 ediciones de los Juegos Olímpicos. Se excluyen del estudio los Juegos de Moscú 1980 y Los Ángeles 1984 debido a los boicots políticos por parte de EEUU y la RFA, y de la URSS y la RDA respectivamente. Los resultados del estudio muestran una clara superioridad de la URSS frente a los EE.UU. en casi todas las características estudiadas. La RDA, a su vez, supera a la RFA en la mayoría de variables analizadas. Los resultados ponen de manifiesto una supremacía de los países del bloque del este en los Juegos Olímpicos de Verano durante la Guerra Fría.Abstract. During the Cold War (1947-1991), geopolitical issues influenced international sports events. The Olympic Games became a space not only for sports competitions, but also for political clashes. Sports victories were used to pinpoint political, economic and ideological supremacy of the participating countries. The aim of the present research was to analyze the Summer Olympic medalists from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (U.S.S.R.), United States of America (USA), the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) in the period 1952-1988. We analyzed 1,945 Olympic medalists from above-mentioned countries, competing during 8 Summer Olympic Games. The 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow and the 1984 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles were excluded due to political boycotts by the USA and the FRG and by the U.S.S.R. and the GDR, respectively. The results of our research show clear superiority of U.S.S.R in comparison to USA in almost all characteristics studied. GDR was better than FRG in most of the analyzed variables. Our outcomes reveal the supremacy of the Eastern Bloc countries at the Summer Olympics during the Cold War.

Inter-regional orchestration is one possible strategy to shape global governance agendas, to coordinate international norm setting and contribute to a negotiated international order. The European Union has been engaging in various international, multilateral and inter-regional settings seeking cooperation with state and non-state actors striving for a multipolar and, to some extent post-Westphalian, system, based on democratic global governance structures and the rule of law among nations. Europe's interests, it is frequently argued, are best served by a stable set of relations, allowing for political and economic cooperation, trade and mutual respect. At the same time, the EU may have a system-inherent bias for regional cooperation. This contribution asks which are the innovative policy means to build multilateral governance structures, and what does the EU do to promote these with its partners around the world, and in particular in Asia and in the East-Asian sub-region. By adopting a behavioral approach and analyzing the mechanisms and instruments of EU engagement in Asia, this article contributes an organizational perspective on EU external governance and its multi-level foreign policy architecture to the geopolitical debates on the EU's role in Asian regional development. Spanish Una posible estrategia para organizar las agendas de gobernanza global, coordinar el establecimiento de normas internacionales y contribuir a un orden internacional negociado es la orquestación interregional. La Unión Europea (UE) ha participado en varios foros internacionales e interregionales que buscan cooperar con actores estatales y no gubernamentales, aspirando a establecer un sistema multipolar , basado en el Estado de derecho y en estructuras de gobernanza democrática global. En este sentido, se e afirma que, probablemente, la UE tenga un sistema que esté inherentemente condicionado a favor de la cooperación regional. Este artículo se interroga sobre la determinación de las políticas innovadoras que construirán la estructura para una gobernanza multilateral y sobre el papel de la UE para promover políticas de desarrollo regional en Asia y, más particularmente, en Asia Oriental. French L'orchestration interrégionale est une des stratégies possibles pour influencer l'agenda de la gouvernance globale, coordonner la création des normes internationales et pour contribuer à un ordre international négocié. L'Union européenne s'est engagée dans des schémas internationaux, multilatéraux et interrégionaux divers, en coopération avec des acteurs étatiques et non-étatiques, aspirant à un système multipolaire et, dans un certain sens, post-Westphalien, basé sur des structures démocratiques de gouvernance mondiale et ancré dans le droit international. Il est fréquemment évoqué que les intérêts européens sont mieux sauvegardés par un ensemble de relations stables, permettant la coopération politique et économique, le commerce et le respect mutuel. De plus, la matrice organisationnelle de l'UE semble être biaisée vers la coopération régionale. On s'interroge ensuite, sur la promotion de l'ensemble de ces pratiques par l'Union européenne avec ses partenaires dans le monde entier, et, plus particulièrement, dans la région de l'Asie de l'Est. Adoptant une approche béhavioriste, cet article examine les mécanismes et les instruments de l'engagement européen en Asie de l'Est et apporte une perspective organisationnelle de la gouvernance externe de l'UE et de son architecture multiniveaux de politique extérieure.

Como proposta central, busca-se analisar as transformações ocorridas no âmbito das TVs Públicas do Brasil e Argentina no período de governo compreendido entre o segundo mandato de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, primeiro mandato de Dilma Vana Rousseff e os dois mandatos eletivos de Cristina Fernandes de Kirchner. Com o objetivo de ilustrar a investigação, analisamos o processo político que levou a criação da TV Brasil associada à Empresa Brasil de Comunicação e da TV Digital Aberta na Argentina. Cotejamos a influência desses processos locais relacionados com a criação da Telesur, empreendimento multiestatal de matriz venezuelana e os desdobramentos desses empreendimentos como direito humano a comunicação democrática, plural e emancipatória. Exploramos a geopolítica da comunicação na América Latina; os Estados Nacionais e suas elites relacionadas com os monopólios e oligopólios comunicacionais dependentes; a influência estadunidense na cooperação técnica para o desenvolvimento das tecnologias da comunicação na região; imposições estadunidenses quanto ao desenvolvimento e estética branca das programações para a região que formam cenários de representação em desacordo com o caudal multicultural local; os processos reativos nascidos nos governos progressistas que no período avançaram pelo continente; os medos, descaminhos e conciliações que impediram a concretização da possibilidade emancipatória.Palavras-chave: Televisão pública. Hegemonia e Contra-hegemonia. Maioria Minorizada. Pluralidade racial.Audiovisual, Hegemonía y contra Hegemonía - El caso Comparado de La TV Pública en Brasil y ArgentinaResumenSe busca analizar las transformaciones ocurridas en el ámbito de las TVs Públicas de Brasil y Argentina en el período de gobierno comprendido entre el segundo mandato de Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, primer mandato de Dilma Vana Rousseff y los dos mandatos electivos de Cristina Fernandes de Kirchner. Analizamos el proceso político que llevó a la creación de TV Brasil asociada a la Empresa Brasil de Comunicación y de la TV Digital Abierta en Argentina. Cotejamos la influencia de Telesur, multiestatal de matriz venezolana y los desdoblamientos de esos emprendimientos como derecho humano la comunicación democrática, plural y emancipatoria. Exploramos la geopolítica de la comunicación en América Latina; la formación de los Estados Nacionales y de sus elites relacionadas con los monopolios y oligopolios comunicacionales dependientes; la influencia estadunidense en la cooperación técnica para el desarrollo de las tecnologías de la comunicación en la región; imposiciones en cuanto al desarrollo y estética blanca de las programaciones para la región que forman escenarios de representación en desacuerdo con el caudal multicultural local; los procesos reactivos nacidos en los gobiernos progresistas que en el período avanzaron por el continente; los miedos, descaminos y conciliaciones que impidieron la concreción de la emancipación.Palabras clave: Televisión pública. Hegemonía y Contra-hegemonía. Mayoría Minorizada; Pluralidad racial.Audiovisual, Hegemony and Counter Hegemony - The Comparative Case of Public TV in Brazil and ArgentinaAbstract Sought to analyze the transformations that took place in the scope of Public TVs of Brazil and Argentina in the period of government comprising the second term of Luis Inácio Lula da Silva, Dilma Vana Rousseff's first term, and the two elective terms of Cristina Fernandes de Kirchner. As the objective to illustrate the research, we analyzed the political process that led to the creation of TV Brasil associated with Empresa Brasil de Comunicação and Open Digital TV in Argentina. The influence of these local processes related to the creation of Telesur, a multi-state enterprise of Venezuelan matrix and the unfolding of these enterprises as a human right to democratic, plural and emancipatory communication. Explored the geopolitics of communication in Latin America; The National States and their elites related to monopolies and dependent oligopolies; The US impositions regarding the development and white aesthetics of the schedules for the region that form scenarios of representation in disagreement with the local multicultural flow; The reactive processes borned in the progressive governments that in the period advanced by the continent; The fears, misunderstandings and conciliations that prevented the realization of the emancipatory possibility.Key words: Public television. Hegemony and Counter-hegemony. Majority Minorized. Racial plurality.

Este ensayo se ocupa de dos aspectos del Decreto constitucional para la libertad de la América mexicana —la llamada “constitución de Apatzingán” de 1814.Por un lado, el establecimiento de una ciudadanía verdaderamente universal; por el otro, el “pluralismo” geopolítico del nuevo país —territorio mucho más descentralizado y democrático que el de Nueva España. Para entender ambos, el trabajo argumenta que la constitución insurgente debería ser considerada como la “traducción” letrada de un proyecto anticolonial implícito en la movilización revolucionaria de las clases populares novohispanas de la década de 1810 antes que como un ejemplo más de liberalismo “atlántico”. Palabras clave: Constitución de Apatzingán, revolución popular novohispana, liberalismo “atlántico”.Recepción: 9 de julio de 2020 / Aceptación: 20 de noviembre de 2020 AbstractLuis Fernando Granados, Apatzingán as a Plebeian Utopia. Anticolonial Elements within the Insurgency’s ConstitutionThis essay focuses on two features of the Decreto constitucional para la libertad de la América Mexicana —the so-called “Apatzingán constitution” of 1814. On the one hand, it established a truly universal citizenship; on the other, it promoted a geopolitical “pluralism” for the new country —a territory far more decentralized and democratic than New Spain’s. In order to make sense of them, the essay argues the rebels’ constitution ought to be considered as the lettered “translation” of an anticolonial project implicit in New Spain’s popular revolutionary mobilization of the 1810s —rather than as yet another example of “Atlantic” liberalism. Key words: Apatzingán constitution, popular revolution in New Spain, “Atlantic” liberalism.

O ciclo de governos progressistas no Brasil, que começou com a eleição de Lula em 2002 e terminou com a derrubada de Dilma Rousseff em 2016, foi responsável por uma política externa autônoma que procurou reposicionar o país e a América do Sul no sistema internacional. Os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) lideraram uma coalizão produtivista heterogênea formada por frações da burguesia industrial e setores das classes trabalhadoras. Lula teve um papel importante na criação da Unasul, que constitui a dimensão política do regionalismo sul-americano. A ruptura da ordem democrática levou ao poder uma coalizão conservadora que reunificou as elites empresariais e alterou a orientação da política externa. A coalizão liderada pelo MDB-PSDB tem adotado uma política externa que subordinou o Brasil à potência hegemônica e vem contribuindo para a paralisia e a desconstrução da Unasul enquanto bloco geopolítico.ABSTRACTThe cycle of progressive governments in Brazil, which begun with Lula’s election in 2002 and ended with the overthrow of Dilma Rousseff in 2016, was responsible for an autonomous foreign policy that sought to reposition the country and South America in the international system. The Workers Party’s (PT) governments led a heterogeneous productivist coalition made up of fractions of the industrial bourgeoisie and sectors of the working classes. Lula played an important role in the creation of Unasur, which is the political dimension of South American regionalism. The rupture of the democratic order brought to power a conservative coalition that reunified the business elites and changed the orientation of foreign policy. The coalition led by MDB-PSDB has adopted a foreign policy that subordinated Brazil to the hegemonic power and has contributed to the paralysis and the deconstruction of Unasur as a geopolitical bloc.Palavras-chave: Política externa brasileira; coalizões políticas; UnasulKeywords: Brazilian foreign policy; political coalitions; UnasurRecebido em 6 de Julho de 2018 | Received on July 6, 2018Aceito em 6 de Setembro de 2018 | Accepted on September 6, 2018

PurposeThe aim of this study was to examine the early stages of the COVID-19 outbreak and the international communication management of Chinese diplomats as a case for extending the definition of intermestic public diplomacy. The goal was to reveal how Beijing subtly used both domestic and foreign social media to organize a network for communication about COVID-19 and purposefully soften the highly centralized and hierarchical political propaganda of the Communist Party of China (CPC).Design/methodology/approachBased on the literature on digital public diplomacy, the authors applied the existing concept of intermestic to Chinese politics in order to demonstrate the digitalization of public diplomacy, along with its forms and strategies under an authoritarian regime. A hybrid methodology combining quantitative network analysis and qualitative discourse analysis permits examination of China's intermestic online communication network dynamics, shedding light on how such an intermestic practice promoted Chinese values and power to international publics in the early stages of the COVID-19 crisis.FindingsThe authors’ findings extend the implications of intermestic public diplomacy from a democratic context to an authoritarian one. By analyzing the content of public diplomacy and para-diplomatic social media accounts in China and abroad at the beginning of the COVID-19 crisis, the authors outlined China's early crisis management, explaining its intermestic public diplomacy transmission modes and strategies. Moreover, the authors identified changes in the narrative strategies of Chinese diplomats and journalists during this process.Social implicationsThe findings of this study underline that Beijing established a narrative-making virtual communication structure for disseminating favorable Chinese strategic narratives and voices through differentiated communication on domestic and foreign social media platforms. Such intermestic communication strategies were particularly evident and even further weaponized by Beijing in its large-scale Wolf Warrior diplomacy in the spring of 2020. Thus, the study’s findings help readers understand how China digitalized its public diplomacy, its digital communication patterns and strategies.Originality/valueOn the one hand, geopolitical uncertainty and the popularity of social media have contributed to the evolution of the intermestic model of public diplomacy. This model allows actors to coordinate homogenous and differentiated communication practices to deploy their influence. On the other hand, the authors did not examine how intermestic audiences perceive and receive public diplomacy practices. In future studies, scholars should measure the agenda-setting capacity of diplomatic actors by examining the effects of such intermestic communication efforts.