Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « GEOPOLITICA,GEOSTRATEGIA E GEOECONOMIA »

Beginning the article with reminding some basic definitions of geopolitics, correlation of spatial and temporal components herein as well as the systemic nature of geopolitics as a science and the basis for a long-term political strategy, the author proceeds to the topic of relationship between geopolitics and geoeconomics, particularly significant in recent decades. He puts forward the idea that geoeconomics today is an increasingly dynamic and actively driving element in this dyad due to growing technological innovations, increasing competition and subsequent rising complexity of economic strategies of states. Based on well-known examples of economic and political outcomes of applying the state capitalism models or liberal economy, in particular, in the countries that have undergone a radical breakdown of their former economic systems (Russia is also briefly mentioned in this context), the author concludes that it is necessary to form a strategic state, able to develop a sustainable mechanism (including economic intelligence) for development and implementation of national geoeconomics. To support the provisions put forward in the article, the author, as an independent expert, gives a broad outline of geopolitical and geoeconomic shifts in the world in the coming decades

Abstract Increased geopolitical competition and growing economic nationalism after 2014 have gradually started to slow the trend of liberalization of international trade. Relations among certain national states have turned into trade wars – a hybrid phenomenon shaped at the intersection of geopolitics and geoeconomics. The paper explores global and regional trends in trade regulations introduced by the world's largest economies and, at the same time, its major military powers. The G20 countries’ role in these processes was illustrated through references to empirical data on the dynamics of the introduced trade regulations in 2009–2018. The effectiveness of the regulations index is proposed. Apart from the harm that deepening such negative trends in the global geostrategic balance does to broader bilateral relations, the role of trade wars in re-shaping globalization's established conditions is also discussed.

The article reveals challenges and prospects of Ukraine in the conditions of transitive world order crisis in Eastern European context. The issue of strengthening national security and protection of the territorial sovereignty of the post-Soviet countries and Eastern European countries in connection with the aggression of Russia and the occupation of part of the Ukrainian territories has been mainstreamed. The confrontation between Russia and the post-Soviet countries is a conflict of two civilizational systems, the struggle of two opposing worldviews and paradigms of a new world order. It has been proved that Russia’s Eurasian integration projects were aimed at attracting Ukraine and maintaining it in the sphere of Russia’s geo-economic and geopolitical influence. The creation of integration associations in the post-Soviet space is intended to become one of the instruments of revival of the Eurasian empire, in particular at the expense of the destruction of the national economy and the sovereignty of Ukraine. A key result of the Revolution of Dignity was the signing of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU which destroyed Russia’s strategy to engage Ukraine in the Eurasian integration area. It is confirmed that after the Russian Federation’s unsuccessful actions to involve Ukraine in Eurasian integration structures through the use of managed pro-Kremlin power, Moscow abandoned this option and switched to a scenario under which the strategy of fomenting and supporting separatism in the south-eastern regions of Ukraine was implemented. The strategy to create a pseudostates on the territory of Ukraine in one way or another involves the issues of infrastructure and transit of Russian energy resources to the European Union. The formation of Novorossiya at the expense of Ukrainian sovereignty also included support from individual EU Member States to accelerate the construction of energy infrastructure bypassing Ukraine as a failed state. The annexation of Crimea became a non-standard geostrategic step in Russia, which led to the violation of the border of the sovereign state for the first time since the end of World War II. In general, the Crimea is an important sacred phenomenon and a geostrategic asset for the Russian Federation. Given the opening of new military bases in Belarus, the preservation of the Russian military contingent in Transnistria and the Donbas, as well as the creeping geopolitical displacement of Ukraine from the Black and Azov Sea, the latter automatically finds itself in a kind of geopolitical “garrotte” while losing access to the sea. In the end, Russian aggression aimed at destabilizing Ukraine also had internal political significance for Russia, since Europeanization of Ukraine and its political and economic success would become a new geopolitical trend and would call into question the effectiveness of the authoritarian regime of Russia and other post-Soviet countries. All this would become a clear example for the Russian society of the positive consequences of the democratic transformations of the great Orthodox state. However, while the Russian Federation has achieved some tactical advantages in Ukraine, thereby slowing its rapprochement with the EU and NATO, designing instability strategically prevents any involvement of Kyiv in Eurasian integration projects, further alienating it from Russia, making Ukraine more pro-Western and anti-Russian. Keywords: Ukraine, foreign policy, national security, Russian Federation, Eastern Europe, ODED-GUAM, Baltic-Black Sea Commonwealth

Iran is a Middle Eastern country which located in the north of the Persian Gulf. Due to the vastness of its territory in the Persian Gulf, Iran has the most beaches in this sea and has a number of the valuable and strategic islands in the entrance of the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz. In this regards the Iranian islands in the Persian Gulf which are more than 30 islands due to their geopolitical, geostraegic and geoeconomic locations play important role in Iran domestic, regional and global arenas. In addition, some of its islands particularly, three islands of Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb and Abu Musa have essential military role in Iran’s security.

The rise of geographical determinism in the theory and practice of international relations has led to the emergence and сonstitution of a number of scientific spheres that determine decision-making of continental and world significance. The most well-known scientific knowledges in these areas are geopolitics, geoeconomics, and geostrategy. However, the significance of the constitutional role of geographical determinism in the understanding and structure of international relations is not limited only to these systems of knowledge. Due to the use of geographical determinism technologies, state actors get additional opportunities to win the competition for the priority implementation of national interests in the international arena. Therefore, the de- velopment of the theory of technologies of geographical determinism is an attempt, firstly, to integrate particular theories of international relations based on geographical determinism, within the framework of a broad perspective of a universalizing vision, and secondly, to rethink international relations simultaneously based on geographical determinism and a technological approach. Increasing responsibility in the field of decision-making on the world stage in the context of new security challenges gives special importance to the develop- ment of the theory of technologies of geographical determinism. This theory provides a large scale for critical theoretical and practical understanding of international relations in the modern world, rehabilitates geography as a factor context of social relations in political and economic dimensions on the world stage, allows you to think and act geographically and technologically, that is, contextually and effectively. Geographical determinism is as multifaceted as the spaces in which international relations operate are heterogeneous. Technologies can strengthen or weaken it. Each state seeks to use geographical determinism to its advantage with the help of technologies and at the same time neutralize its negative impact on the implementation of national interests on the world stage. Technologies enable states to act effectively to achieve their goals. However, only taking into account geographical determinism this strategy can be effec- tive and guarantee a secure future. Authors argue that Russia’s neoimperialist geoeconomic technologies with an emphasis on energy carriers and underestimation of the importance of geographical determinism by European governments have created unprecedented problems for European countries in the field of energy and economic security. The theory of technologies of geographical determinism in international relations allowed authors to identify a number of technologies that have shown their efficiency in various geographical dimensions. They distinguish these technologies based on the specifics of various types of spaces as environments for deploying effective activities to realize the national interests of states in the international arena. Physical space allowed to distinguish technologies of land, sea, air and space. These are telurocratic, thalassocratic, aerocratic, and astrocratic technologies. The political space allowed to highlight geopolitical technologies. The economic space has become the basis for identifying and understanding various geoeconomic and geofinancial technologies. The cultural space served as the basis for the analysis of geocultural technologies. The strategic space allowed to consider geostrategic technologies, defining the technology of allied binding as the leading one. The space of imaginary geographical space made it possible to understand geopolitical propaganda technologies.

Dünyada gedən geosiyasi proseslər yeni dünya nizamının yaradılmasının göstəricisidir. Təkqütblü sistemin lideri olan Amerika Birləşmiş Ştatları yüksələn güc olan Rusiya və Çinə qarşı yenidən müttəfiqlərini səfərbər etmək istəyir. Qərb və Rusiya arasında bufer zona olan Ukraynanın geosiyasi, geoiqtisadi, geostrateji önəmi qlobal güclərin maraqlarının toqquşmasına səbəb olur. Geosiyasi şəraitin uyğunluğundan istifadə edən Rusiya həm imperialist maraqlarını reallaşdırır, həm də Qərbə tələblərinin yerinə yetirilməsi üçün təzyiq göstərir. Və bu məqalə tərəflərin maraq və gələcək planlarının nə olduğundan bəhs edir. Həmçinin müharibə sonrası bütün dünyada qida qıtlığı və iqtisadi durğunluğun da olacağını proqnozlaşdırır. Açar sözlər: Rusiya, ABŞ, Ukrayna, NATO, Çin, Qərb dünyası, Co Bayden, Putin, geosiyasi mübarizə, milli maraq Melekkhanım Niyazi Safarli Russia-USA competition in Russia-Ukraine war Abstract Geopolitical processes in the world are an indicator of the creation of a new world order. The United States, the leader of the unipolar system, wants to re-mobilize its allies against the rising power of Russia and China. The geopolitical, geoeconomic and geostrategic importance of Ukraine, which is a buffer zone between the West and Russia, is causing a conflict of interests between global powers. Taking advantage of the geopolitical situation, Russia is both pursuing its imperialist interests and exerting pressure on the West to comply with its demands. And this article is about the interests and future plans of the parties. It also predicts food shortages and economic stagnation around the world after the war. Key words: Russia, USA, Ukraine, NATO, China, Western world, Co Biden, Putin, geopolitical struggle, national interest

Based on a qualitative content analysis of 15 years of media coverage of Japan in the most comprehensive and influential official media, the Chinese People's Daily newspaper, this article argues that the framing of Japan by the People's Daily was produced and rearticulated by the combinations of, and changes in, different geostrategic discourses, referred to in this article as the discourses of ‘geopolitical fears’ and ‘geoeconomic hopes’. These discourses in the framing of Japan by the People's Daily are further rearticulated and reinterpreted in terms of plural constructions of time (progress, decline and cycle). Drawing on a spatio-temporal analytical framework, the article presents a counterargument to the prevailing view that assumes that the framing strategies of China towards Japan are focused on issues of conflict, threat and fear. Rather, the results showed that it was through the alignment and balance of the discourses of geopolitical fears and geoeconomic hopes in a heterogeneous construction of time(s) that the image(s) of Japan emerged in Chinese media.

The South Pacific region is in the international spotlight once more as resident and extra-regional powers jockey for influence and allegiance as part of a broader strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific. This article reveals the geostrategic, geopolitical and geoeconomic issues at stake and provides a capsule analysis of the approach taken by all the key competitors. It also reveals the responses of the Pacific Island countries themselves to the strategic rivalry unfolding on their doorstep.

<p>The Chinese government's policy in The Silk Road Economic Belt aims to facilitate the infrastructure of land route transportation. Railway infrastructure projects and installation of oil and gas pipelines require a large investment, and Chinese political power to influence every country to support and be involved in the Belt Road Initiative project. The direction of the Chinese government's policy is certainly intended to underpin China's geopolitical projections in the region. The research question is analyzed through theory of geopolitics, geostrategy and geoeconomics. The research methodology, based on descriptive analytic, is supported by data collection techniques and is equipped with data sources relevant to the phenomena discussed. In conclusion, China's geopolitical projections become the main goal for the Chinese government in the Silk Road Economic Belt policy. The assumption of the geopilitical theory of the heartland illustrates that the mastery of the land logistics route supports China's efforts to influence globally by building a logistics path that further connects China with the global world, including Europe, Asia, the Middle East and North Africa.<strong></strong></p><p><strong>Keyword</strong><strong>s</strong><strong>: </strong>China, Geopolitics, The Silk Road Economic Belt.</p>

Tese de Doutoramento em Ciências Sociais na Especialidade em Estudos Estratégicos
Esta tese adota uma abordagem multidisciplinar. Que centrada nos Estudos Estratégicos, trabalha conceitos e modelos extraídos da Ciência Política e das Relações Internacionais. Examina a importância estratégica do Mar no quadro de segurança e desenvolvimento e justifica a opção política de que Timor-Leste – país insular e rodeado pelo Mar que interliga o colossal centro do poder económico mundial circunscrito na região da Ásia com o resto do mundo – deve considerar como Estado Marítimo. As características geográficas de Timor-Leste representam um valor geopolítico exclusivo, com uma relevância estratégica própria no âmbito geoestratégico e geoeconómico. O país pode servir como ponto de apoio marítimo e aéreo que favorece um operador multinacional no quadro das questões de segurança e de comércio, para assegurar a passagem dos meios estratégicos interoceânicos. Fazer bom uso das dimensões do Mar no quadro geopolítico é uma opção político-ideológica que um pequeno Estado costeiro como Timor-Leste pode valorizar, para tornar-se uma Pequena Potência no sistema internacional.A tese analisa o ambiente conjuntural nacional e os desafios do Mar no século XXI. Para tal, foram identificados três fatores que constituem elementos principais influenciadores das opções políticas de Timor-Leste como Estado marítimo: 1) integrar o Mar na grande estratégia nacional, no conceito estratégico nacional, nas políticas sectoriais ou no conjunto de estratégias nacionais integradas no processo de reconstrução nacional; 2) a articulação das estratégias referidas no state of the art e 3) a proposta da política nacional do Mar, visando alavancar o desenvolvimento económico de Timor-Leste. O papel destes fatores estratégicos do mar é analisado e discutido nesta tese.Integrar o Mar na Grande Estratégia Nacional reflete as condições geográficas de Timor- Leste no âmbito de a) estabelecer uma política nacional apropriada para a gestão do Mar, b) formular estratégias integradas de implementação das políticas públicas para alcançar os Objetivos do Estado, e c) conformar Timor-Leste na opção de ser um «Estado de vocação para o Mar». Os assuntos do Mar ainda não constituem uma prioridade na agenda das políticas públicas em Timor-Leste, havendo, pois, que as eleger como política nacional, no Conceito Estratégico Nacional. É necessário transformar a atual mentalidade de território continental para uma vontade política-ideológica de Maritimidade.Há uma série de desafios estratégicos que atualmente afetam a Ásia-Pacífico: a crise nuclear da península coreana; a crise do Mar do Sul da China; as crises de instabilidade política, étnica e religiosa na ASEAN; são estas circunstâncias geoestratégicas e geoeconómicas que alteram profundamente os interesses geopolíticos dos países na região Ásia-Pacífico. De salientar que, num período de incerteza estratégica global, a China emergiu como um autor económico poderoso, confiante e com capacidade de influência, fragilizando a posição dos Estados Unidos da América, cujo poder hegemónico na região está a ser questionado. Um pouco por todo o mundo, as questões centram-se nas reivindicações dos limites marítimos, no fortalecimento do regionalismo e nas controvérsias na ordem de soberania, que desde a Guerra Fria não foram resolvidas; são questões de competição dos recursos energéticos que constituem consideráveis fontes de incertezas geoestratégicas globais. Provocam, obviamente, novos desafios de segurança não tradicionais, nomeadamente, inseguranças no setor alimentar, crises energéticas, crises cibernéticas; acrescem os constantes desastres naturais e as ameaças de catástrofe climática que provocam crises humanitárias em todas as partes do globo.Neste contexto, depreende-se da importância de tratar as reflexões sobre o Mar, o qual, «no estudo dos Estados, considerado como um organismo geográfico ou ainda como um fenómeno espacial, quer dizer, como uma terra, um território, um espaço, ou, mais exatamente ainda, um país» (Kjellén, 2003, p. 39), possui um valor estratégico fundamental para Timor-Leste.
This thesis examines the strategic importance of the geographic characteristic of Timor- Leste, which represents an exclusive geopolitical value, has a strategic relevance of its own in the geostrategic and geo-economics scope. It can become a maritime and air support point that favors a multinational operator in the framework of security and trade matters to ensure the passage of strategic inter-oceanic means. Making good use of the dimensions of the sea in the geopolitical framework is a political-ideological option that a small coastal State like Timor-Leste can take advantage to value itself in the international system. Integrating the Sea into the national grand strategy reflects Timor-Leste geographical conditions within the framework of a) establishing an appropriate national policy for the management of the Sea, b) formulating integrated strategies for the implementation of public policies to achieve State's objectives, and c) to make feasible options of Timor-Leste as a “State with vocation to the sea”. It is important to consider the reflections on the sea as a geographic element in the variable of State power, it is in everyone's interest to use this tool of geopolitical analysis, given that its strategic value would consolidate the national power that all States intend to maintain in their international relations, including Timor-Leste.
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Des années 1960 jusqu’à la fin de la guerre froide, voire au-delà, l’influence voire la prépondérance de la France sur les territoires francophones d’Afrique noire est presque totale. Cependant, en ce XXIème siècle naissant, la compétition mondiale dans la recherche de nouveaux débouchés et de la sécurisation de l’approvisionnement énergétique amène inexorablement les grandes puissances à entrer en ‘‘conflit d’intérêts’’ par la pénétration réciproque des « arrière-cours ». Ceci est particulièrement vrai pour la France qui voit des pays tels que les Etats-Unis, la Chine, l’Inde, le Brésil, la Turquie, les pays du Golfe, etc., faire une entrée fracassante dans une région géographique qu’elle considère depuis longtemps comme sa « chasse gardée » compte tenu des liens historique, linguistique et politique. Ces nouveaux défis et enjeux pour la politique africaine de la France se mesurent désormais, à l’aune des transformations à l’œuvre sur la scène internationale avec la mondialisation et l’émergence de nouvelles puissances du Sud. Les défis et les enjeux sont importants pour l’action extérieure de la France et sa place dans le monde, compte tenu de la concurrence féroce des nouveaux acteurs et des changements des sociétés africaines en cours. Néanmoins elle possède encore des atouts économiques, diplomatiques et stratégiques susceptibles de lui permettre d’élaborer, grâce à l’espace culturel francophone, un projet original, ambitieux et porteur d’espoir. Pour ce faire, il faudra répondre aux deux interrogations suivantes : Comment réformer cette politique traditionnelle basée sur des relations étroites et privilégiées avec les dirigeants africains sans toutefois compromettre les avantages comparatifs de la France sur place? Quelle stratégie politique mettre en œuvre pour identifier les véritables intérêts communs des Français et des Africains francophones, en tenant compte des opportunités et des menaces, et les développer dans un partenariat mutuellement bénéfique ?
From 1960s to the end of the cold war, even beyond, the influence even the supremacy of France in the French-speaking territories in Sub-Saharan Africa is almost total. However, in this 21st century, the world competition in the research of new markets and the security of the energy supply leads inexorably the great powers to enter in “conflict of interests” by the mutual penetration of the “back-yards”. This is particularly true for France which has countries such as the United States, China, India, Brazil, Turkey, the Gulf Arab States, etc., to make a dramatic entrance in a geographical area where she judged it for a long time as her “exclusive domain” considering the historical, linguistic and political links. These new challenges and issues for the African policy of France are measured from now on, in the light of the transformations at work in the world with the globalization and the emergence of new powers of the South. The challenges and the issues are important for the external action of France and its place in the World, considering the fierce competition between new stakeholders and the ongoing African society changes. Nevertheless it still has economic, diplomatic and strategic assets which enable him to elaborate, thanks to the francophone cultural center, an original project, ambitious and promising. With this aim in mind, it will be necessary to answer to the two following questions: How to reform this traditional policy based on close and privileged relationships with African leaders without compromising, however, the comparative advantages of France on the spot? Which political strategy has to be implemented in order to identify the real common interests of the French and the French-speaking Africans, by taking into account the opportunities and threats, and to develop them in a mutually beneficial partnership?