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1
Csurgai, Gyula. « Geopolitics, Geostrategy and Geoeconomics : Reflections on the Changing Force Factors in the International System ». Economic Strategies 144 (20 mai 2020) : 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33917/es-3.169.2020.30-41.
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Beginning the article with reminding some basic definitions of geopolitics, correlation of spatial and temporal components herein as well as the systemic nature of geopolitics as a science and the basis for a long-term political strategy, the author proceeds to the topic of relationship between geopolitics and geoeconomics, particularly significant in recent decades. He puts forward the idea that geoeconomics today is an increasingly dynamic and actively driving element in this dyad due to growing technological innovations, increasing competition and subsequent rising complexity of economic strategies of states. Based on well-known examples of economic and political outcomes of applying the state capitalism models or liberal economy, in particular, in the countries that have undergone a radical breakdown of their former economic systems (Russia is also briefly mentioned in this context), the author concludes that it is necessary to form a strategic state, able to develop a sustainable mechanism (including economic intelligence) for development and implementation of national geoeconomics. To support the provisions put forward in the article, the author, as an independent expert, gives a broad outline of geopolitical and geoeconomic shifts in the world in the coming decades
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Morgatskyi, V. « UKRAINE AND CENTRAL ASIA IN NEW GEOPOLITICAL REALITIES : GEOECONOMIC AND GEOSTRATEGIC ASPECTS ». Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no 68-69 (2017) : 180–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2017.68.36.
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Mihaylov, Valentin, et Sławomir Sitek. « Trade wars and the changing international order : a crisis of globalization ? » Miscellanea Geographica 25, no 2 (30 avril 2021) : 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mgrsd-2020-0051.
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Abstract Increased geopolitical competition and growing economic nationalism after 2014 have gradually started to slow the trend of liberalization of international trade. Relations among certain national states have turned into trade wars – a hybrid phenomenon shaped at the intersection of geopolitics and geoeconomics. The paper explores global and regional trends in trade regulations introduced by the world's largest economies and, at the same time, its major military powers. The G20 countries’ role in these processes was illustrated through references to empirical data on the dynamics of the introduced trade regulations in 2009–2018. The effectiveness of the regulations index is proposed. Apart from the harm that deepening such negative trends in the global geostrategic balance does to broader bilateral relations, the role of trade wars in re-shaping globalization's established conditions is also discussed.
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Kondratenko, O. Yu. « UKRAINE–RUSSIA : FORMAT OF GEOECONOMIC AND GEOPOLITICAL CONFRONTATION ». Actual Problems of International Relations, no 144 (2020) : 4–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2020.144.1.4-22.
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The article reveals challenges and prospects of Ukraine in the conditions of transitive world order crisis in Eastern European context. The issue of strengthening national security and protection of the territorial sovereignty of the post-Soviet countries and Eastern European countries in connection with the aggression of Russia and the occupation of part of the Ukrainian territories has been mainstreamed. The confrontation between Russia and the post-Soviet countries is a conflict of two civilizational systems, the struggle of two opposing worldviews and paradigms of a new world order. It has been proved that Russia’s Eurasian integration projects were aimed at attracting Ukraine and maintaining it in the sphere of Russia’s geo-economic and geopolitical influence. The creation of integration associations in the post-Soviet space is intended to become one of the instruments of revival of the Eurasian empire, in particular at the expense of the destruction of the national economy and the sovereignty of Ukraine. A key result of the Revolution of Dignity was the signing of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU which destroyed Russia’s strategy to engage Ukraine in the Eurasian integration area. It is confirmed that after the Russian Federation’s unsuccessful actions to involve Ukraine in Eurasian integration structures through the use of managed pro-Kremlin power, Moscow abandoned this option and switched to a scenario under which the strategy of fomenting and supporting separatism in the south-eastern regions of Ukraine was implemented. The strategy to create a pseudostates on the territory of Ukraine in one way or another involves the issues of infrastructure and transit of Russian energy resources to the European Union. The formation of Novorossiya at the expense of Ukrainian sovereignty also included support from individual EU Member States to accelerate the construction of energy infrastructure bypassing Ukraine as a failed state. The annexation of Crimea became a non-standard geostrategic step in Russia, which led to the violation of the border of the sovereign state for the first time since the end of World War II. In general, the Crimea is an important sacred phenomenon and a geostrategic asset for the Russian Federation. Given the opening of new military bases in Belarus, the preservation of the Russian military contingent in Transnistria and the Donbas, as well as the creeping geopolitical displacement of Ukraine from the Black and Azov Sea, the latter automatically finds itself in a kind of geopolitical “garrotte” while losing access to the sea. In the end, Russian aggression aimed at destabilizing Ukraine also had internal political significance for Russia, since Europeanization of Ukraine and its political and economic success would become a new geopolitical trend and would call into question the effectiveness of the authoritarian regime of Russia and other post-Soviet countries. All this would become a clear example for the Russian society of the positive consequences of the democratic transformations of the great Orthodox state. However, while the Russian Federation has achieved some tactical advantages in Ukraine, thereby slowing its rapprochement with the EU and NATO, designing instability strategically prevents any involvement of Kyiv in Eurasian integration projects, further alienating it from Russia, making Ukraine more pro-Western and anti-Russian. Keywords: Ukraine, foreign policy, national security, Russian Federation, Eastern Europe, ODED-GUAM, Baltic-Black Sea Commonwealth
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Yazdani, Enayatollah, et Ma Yanzhe. « Geopolitical and Geostrategic Importance of the Iranian Islands in the Persian Gulf ». Review of European Studies 14, no 3 (27 juillet 2022) : 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v14n3p30.
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Iran is a Middle Eastern country which located in the north of the Persian Gulf. Due to the vastness of its territory in the Persian Gulf, Iran has the most beaches in this sea and has a number of the valuable and strategic islands in the entrance of the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz. In this regards the Iranian islands in the Persian Gulf which are more than 30 islands due to their geopolitical, geostraegic and geoeconomic locations play important role in Iran domestic, regional and global arenas. In addition, some of its islands particularly, three islands of Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb and Abu Musa have essential military role in Iran’s security.
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Vysotskyi, Oleksandr Y., Nataliia V. Deviatko et Olha Y. Vysotska. « Theory of technologies of geographical determinism in international relations ». Journal of Geology, Geography and Geoecology 31, no 3 (26 septembre 2022) : 554–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/112252.
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The rise of geographical determinism in the theory and practice of international relations has led to the emergence and сonstitution of a number of scientific spheres that determine decision-making of continental and world significance. The most well-known scientific knowledges in these areas are geopolitics, geoeconomics, and geostrategy. However, the significance of the constitutional role of geographical determinism in the understanding and structure of international relations is not limited only to these systems of knowledge. Due to the use of geographical determinism technologies, state actors get additional opportunities to win the competition for the priority implementation of national interests in the international arena. Therefore, the de- velopment of the theory of technologies of geographical determinism is an attempt, firstly, to integrate particular theories of international relations based on geographical determinism, within the framework of a broad perspective of a universalizing vision, and secondly, to rethink international relations simultaneously based on geographical determinism and a technological approach. Increasing responsibility in the field of decision-making on the world stage in the context of new security challenges gives special importance to the develop- ment of the theory of technologies of geographical determinism. This theory provides a large scale for critical theoretical and practical understanding of international relations in the modern world, rehabilitates geography as a factor context of social relations in political and economic dimensions on the world stage, allows you to think and act geographically and technologically, that is, contextually and effectively. Geographical determinism is as multifaceted as the spaces in which international relations operate are heterogeneous. Technologies can strengthen or weaken it. Each state seeks to use geographical determinism to its advantage with the help of technologies and at the same time neutralize its negative impact on the implementation of national interests on the world stage. Technologies enable states to act effectively to achieve their goals. However, only taking into account geographical determinism this strategy can be effec- tive and guarantee a secure future. Authors argue that Russia’s neoimperialist geoeconomic technologies with an emphasis on energy carriers and underestimation of the importance of geographical determinism by European governments have created unprecedented problems for European countries in the field of energy and economic security. The theory of technologies of geographical determinism in international relations allowed authors to identify a number of technologies that have shown their efficiency in various geographical dimensions. They distinguish these technologies based on the specifics of various types of spaces as environments for deploying effective activities to realize the national interests of states in the international arena. Physical space allowed to distinguish technologies of land, sea, air and space. These are telurocratic, thalassocratic, aerocratic, and astrocratic technologies. The political space allowed to highlight geopolitical technologies. The economic space has become the basis for identifying and understanding various geoeconomic and geofinancial technologies. The cultural space served as the basis for the analysis of geocultural technologies. The strategic space allowed to consider geostrategic technologies, defining the technology of allied binding as the leading one. The space of imaginary geographical space made it possible to understand geopolitical propaganda technologies.
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Niyazi qızı Səfərli, Mələkxanım. « Russia-USA competition in Russia-Ukraine war ». SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH 09, no 5 (22 mai 2022) : 68–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2789-6919/09/68-71.
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Dünyada gedən geosiyasi proseslər yeni dünya nizamının yaradılmasının göstəricisidir. Təkqütblü sistemin lideri olan Amerika Birləşmiş Ştatları yüksələn güc olan Rusiya və Çinə qarşı yenidən müttəfiqlərini səfərbər etmək istəyir. Qərb və Rusiya arasında bufer zona olan Ukraynanın geosiyasi, geoiqtisadi, geostrateji önəmi qlobal güclərin maraqlarının toqquşmasına səbəb olur. Geosiyasi şəraitin uyğunluğundan istifadə edən Rusiya həm imperialist maraqlarını reallaşdırır, həm də Qərbə tələblərinin yerinə yetirilməsi üçün təzyiq göstərir. Və bu məqalə tərəflərin maraq və gələcək planlarının nə olduğundan bəhs edir. Həmçinin müharibə sonrası bütün dünyada qida qıtlığı və iqtisadi durğunluğun da olacağını proqnozlaşdırır. Açar sözlər: Rusiya, ABŞ, Ukrayna, NATO, Çin, Qərb dünyası, Co Bayden, Putin, geosiyasi mübarizə, milli maraq Melekkhanım Niyazi Safarli Russia-USA competition in Russia-Ukraine war Abstract Geopolitical processes in the world are an indicator of the creation of a new world order. The United States, the leader of the unipolar system, wants to re-mobilize its allies against the rising power of Russia and China. The geopolitical, geoeconomic and geostrategic importance of Ukraine, which is a buffer zone between the West and Russia, is causing a conflict of interests between global powers. Taking advantage of the geopolitical situation, Russia is both pursuing its imperialist interests and exerting pressure on the West to comply with its demands. And this article is about the interests and future plans of the parties. It also predicts food shortages and economic stagnation around the world after the war. Key words: Russia, USA, Ukraine, NATO, China, Western world, Co Biden, Putin, geopolitical struggle, national interest
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Guan, Tianru, et Tianyang Liu. « Fears, hopes and the politics of time-space : The media frames of Japan in the Chinese People's Daily ». International Communication Gazette 81, no 6-8 (27 septembre 2018) : 664–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048518802248.
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Based on a qualitative content analysis of 15 years of media coverage of Japan in the most comprehensive and influential official media, the Chinese People's Daily newspaper, this article argues that the framing of Japan by the People's Daily was produced and rearticulated by the combinations of, and changes in, different geostrategic discourses, referred to in this article as the discourses of ‘geopolitical fears’ and ‘geoeconomic hopes’. These discourses in the framing of Japan by the People's Daily are further rearticulated and reinterpreted in terms of plural constructions of time (progress, decline and cycle). Drawing on a spatio-temporal analytical framework, the article presents a counterargument to the prevailing view that assumes that the framing strategies of China towards Japan are focused on issues of conflict, threat and fear. Rather, the results showed that it was through the alignment and balance of the discourses of geopolitical fears and geoeconomic hopes in a heterogeneous construction of time(s) that the image(s) of Japan emerged in Chinese media.
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WILKINS, Thomas. « The South Pacific : A New Arena for Strategic Competition among the Major Powers ». East Asian Policy 14, no 04 (octobre 2022) : 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000307.
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The South Pacific region is in the international spotlight once more as resident and extra-regional powers jockey for influence and allegiance as part of a broader strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific. This article reveals the geostrategic, geopolitical and geoeconomic issues at stake and provides a capsule analysis of the approach taken by all the key competitors. It also reveals the responses of the Pacific Island countries themselves to the strategic rivalry unfolding on their doorstep.
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Iriawan, Sony. « THE SILK ROAD ECONOMIC BELT POLICY IN SUPPORTING CHINESE GEOPOLITIC PROJECTIONS IN THE REGION ». Jurnal Pertahanan & ; Bela Negara 10, no 2 (13 août 2020) : 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jpbh.v10i2.895.
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<p>The Chinese government's policy in The Silk Road Economic Belt aims to facilitate the infrastructure of land route transportation. Railway infrastructure projects and installation of oil and gas pipelines require a large investment, and Chinese political power to influence every country to support and be involved in the Belt Road Initiative project. The direction of the Chinese government's policy is certainly intended to underpin China's geopolitical projections in the region. The research question is analyzed through theory of geopolitics, geostrategy and geoeconomics. The research methodology, based on descriptive analytic, is supported by data collection techniques and is equipped with data sources relevant to the phenomena discussed. In conclusion, China's geopolitical projections become the main goal for the Chinese government in the Silk Road Economic Belt policy. The assumption of the geopilitical theory of the heartland illustrates that the mastery of the land logistics route supports China's efforts to influence globally by building a logistics path that further connects China with the global world, including Europe, Asia, the Middle East and North Africa.<strong></strong></p><p><strong>Keyword</strong><strong>s</strong><strong>: </strong>China, Geopolitics, The Silk Road Economic Belt.</p>
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Goltsov, A. « THE PROJECT “GREATER EURASIA” IN GEOSTRATEGY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION ». ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, no 134 (2018) : 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2018.134.0.41-52.
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Geostrategy of state involves in particular the projects of its activities concerning certain regions of the world, countries and territories. Contemporary geostrategy of Russia in the world is based on the conceptual basis of the formation of a multipolar order. In 2016, Russia initiated the creation of the “great Eurasian economic space”. The implementation of geoeconomic (and at the same time geopolitical) project of the “Greater Eurasia” is to ensure the interests of Russia and increase its positions in the continent. The project “Greater Eurasia” makes provisions for economic association of leading Asian countries like Russia, China, India, Pakistan, Iran, and many others. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) may become the main basis for the “Greater Eurasia”. China as a main powerful economic actor in the Eurasia implements the transregional project “One Belt, One Road” that will lead to a significant strengthening of its geopolitical influence in the continent. Russia has risk to become a dependent partner of China. It is assumed that geostrategy of Russia towards China provides geopolitical “balancing” of the latter by involving to the interaction of India, Iran and other countries. In geostrategy of Russia the project “Greater Eurasia” is associated with the further development of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) in the post-Soviet space. Quite significant contradictions among the leading actors may prevent the realization of the project “Greater Eurasia”. Contemporary Russia has insufficient economic potential for implementation of its geostrategy in Eurasia.
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WIGELL, MIKAEL, et ANTTO VIHMA. « Geopolitics versus geoeconomics : the case of Russia's geostrategy and its effects on the EU ». International Affairs 92, no 3 (mai 2016) : 605–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2346.12600.
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MORHATSKYI, Vladyslav. « STRUCTURAL GEOSTRATEGY OF UKRAINE CONCERNING POST-SOVIET COUNTRIES IN NEW GEOPOLITICAL REALITIES ». Ekonomichna ta Sotsialna Geografiya, no 82 (2019) : 34–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2413-7154/2019.82.34-49.
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This article is a brief analysis of the trends of political and geographical processes in the post-Soviet countries, theoretical and methodological principles of constructive geostrategy are defined and the stages of their course are outlined. Particular attention is paid to the last mentioned, because its isolation was carried out through the Russian intervention into Ukraine and the strengthening of ties within the Eurasian Economic Community.Moreover, relations with each country are considered. In order to do this, the regions of interaction on the basis of geographic and geopolitical factors have been identified. These are, in particular, the regions of the Eastern Baltic (the states of the EU and NATO) and the GUAM (regional association of countries, most of which are Associate Members of the EU). The Russian Federation is allocated to be a separate region as a regional leader among the post-Soviet countries and the most complicated for us in the relations of the subject with its neo-imperial geopolitical ambitions. What is more, in a separate group are the Allied states of Russia (Belarus and Armenia). And lastly, Central Asia consistent in all respects is highlighted. Analysis of relations with all countries is performed in three dimensions: geopolitical, geoeconomic and geocultural. After that a constructive geostrategy which primarily relies on Ukrainian interests, but is acceptable to each subject, has been developed. Significant emphasis was put on maintaining positive relations and existing positions in the countries markets. This does not apply to Russia, with which relations will remain cool in the future, and trade and economic cooperation requires immediate diversification to ensure geopolitical interests.
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Druzhinin, Alexander G., et Olga V. Kuznetsova. « The sea factor in the federal regulation of Russia’s spatial development : post-Soviet experience and current priorities ». Baltic Region 14, no 4 (2022) : 4–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2022-4-1.
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Current geoeconomic and geopolitical transformations project on Russian society and its spatial organisation, highlighting the problems of spatial socioeconomic development and its governmental regulation. This article examines the theoretical and applied aspects of the incorporation into the national regional policy of the sea factor, understood as a combination of location and resources, which is determined by a country’s jurisdiction over coasts and waters, its maritime activities and coastalisation potential, including the economic, settlement-related and psychological elements of the latter. The article describes the key influences of the sea factor on the spatial development of post-Soviet Russia. The steadily growing impact of maritime activities on the spatial-economic and settlement dynamics has been given a new impetus by the rising geostrategic, resource and transport-logistic significance of the World Ocean, as well as its water and water-land substructures, amid increasing military-strategic confrontation and geoeconomic regionalisation. The article presents a retrospective analysis of the role of the sea factor in Russia’s regional policy and identifies its stages. The authors emphasise the need for a synergy between maritime and spatial policies and proposes ways of achieving it.
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Hussain, Jibran, et Sallahuddin Hassan. « Oil Prices Dynamics and the State of Energy Crisis in Pakistan ». Pakistan Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 7, no 2 (30 juin 2019) : 203–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.52131/pjhss.2019.0702.0081.
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The dependence on non-renewable energy sources is the key factor controlling international oil prices, geoeconomics, geopolitical and geostrategic relations, business and macroeconomic dynamics. The developing economies remain volatile to oil price due to their heavy reliance on non-renewable energy sources and their low capability to maintain stable energy stock, such as Pakistan. The existing weak, unstable energy system has not been able to devour the frequent blows of oil price volatilize and shocks over the years and have been provoking energy crisis in the country. The application of vector error correction mechanism shows a statistically significant positive impact of oil prices on the energy crisis in the long run as well as in the short run.
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Bauer, V. P., et V. I. Avdiyskiy. « ECONOMIC SECURITY IN THE SYSTEM OF TRANSFORMATION OF THE WORLD FINANCIAL ARCHITECTURE ». Strategic decisions and risk management, no 1 (6 février 2010) : 42–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17747/2078-8886-2010-1-42-46.
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Transformation of world financial architecture (WFA) is offered to be carried out with use of model of the geostrategy formed within the limits of a triad of institutes «geopolitics-geoeconomy-geonomika». On the basis of sovereign funds and national riches of the countries-participants new WFA it is offered to realize the concept of the national rent and to create new metacurrency. It is given reason, that resistance of transformation it will be possible to expect in spheres of a national competition, stability of development and safety. Transformation threats are resulted, the indicators, allowing to estimate economic safety of these countries are offered.
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Gaiduchok, Oksana. « GEOECONOMIC STRATEGIES IN THE MODERN GLOBAL ECONOMIC SPACE ». EUREKA : Social and Humanities 6 (30 novembre 2019) : 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2019.001081.
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In today's context, it is considered that with the reduction of the risk of military intervention, military security has come to the forefront and economic security has become a priority for the national interests of the country. As regional forces seek to expand markets, provide access to finance and the latest technologies, economic security has become a necessary component of regional forces' ability to spread their influence. The article is devoted to the study of national security and its relation to the functioning and formation of the geo-economic strategy in the conditions of globalization of the world, taking into account the national interests of countries. Each stage of the realization of the national interests of the country has its own assessment of its geopolitical, geostrategic and geoeconomic status, security threats and main carriers of these threats, mechanism of realization of national interests, resources, used for the purposes of such realization. Each of the stages provide its own assessment of the main definitions and categories of security, the main directions of geo-economic policy. The complex of current global mechanisms, aimed at ensuring the economic security of states from external threats, is investigated. The importance of forming the protective instruments of Ukraine's foreign economic policy is considered. The emphasis is placed on economic security, which is the foundation and material foundation of national security. The special place of economic security in the structure of national security is due to the fact that almost no type of security can be sufficiently implemented without economic security.
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Bojnicki, Tomasz. « Przeobrażenia geopolityczne i geoekonomiczne na Bliskim Wschodzie po wydarzeniach Arabskiej Wiosny po 2011 r. Zarys problematyki ». Wschodnioznawstwo 16 (20 décembre 2022) : 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.22.002.16751.
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Region Bliskiego Wschodu w historii ludzkości odgrywał istotne znaczenie geopolityczne i geoekonomiczne. Wynikało to z jego położenia geograficznego, co powodowało, że stanowił swego rodzaju „pomost” w handlu łączącym Europę z Azją i Afryką. Współcześnie jednym z kluczowym aspektów są znajdujące się na tych obszarach znaczące złoża ropy naftowej, a także zbiegające się interesy geopolityczne mocarstw regionalnych i globalnych. Doprowadziło to do sytuacji, że region ten stał się jednym z kluczowych obszarów geopolitycznych i geoekonomicznych we współczesnej polityce międzynarodowej. Historycznie w tym regionie dominowały państwa o reżimie autorytarnym lub monarchicznym. Pod koniec 2010 i na początku 2011 r. doszło jednak do masowych wystąpień w szeregu krajów regionu. Protestująca ludność dążyła do poprawy swojej sytuacji politycznej i socjoekonomicznej, a wystąpienia nazwane zostały później Arabką Wiosną. Arabska Wiosna zmieniła krajobraz polityczny regionu, co dotyczyło zwłaszcza reżimów w Egipcie, Libii, Tunezji i Jemenie. Przemiany w krajach arabskich miały szereg skutków politycznych, społeczno-ekonomicznych i geostrategicznych. Sytuacja w poszczególnych państwach jest nierozerwalnie związana z polityką regionalną i globalną. Kluczowe są tu uwarunkowania geopolityczne i geoekonomiczne, uwzględniając role globalnych i lokalnych graczy, tj. Stanów Zjednoczonych, Chin, Rosji, Turcji, Izraela, Iranu czy Arabii Saudyjskiej. Arabska Wiosna nasiliła geopolityczną rywalizację i rozprzestrzeniła ją na Syrię. W artykule podjęto się próby charakterystyki definicji pojęć geopolityki oraz geoekonomii. Celem głównym było przedstawienie przeobrażeń geopolitycznych oraz geoekonomicznych w regionie Bliskiego Wschodu po wydarzeniach Arabskiej Wiosny z 2011 r. Changes in geopolitical and geoeconomic conditions in the Middle East as a result of the Arab Spring of 2011 The Middle East region has played an important geopolitical and geoeconomic role throughout human history. This was due to its geographic location, which made it a kind of „bridge” in trade connecting Europe with Asia and Africa. Nowadays, one of the key aspects is the significant oil deposits located in these areas, as well as the converging geopolitical interests of regional and global powers. This has led to the region becoming one of the key geopolitical and geo-economic areas in modern international politics. Historically, the region has been dominated by states with authoritarian or monarchical regimes. In late 2010 and early 2011, however, there were mass uprisings in a number of countries in the region seeking to improve the political and socioeconomic situation of the societies living there, and the uprisings were later dubbed the Arab Spring. The Arab Spring changed the political landscape of the region, which especially affected the regimes in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia and Yemen. The Arab transition has had a number of political, socioeconomic and geostrategic effects. The situation in individual countries is inextricably linked to regional and global politics. Geopolitical and geo-economic factors and conditions are key, taking into account the roles of global and local players, i.e. the United States, China, Russia, Turkey, Israel, Iran or Saudi Arabia. The Arab Spring intensified the geopolitical rivalry and spread it to Syria. The article attempts to characterize the definitions of the concepts of geopolitics and geo-economics. The main objective was to present the changes in geopolitical and geo-economic conditions in the Middle East region after the events of the Arab Spring of 2011.
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Fituni, Leonid L. « The African flank of the Great Indo-Pacific Areal : Strategic significance and associated challenges ». Asia and Africa Today, no 11 (2022) : 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750022930-5.
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The “West to East shift” in the dynamics of global development and in defining trends of the world order restructuring goes hand in hand with a synchronous rearrangement of the balances of geopolitical and geoeconomic power from the Euro-Atlantic to the Indo-Pacific area. Those phenomena comply with the more general dialectical laws of the contemporary world development, one set of which relates, in particular, to the interconnection between the processes of globalization and regionalization, on the one hand, and the uneven development of states, on the other. In that context, the author proposes a concept that considers the Great Indo-Pacific Area (BITA) as a megazone that determines the near future of world dynamics. Unlike other proposed constructs of late under consideration, BITA encompasses all coastal states. It is neither limited nor divided by various alliances or geostrategic designs of the leading powers. The evolving post-globalization process of regionalization does not contradict the formation of BITA but, on the contrary, according to the author, constitutes a factor that ensures its long-term sustainability. The state and significance of the Western (African) flank of the BITA has so far been out of the focus of research attention. The author fills this gap by analyzing the system-forming factors of the subregion, its potential, geostrategic significance and the regional maritime strategies of the leading powers in it.
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Kravchuk, Nataliya, et Oleh Lutsyshyn. « STRATEGIC DOMINANTS OF THE ECONOMIC DIPLOMACY IN THE CONTEXT OF THE ASYMMETRIC GLOBAL DEVELOPMENT ». Economic Analysis, no 31(1) (2021) : 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/econa2021.01.057.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Introduction. Since the beginning of the XXI century, the integration of the vast majority of countries into a single geoeconomic space is accompanied by the latest global trends, permanent systemic risks, and their asymmetric effects. All the factors mentioned above have a multi-vector and contradictory impact on modern global development. As well as they encourage the international community to develop preventive measures and restart the institution of diplomacy in general, and economic diplomacy particularly. Goal. The aim of this research is to scientifically substantiate the asymmetric impact of global development risks on economic diplomacy while taking into account external and internal environmental factors to differentiate possible strategic dominants of state economic diplomacy considering its "geoeconomic location" and "strategic zone of presence" in the global economic space. Methods. With the use of PESTEI, SWOT, and SNW-analysis, the matrix of scenarios for the formation of the state “strategic zone of presence” in the global economic space is developed, as well as the strategic dominants of economic diplomacy of the state are outlined accordingly. Results. The research has shown that the asymmetric effect of global risks in the process of geoeconomic space network formation encourages the international community to develop preventive measures and reset the institution of economic diplomacy. It has been proved that in this context, economic diplomacy, as one of the key vectors of the institution of diplomacy, acquires the status of "dominant" in the process of formation of the state’s geostrategic positioning in the international arena, taking into consideration the current geopolitical and geoeconomic processes. Also, it has been argued that the development of major strategic decisions in the field of economic diplomacy is based on the results of strategic analysis, while considering the achievements of the "expert diplomacy”. Moreover, it has been proved that the formation of strategic dominants of economic diplomacy should take into account the results of the strategic analysis of systemic determinants, specifically risks of global development and asymmetric challenges for economic diplomacy, as well as endogenous factors of the internal environment. Finally, it has been emphasized that the national interests of the state along with the guarantees of state’s economic security should be the absolute priorities while choosing the strategic dominants of economic diplomacy Perspectives. Further scientific research on the studied issues primarily aims to analyze the systemic determinants of the formation of Ukraine’s "geoeconomic location" in the global economic space as well as outline the strategic dominants of its economic diplomacy, taking into account national interests and targets of economic security.
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Pramudji Kuntjoro-Jakti, R. Budidarmo. « Navigating Religious Harmony : A Case Study of the ASEAN Youth Interfaith Camp (AYIC) ». International Journal of Interreligious and Intercultural Studies 5, no 1 (2 juin 2022) : 88–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.32795/ijiis.vol5.iss1.2022.2852.
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This paper serves as a narration of Indonesia’s contribution in concretising the ASEAN Declaration on Culture of Prevention (CoP) for a Peaceful, Inclusive, Resilient, Healthy, and Harmonious Society through the ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (ASCC) Pillar. To that end, Indonesia assigns the ASEAN Senior Offiials Meeting on Youth (SOMY) as the appropriate lead sectoral body to advance the ASEAN CoP and its practical platform for the ASEAN youths to play a signifiant proactive role in propagating tolerance on religious diversity towards social harmony. With this in mind, it is hoped that the ASEAN Youth Interfaith Camp (AYIC) can give a meaningful contribution in supporting the regional efforts to enhance religious tolerance and the value of moderation at all levels. Furthermore, AYIC may contribute towards alleviating the emergence of new geopolitical, geoeconomics, and geostrategic challenges through its post-event initiatives that have a direct impact towards building community characteristics that is ingrained with tolerance and deference towards religious diversity. In light of the incoming Indonesia’s Chairmanship of ASEAN in 2023, this paper attempts to chart the policy prospect that Indonesia should take in fostering interfaith tolerance and harmony amongst youth across ASEAN so as to support the regional efforts to enhance peaceful co-existence in Southeast Asia.
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Fita, Nicolae Daniel, Liliana Samoila, Dragos Pasculescu, Emilia Grigorie et Raluca Grigorie. « Analysis of the energy security of the Republic of Moldova in the context of accesion and integration to the European Union ». Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Engineering 67, no 1 (11 novembre 2022) : 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeng.2022.1.5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Energy security, which is defined by the availability at all times of energy in all its forms, in sufficient quantities and at affordable prices, without unacceptable or irreversible environmental impact, must be the central pillar of the strategic analysis of the national security of the Republic of Moldova, in the context of accession and integration to the European Union. Easy access to energy resources is an essential condition for the security and well-being of Moldovan individuals, businesses and communities. Given the status of the Republic of Moldova as an acceding state to the European Union, which is at the forefront of defense of the entire Euro-Atlantic space against the offensive of the hostile interests of the Russian Federation, the region has become the hottest geopolitical, geoeconomic and geostrategic space for direct confrontation of the interests of the West and East, with a huge potential for escalation to a military conflict. Against this background, the preferred means of threat of the Russian Federation proves to be the energy weapon, used both for the promotion of major economic interests, as well as as as an instrument of influence and political blackmail. Therefore, energy is no longer only a factor of the equation of economic power of the Moldovan state, but also an element of political influence and control, with reflections in the military capabilities. The authors want to analyze the state of energy security regarding the state of energy resources and electricity.
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Fartyshev, A. N. « Siberia in Conception of Greater Eurasia ». Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 37 (2021) : 40–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2021.37.40.
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The article analyzes the current state, potential benefits and opportunities for the Siberian macro-region within the framework of the concept of the formation of the space of Greater Eurasia announced by V.V. Putin in 2016. The analysis has been carried out on 4 main aspects – political-geographical, geostrategic, geo-economic, and institutional ones. The first one lies in amorphousness of the concept of Greater Eurasia. In its interpretations Siberia occupies a semi-peripheral place since the emphasis of the Greater Eurasian discourse is placed on international consolidation, primarily in the Central Asian region. In the context of integration processes one of the main obstacles is a significant differentiation of foreign policy strategies of the states forming the core of Greater Eurasia, and geopolitical interests of Siberia, which primarily consist in avoiding positioning itself as an export-resource region on the one hand, and competing for sales markets with other countries of Greater Eurasia on the other hand, which casts doubt on the consolidating role of this concept. Nevertheless, the geoeconomic role of Siberia can be improved due to the development of economic integration. The analysis of the level of redistribution and transportability of exports of the Siberian Federal District showed that it is the increased value component per unit of export weight that is observed in exports to countries with a high degree of economic integration. The fourth aspect is the lack of institutionalization of the Greater Eurasia initiative, as a result of which it cannot be effectively promoted, it is especially true about Siberian regions. Possible directions for improving this aspect have been proposed in the article.
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Druzhinin, Alexander G. « THE MARINE COMPONENT OF HUMAN GEOGRAPHY STUDIES IN POST-SOVIET RUSSIA : KEY TRENDS AND DEVELOPMENT PRIORITIES ». Baltic Region 14, no 1 (2022) : 17–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2022-1-2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Originated in the 1960s, the ‘marine branch’ of Soviet, and later Russian, economic and social geography contributed to the diversification of geographical science and expanded its scope. The new branch was a product of the rapid growth of the marine economy and the country’s military infrastructure and settlement system starting to gravitate towards the World Ocean. This article uses bibliographical and scientometric materials to explore the factors, features and priorities of the development of the Russian post-Soviet human geography of the World Ocean. Special attention is paid to path dependence in the evolution of this branch of geography (associated with the established professional community, the fundamental research themes and the basic concepts) and the emergence of new growth poles within the scope of marine human geography. Although this subdiscipline showed a high degree of resilience in the first years after the demise of the USSR, it became marginalised from the scientific mainstream. The interest in marine studies revived only in the early 2000s, gaining momentum after a decade of desolation. The renaissance was due to new transboundary marine research, the analyses of the geopolitical and geoeconomic aspects of the marine economy and close attention given to coastal border areas (particularly the prospects and risks of the socio-economic development of these territories within the continent-ocean dichotomy). The marine focus of Russia’s geostrategy will generate steady demand for a national human geography of the World Ocean, including its inevitable humanities component. Another trend is the involvement of marine human geography in cross-branch geographical synthesis. The study also identifies Russian research and publication centres excelling at marine human geography.
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Məqsəd oğlu Salmanov, Xəqani. « Priority areas of transportation infrastructure develoment and its investment in the South Caucasus region ». SCIENTIFIC WORK 78, no 5 (17 mai 2022) : 151–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/78/151-155.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Müasir dövrdə dövlətlərarası əlaqələrin sürətli inkşafı səbəbindən nəqliyyat sektorunun rolu əhəmiyyətli dərəcədə artmış, hər bir dövlətin iqtisadi siyasətinin aktual mövzusuna çevirilmişdir.Nəqliyyat sektoru, hər bir dövlətin maddi mədəniyyətinininkişaf dərəcəsinin göstərən vacib faktorlardan biridir. Bu səbəbdən də hər bir dövlət nəqliyyat sektorunun inkşafına xüsusi diqqət ayırır.Bu mənada nəqliyyatın inkişafına əsasən üç amil təsir edir. Dövlətlərin və ya ümumi regionun yerləşdiyi məkan amili. Bu amil məkan xarakteristikasının (əsas beynəlxalq yük və sərnişin axınlarına nisbətdə coğrafi yerləşmə) təsvirini ifadə edir. Dövlətlərin və ya ümumi regionun özünün yük və sərnişin axınları potensialının aşkarlanması amili. Bu amil dövlətlərin və ya ümumi regionun sosial-iqtisadi potensial anlayışının müəyyən hissəsi ilə xarakterizə olunur. Dövlətlərdə və ya ümumi regionda həyata keçirilən mövcud nəqliyyat siyasətinin adekvatlığı amili.Qloballaşan dünyada iqtisadi əlaqələrin inkişafında dövlətlərarası və region daxili nəqliyyat dəhlizləri xüsusi rol oynayır. Nəqliyyat dəhlizləri qlobal iqtisadiyyatın əsasını təşkil edir.Nəqliyyat dəhlizinin əsas funksiyası ən qısa marşrut xətti ilə yüklərin lazimi ünvana maksimum dərəcədə tez çatdırılması prosesidir. Hal-hazırda nəqliyyat potensialına görə fərqlənən regionlardan biri də Cənubi Qafqazdır.Cənubi Qafqazın müasir nəqliyyat xarakteristikasını, region ölkələrinin inkişaf tendensiyalarını təhlili aşağıdakı perspektivlərin qiymətləndirilir. Əlverişli mövqeylərin (coğrafi, geosiyasi, geoiqtisadi, hərbi-geostrateji) mövcudluğu; Müstəqil daxili və xarici siyasətin yürüdülməsi; Təbii ehtiyatların və resursların (maddi, mənəvi, əmək və insan) zənginliyi; Şərqlə Qərb arasında alternativ nəqliyyat-kommunikasiya, enerji dəhlizlərinin yaradılması sahəsində yürüdülən transmilli siyasət; Açar sözlər : Cənubi Qafqaz , Nəqliyyat sektoru, Dövlətlərarası, Qlobal iqtisadiyyat, Region Khagani Maksad Salmanov Priority areas of transportation infrastructure develoment and its investment in the South Caucasus region Abstract To the rapid development of interstate relations in modern times, the role of the transport sector has increased significantly and has become a topical issue of economic policy of each state. The transport sector is one of the important factors in determining the level of development of the material culture of each state. For this reason, each state pays special attention to the development of the transport sector. In this sense, the development of transport is mainly influenced by three factors: • The spatial factor in which countries or the region as a whole is located. This factor describes the spatial characteristics (geographical location relative to major international freight and passenger flows). • The potential for states or the region as a whole to identify its own freight and passenger flows. This factor is characterized by a certain part of the concept of socio-economic potential of states or the region as a whole. • The adequacy of existing transport policies in countries or the region as a whole. Interstate and intra-regional transport corridors play a special role in the development of economic relations in a globalizing world. Transport corridors form the basis of the global economy. The main function of the transport corridor is the process of delivering cargo to the required address as quickly as possible with the shortest route.Currently, one of the regions that differs in terms of transport potential is the South Caucasus. The analysisof the modern transport characteristics of the South Caucasus, the development trends of the countries of the region assesses the following perspectives: The existence of favorable positions (geographical, geopolitical, geoeconomic, military-geostrategic); Pursuing an independent domestic and foreign policy; Richness of natural resources and resources (material, spiritual, labor and human); Key words: South Caucasus, Transport Sector, Interstate,Global Economy, region
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Horák, S. « On Peculiarities of the Foreign Policy of Personalist Regimes (Example of Turkmenistan) ». Journal of International Analytics 12, no 2 (19 août 2021) : 153–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-2-153-169.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The foreign policy of states is often viewed through the prism of the geopolitical, geostrategic or geoeconomic determinants. It is forgotten that in addition to these factors, foreign policy also has a strong human, or personal, factor. This factor is especially evident in authoritarian regimes of the personalist type, in which decisions, including on foreign policy issues, are made by the leader or a narrow stratum of the elite alone. In this case, the personal factor and personal interests of the leader are not limited to other regulators (institutions, elections, etc.). A foreign policy centered on the interests of the first person in this case may differ significantly from what one would assume when analyzing state policy and the national interests of the country. Since power in Turkmenistan is in the nature of a personalist regime, the article attempts to explore, within the framework of the available (very limited) information, the foreign policy of this country from the perspective of the personal interests of the head of state and the Turkmen elite rather than those of the state. In addition to the theoretical framework of the study and a brief personal profile of both presidents, the article also provides examples relating to the two main factors of interest to the leader of the nation and his elite - economic profit and regime security. Comparing the regimes of the first and second president in foreign policy also demonstrates the continuity of the political culture and system in the country. The study shows that the Turkmen regime combines all features of the theoretical conceptions of personalist foreign policy if we look at them as an interrelated complex. The personal characteristic of the president, his almost unshakable position in decision-making, as well as the interests of his entourage, including his family, play a key role in it. On the other hand, the singularity of decision-making makes it easier for those foreign players who have the necessary information about the country’s leader and know how to lead him to the decision they want without regard to other interest groups or institutions in the country.
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Voropayeva, Tetiana. « THE MAIN CHALLENGES, THREATS AND DANGERS FOR MODERN UKRAINIANNESS ». Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no 27 (2020) : 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2020.27.8.
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The article is devoted to the study of the biggest challenges, threats and dangers for modern Ukrainianness. The issue of challenges, threats and dangers facing Ukraine and Ukrainianness since 1991 is very relevant today. Scientists who work in the field of crisisology distinguish the concepts of «challenges», «threats», «dangers», «crises», «risks», «catastrophes», «collapse», «wreck», etc. The theoretical and methodological basis of our study is a combination of scientific potential of crisisology, conflictology and Ukrainian studies. Crisisology, conflictology and Ukrainian studies face the task of transdisciplinary understanding of the essence and severity of these challenges, threats and dangers, which are relevant in many areas such as military-defense, geopolitical, demographic, state-building, spiritual worldview, ecological, economics, energy, information, cultural and artistic, linguistic, moral and ethical, scientific, nation-building, educational, political and legal, social, territorial, technological, financial, etc. To these are added threats and dangers: 1) large-scale war with Russia; 2) total spread of COVID-19 in Ukraine; 3) the implementation of a new geostrategic course in Russia (called «geopolitical revenge»); 4) spreading the ideology of the «Russian world», intensifying new attempts by the Russian Federation to dismember Ukraine, supporting separatization and federalization of Ukraine; 5) possible escalation of the Russian-Ukrainian and Armenian-Azerbaijani conflicts, which could lead to a new global confrontation and even a world war; 6) ineffective fight against corruption in Ukraine; 7) the lack of a proper response from the authorities to the need to immediately end Russia’s information and psychological war against Ukraine; 8) destruction of small and medium business and further financial and economic stratification of Ukrainian society; 9) procrastination with the solution of the poverty problem (in conditions when about 60% of Ukrainians are below the poverty line); 10) possible man-made disasters in Ukraine; 11) possible transformation of Ukraine from a subject into an object of international relations; 12) possible rejection of European integration; 13) discrediting the Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity, in order to spread Russian narratives about the coup in Ukraine; 14) intensification of interfaith conflicts in Ukraine; 15) inadequate decision-making by incompetent authorities (threat of economic decline and large-scale financial crisis in Ukraine, possible change in Ukraine’s vector of development, threat of capitulation, refusal of the authorities to resolve the «Ukrainian crisis» (which began after Russia’s aggression and has become a factor influencing the security of Europe and the world) from the standpoint of Ukraine as a subject, not an object); 16) refusal to solve the problems of internally displaced persons; 17) possible «freezing» of the Russian-Ukrainian armed conflict in order to further destabilize Ukraine; 18) strengthening of geopolitical and geoeconomic instability, intensification of intercivilizational and geopolitical confrontation in the world; 19) possible decline of democracy and rise of authoritarianism in Ukraine; 20) expansion of the border with Russia (in case of its absorption of Belarus); 21) possible disintegration of Ukrainian society and world Ukrainiannes; 22) further violation of international law by the Russian Federation; 23) exacerbation of the economic and migration crisis in Europe; 24) radicalization of part of the Islamic world; 25) due to the collapse of the USSR. The challenges, threats and dangers facing Ukrainians can unfold at the global, continental and national levels. Ukrainians must find adequate answers to modern challenges and mechanisms to minimize threats and dangers; ensure stable economic growth; to create a powerful system of national security, army and defense-industrial complex; find ways to ensure national interests in the current crisis; to develop optimal models for resolving the Russian-Ukrainian armed conflict, reintegrating the population of the occupied territories and restoring the territorial integrity of Ukraine.
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GOJAYEVA, L. R. « TANAP PROJECT AND ITS GEOSTRATEGIC IMPORTANCE ». AZIMUTH OF SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH : ECONOMICS AND ADMINISTRATION 10, no 34 (28 février 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.26140/anie-2021-1001-0029.
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The article examines the geopolitical and geoeconomic position of Azerbaijan in the South Caucasus region. Since the signing of the "Treaty of the Century" on September 20, 1994, the Azerbaijani state has once again proved that it is the most influential state in the region, both politically and economically, pursuing a consistent and balanced domestic and foreign policy. The Azerbaijani state has approved large projects in the South Caucasus region, while pursuing a policy of friendship and mutual cooperation with the countries of the region. One such megaproject discussed in the article is the Trans Anatolian Gas Pipeline (TANAP). TANAP, which was implemented in 2011-2020 and is the main segment of the 1,841-kilometer corridor of the South Caucasus gas pipeline, aims to transport Azerbaijani natural gas from the giant Shah Deniz-2 field to European markets through Georgia and Turkey. This project has already been launched and the article discusses its geopolitical implications for our country.
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BAĞIŞ, BİLAL. « Digital Currencies and Monetary Policy in the New Era ». Insight Turkey, 26 août 2022, 189–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.25253/99.2022243.12.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The centuries-old financial structure and the modern financial system are built on physical currencies. After the global financial crisis of 2008-2009 and the COVID-19 pandemic of 2020, along with the introduction of all-new cryptocurrencies and stable coins, even many central banks have voiced an interest in the introduction of digital currencies. Hence, the pros and cons of the new central bank digital currencies (CBDC) are the newest widely discussed topic. This paper focuses on the ways a new instrument, central bank digital currency (CBDC), is expected to improve the modern payment systems, increase the efficacy of monetary policy and ensure financial stability in the new era. The study concludes that although CBDCs might boost monetary policy effectiveness and financial stability, it is vital to reevaluate and thoroughly analyse the geopolitical, geoeconomic, and geostrategic implications and effects of having a CBDC.
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Obichkina, E. « “Russian Question” in the Focus of European Geopolitics ». International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 18, no 3 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2020.18.3.62.5.
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This article is about a book authored by Thomas Gomart on ten major geopolitical challenges for Europe today, Russia’s return to the club of the most influential world powers being one of them. A natural partner, Russia is being increasingly alienated from Europe and reciprocates to it by taking a diverging path. Is this emerging geostrategic r irreversible? This question is of critical relevance for the future of the both parts of the continent. An analysis of Europeans’ perceptions of the balance of geopolitical interests of Western Europe and Russia provides a key to understanding the reasons behind the growing divergence between them. Thomas Gomart, Director of IFRI (Institut français des relations internationales), the leading international relations think tank of France, is a top French expert in geopolitics who also specializes in Russian politics. His views and recommendations largely echo key foreign policy statements and actions of Emmanuel Macron, which reveals a high degree of their representativeness of French political elite views. Thomas Gomart's forecasts respond to the most urgent needs of European geopolitics from the angle of the interests of France which is committed to acting on behalf of the European Union and aims to position an expanded Western Europe as an independent center of power in the emerging world hierarchy. For Russian readers such publications are interesting from two points of view: they give an idea of the direction in which this type of research is going and of the methodology used in geostrategic forecasting. In particular, the book demonstrates significant cognitive changes in the analysis of international behavior of Russia. They stem from the new European reality, as represented, in particular, by Europe’s political and intellectual elite which has been molded by the 70 years of NATO’s existence and almost 65 years of the European Homo Atlanticus project. The overall conclusion is rather disappointing for Russia. Europeans regard its growing power as a challenge, not as an opportunity to join efforts to strengthen the continent's position in the face of the intensifying US-China rivalry. Moscow sees this as a break with the main pillar of French diplomacy — its Gaullist tradition, whereas, in fact, it merely reflects, in the spirit of classical realism, current assessments of the balance of power in Europe and the world. Any motivation for returning to partnership has decrease, firstly, due to Russian leaders’ flat refusal to adopt the Western model of convergence and, secondly, because of the forecasts of the weakening of the country's economic capacity. The growth of Russia’s military might clashes with the interests of Western Europe. If Russia turns to China, driven by the asymmetry of economic opportunities, it risks taking a subordinate role, if not a marginal one, in the global Great Silk Road project. At the same time, Russia, a great continental power spanning China and the European Union, in the absence of any common ground and with its continued estrangement with Western Europe, may find itself outside the main stage where future geopolitical and geoeconomic action involving the West and the Indo-Pacific region will take place.
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Gaiduchok, Oksana, et Oleksiy Stupnytskyi. « PRACTICAL ASPECTS OF APPLICATION OF THE MODEL OF INTEGRAL ASSESSMENT OF THE LEVEL OF ECONOMIC SECURITY OF UKRAINE ». International scientific journal "Internauka". Series : "Economic Sciences", no 12(44) (2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.25313/2520-2294-2020-12-6664.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In modern times, it is believed that by reducing the risk of military intervention, military security has lost its relevance, and economic security has become a priority of national interests. The principle of economic security is as follows: national interests are supported through an economic system that supports free exchange and ensures the upward mobility of the nation. The analysis of economic security is based on the concept of national interests. It is well known that the problem of national security and its components cannot be considered only from the standpoint of current interests; it is closely related to the possibilities of their implementation over a significant, long-term period. Each stage of realization of national interests of the country is characterized by its assessment of its geopolitical, geostrategic and geoeconomic conditions, security threats and the main carriers of these threats, the mechanism of realization of national interests (each of the stages has its own assessment of the main definitions and categories of security, the main vectors of geoeconomic policy). Economic security is the foundation and material basis of national security. A state is in a state of security if it protects its own national interests and is able to defend them through political, economic, socio-psychological, military and other actions. There is a close connection between economic security and the system of national and state interests, and it is through this category that the problems of economic potential and economic power of the state, geopolitical and geoeconomic positions of the country in the modern world are intertwined. At a time when regional forces are trying to expand markets, provide access to finance and the latest technology, economic security has become a necessary component of the ability of regional forces to expand their influence. The article is devoted to the study of economic security of Ukraine and its components using the model of quantitative assessment of economic security of Ukraine. Using the Fishburne method, a model is built that allows to obtain an integrated assessment of the level of economic security based on the synthesis of nine partial indicators.
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Manurung, Hendra. « INDONESIA MENUJU POROS MARITIM DUNIA ». Prosiding Seminar Nasional Pakar, 19 mars 2018, 147–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.25105/pakar.v0i0.2714.
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Gagasan Poros Maritim Dunia Indonesia harus dibangun lewat konsepsi yang kuat dan implementatif secara ekonomi politik internasional.Konsepsi itu dapat menjadi arah, kaidah pokok dan paradigma bersama semua pemangku kepentingan untuk memosisikan Indonesia sebagai negara inti dan pusat gravitasi ekonomi kemaritiman dunia. Ada tiga terobosan yang dapat dilakukan pemerintah, yaitu: Pertama, di level global, Indonesia mampu menjadi negara inti kemaritiman dunia karena letak geografisnya yang strategis dan dukungan kekayaan sumber daya alam maritim sebagai sektor basis, dimana sektor basis non-maritim sebagai bagian pendukung poros maritim dunia yang mampu mempengaruhi sistem internasional (geostrategic); Kedua, di level regional, pemerintah perlu menetapkan pusat-pusat gravitasi ekonomi maritim diikuti dengan penentuan sektor berbasis komoditas barang dan jasa bernilai vital dan strategis dalam dinamika ekonomi internasional dan perdagangan regional (geoeconomics). PMD Indonesia harus dikondisikan untuk saling mendukung dengan jalur sutra maritim Tiongkok; Ketiga, di level nasional, PMD Indonesia harus mampu membangun dan memberdayakan ekonomi masyarakat pesisir yang menetap di wilayah perbatasan dengan negara tetangga dan pulau-pulau terluar.Indonesia sebagai negara kepulauan terbesar di dunia harus menuju kedaulatan ekonomi politik di lautan Nusantara sesuai amanat Pasal 33 UUD 1945 (geopolitics).