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Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 26 juillet 2024

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1

Pargas, Damian Alan. « “Urban Refugees : Fugitive Slaves and Spaces of Informal Freedom in the American South” ». Journal of Early American History 7, no 3 (8 novembre 2017) : 262–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00703002.

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Slave flight in the antebellum South did not always coincide with the political geography of freedom. Indeed, spaces and places within the South attracted the largest number of fugitive slaves, especially southern cities, where runaway slaves attempted to pass for free blacks. Disguising themselves within the slaveholding states rather than risk long-distance flight attempts to formally free territories such as the northern us, Canada, and Mexico, fugitive slaves in southern cities attempted to escape slavery by crafting clandestine lives for themselves in what I am calling “informal” freedom—a freedom that did not exist on paper and had no legal underpinnings, but that existed in practice, in the shadows. This article briefly examines the experiences of fugitive slaves who fled to southern cities in the antebellum period (roughly 1800–1860). It touches upon themes such as the motivations for fleeing to urban areas, the networks that facilitated such flight attempts, and, most importantly, the lot of runaway slaves after arrival in urban areas.
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2

Rothman, Adam. « Fugitive Slaves in Counterpoint ». Reviews in American History 47, no 3 (2019) : 363–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2019.0051.

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Peretyatko, Artyom Yu. « The Experience of Employing the Slave Narrative Genre in Describing the History of the Caucasus ». Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no 1 (2021) : 302–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.119.

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The genre of the slave narrative is unique, and is essential to African-American culture. Yet, up to now, personally written stories describing the journey to freedom traveled by “heroic slaves”, writings that could well qualify as nonfiction, have received little attention outside of the US and UK. This makes all the more interesting the attempt by prominent Russian historian A. A. Cherkasov to employ the slave narrative genre in describing the history of the Caucasus, undertaken in his collection of documents “Circassian Slave Narratives”. This review of the collection attempts to analyze the phenomenon of the slave narrative and determine the degree to which it could be transposed to Russia. It is shown that while a portion of the documents published by A. A. Cherkasov, specifically interviews with slaves who escaped from Russia to Circassia, do seem to fit in with the slave narrative genre in theme, most of the Russian-Circassian slave narratives are completely different from classic slave narratives in content and style. These are not publicistic memoirs written for abolitionist purposes but documentation maintained to keep records of fugitives. In the end, the author of the article draws the conclusion that it is impossible to have an exact analogue of the slave narrative for Russian history as the figure of the heroic slave is not something that is typical for Russian history. Accordingly, despite the fact that fugitive slaves’ testimonies were widely written down at the time, as was the case in Circassia, the outcome was a completely different type of writing typologically. However, if the slave narrative is viewed in a broad sense, as an aggregate of first-hand slave accounts that can help provide the reader with a comprehensive documentary picture of the life of actual slaves, “Circassian Slave Narratives” may well be considered a worthy representative of the genre. A. A. Cherkasov provides 180 interviews with slaves and over 1,000 thematically contiguous record-keeping documents, which offer a unique insight into Circassian slavery specifically. Consequently, while it is hardly possible to use the classic slave narrative in describing Russian history, there may be considerable potential in its creative reconceptualization, as has been well substantiated by A. A. Cherkasov.
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Jones, Eric A. « Fugitive women : Slavery and social change in early modern Southeast Asia ». Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 38, no 2 (25 mai 2007) : 215–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463407000021.

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AbstractFemale slaves in VOC-controlled Southeast Asia did not fare well under a legal code which erected a firm partition between free and slave status. This codification imposed a rigid dichotomy for what had been fluid, abstract conceptions of social hierarchy, in effect silting up the flow of underclass mobility. At the same time, conventional relationships between master and slave shifted in the context of a changing economic climate. This article closely narrates the lives of several eighteenth-century female slaves who, left with increasingly fewer options in this new order, resorted to running away.
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Bly, Antonio T. « Pretty, Sassy, Cool : Slave Resistance, Agency, and Culture in Eighteenth-Century New England ». New England Quarterly 89, no 3 (septembre 2016) : 457–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00548.

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Runaway slave advertisements are a staple of African and African American Studies. For well over a century, they have provided scholars from many different disciplines a rich resource to examine slavery. In addition to recording slaves dogged determination to be free, their persistent efforts to preserve family ties, and their astute awareness of the politics of their day, advertisements for fugitive slaves include complex stories that reflect varied nuances of the past. It is those nuances that represent the focus of this article that explores bondage in colonial New England.
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6

Hu, Xiangyu. « The Evolution of Early Qing Regulations on Fugitive Slaves ». Modern China 46, no 6 (6 décembre 2019) : 642–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700419890391.

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The early Qing regulations on fugitive slaves, which originated in pre-1644 Manchu society, aimed to stop banner slaves from escaping. Because very harsh punishments were imposed on both those who harbored fugitive slaves as well as the harborers’ neighbors (both of whom were mainly Han), these regulations led to many tragedies among the Han population and became a key site of Manchu-Han conflict during the Shunzhi and Kangxi reigns. Scholars have thus tended to see them as representative of Manchu alien rule. Unlike previous scholars’ perspectives that emphasize the early Qing rulers’ cruelty toward the Han population in implementing the fugitive regulations, this article demonstrates that Qing rulers, including Dorgon, Shunzhi, and Oboi, protected the interests of the Han population, and that Han legal principles eventually prevailed.
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Figueiredo, Aldrin Moura de. « Um Natal de negros : esboço etnográfico sobre um ritual religioso num quilombo amazônico ». Revista de Antropologia 38, no 2 (30 décembre 1995) : 207–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/2179-0892.ra.1995.111569.

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This article intends to approximate the Anthropology and the History through the description of a religious ritual lived by descendents of ancient fugitive slaves of Curuá river, dístrict of Alenquer, Médio-Amazonas paraense, who had lived in that region since middle-eighteen century . Therefore, we try to penetrate into the meanders of one of the most important feasts of Christisnity - Christmas - and in its reorganization in the daily life of an amazon quilombo, arranging several temporalities, recreating biblical passages in the light of black human experience in the community of fugitive slaves
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8

Finkelman, Paul. « The Captive's Quest for Freedom : Fugitive Slaves, the 1850 Fugitive Slave Law, and the Politics of Slavery ». Journal of American History 106, no 1 (1 juin 2019) : 178–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaz220.

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9

Paterson, Lorraine M. « Fugitives ». Journal of Global Slavery 7, no 1-2 (28 mars 2022) : 130–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00701008.

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Abstract Historically, French Guiana was an anomaly in the French Americas, neither a settler colony nor an economically successful slave-based plantation colony like its wealthy Antillean counterparts. Sporadically governed, underpopulated, and generally neglected by the metropole, it was considered a backwater of the French empire. However, by the first decades of the nineteenth century, the punishment of fugitive slaves had become fundamental to how the colony of French Guiana conceptualized itself. The struggle between owner and state about who had the right to punish, and by what means, caused ferocious repercussions over who could claim sovereignty over slaves and their potential labor. The issue of flight came to signify the legal and political battle between settlers and the state. Indeed, the desire of the French state to control the terrain of French Guiana through the recapture—and punishment—of the enslaved echoes what would occur in the latter half of the nineteenth century as French Guiana became the world’s most notorious penal colony. This paper will explore these issues in nineteenth-century French Guiana through the fugitive figure of the enslaved and subsequently that of the runaway convict.
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Andrade, Lúcia M. M. de. « A brief history of the quilombos of Trombetas River basin ». Revista de Antropologia 38, no 1 (18 juin 1995) : 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/2179-0892.ra.1995.111437.

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The author recovers oral tradition and reconstructs the history of communities that come from "quilombos" (villages founded by fugitive slaves). This is dane from a work developed with the population from Trombetas river, in the state of Pará
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Andrade, Lúcia M. M. de. « A brief history of the quilombos of Trombetas River basin ». Revista de Antropologia 38, no 1 (18 juin 1995) : 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/1678-9857.ra.1995.111437.

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The author recovers oral tradition and reconstructs the history of communities that come from "quilombos" (villages founded by fugitive slaves). This is dane from a work developed with the population from Trombetas river, in the state of Pará
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12

Grant, S. M. « The captive’s quest for freedom : fugitive slaves, the 1850 fugitive slave law, and the politics of slavery ». Slavery & ; Abolition 39, no 4 (2 octobre 2018) : 775–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144039x.2018.1537202.

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13

Clavin, Matt. « Fugitive Slaves and Spaces of Freedom in North America ». Journal of American History 106, no 2 (1 septembre 2019) : 465–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaz406.

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14

Ericson, David F. « The United States Military, State Development, and Slavery in the Early Republic ». Studies in American Political Development 31, no 1 (13 mars 2017) : 130–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x17000049.

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The U.S. military was the principal agent of American state development in the seven decades between 1791 and 1861. It fought wars, removed Native Americans, built internal improvements, expedited frontier settlement, deterred slave revolts, returned fugitive slaves, and protected existing property relations. These activities promoted state development along multiple axes, increasing the administrative capacities, institutional autonomy, political legitimacy, governing authority, and coercive powers of the American state. Unfortunately, the American political development literature has largely ignored the varied ways in which the presence of slavery influenced military deployments and, in turn, state development during the pre–Civil War period.
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15

Miers, Suzanne, et Fred Morton. « Children of Ham : Freed Slaves and Fugitive Slaves on the Kenya Coast, 1873 to 1907 ». Ethnohistory 39, no 3 (1992) : 384. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482319.

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16

Strobel, Margaret, et Fred Morton. « Children of Ham : Freed Slaves and Fugitive Slaves on the Kenya Coast, 1873-1907 ». African Economic History, no 19 (1990) : 220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3601930.

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17

Schmidt, James D. « R. J. M. Blackett. The Captive’s Quest for Freedom : Fugitive Slaves, the 1850 Fugitive Slave Law, and the Politics of Slavery. » American Historical Review 124, no 3 (1 juin 2019) : 1071–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz272.

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18

Knowles, Helen J. « Seeing the Light : Lysander Spooner's Increasingly Popular Constitutionalism ». Law and History Review 31, no 3 (23 juillet 2013) : 531–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248013000242.

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On Tuesday July 4, 1854, it was hot and humid at Harmony Grove; “the heat of the weather…was extreme.” But this did not deter a large audience from gathering at this location in Framingham, Massachusetts. This was the spot upon which many of them had assembled, under the organization of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, for the past 8 years. They came by crowded railroad cars (from Boston, Milford, and Worcester), and by horse and carriage from many other surrounding towns, eager to hear speeches by prominent members of the antislavery community. William Lloyd Garrison was not the first to speak, but his actions were the most memorable. Addressing the audience, Garrison held up, and systematically burned, three documents: a copy of the 1850 Fugitive Slave Act; a copy of a recent court decision that ordered the free state of Massachusetts to use its facilities to assist in the capture of fugitive slaves; and a copy of the United States Constitution. This was no mere symbolic act; it conveyed an important part of the Garrisonian argument. Namely, that the Constitution was “a covenant with death, and an agreement with hell.”
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19

Coret, Clélia. « Runaway Slaves and the Aftermath of Slavery on the Swahili Coast ». Journal of Global Slavery 6, no 3 (27 octobre 2021) : 275–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00603003.

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Abstract Along the East African coast, marronage increased in the 19th century as a consequence of the intensification of the slave trade and the development of a plantation economy based on slave labor. Research on the fugitive slaves on the Swahili coast has been conducted since the 1980s and has mainly highlighted the ambivalent relationship (between rejection and belonging) of maroons with the dominant coastal culture—that of the slave owners, shaped in particular by Islam and urbanity. This article goes beyond the existing interpretations by showing that the aftermath of slavery often consisted of a range of options, less static than those described so far and less focused on opting either into or out of coastal culture. Relying on a case study in present-day Kenya and drawing from European written sources and interviews, I examine what happened to escaped slaves in the Witu region, where a Swahili city-state was founded in 1862. Their history is examined through a spatial analysis and the modalities of their economic and social participation in regional dynamics, showing that no single cultural influence was hegemonic in this region.
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Morris, J. Brent. « Fugitive slaves and spaces of freedom in North America ». Slavery & ; Abolition 40, no 4 (2 octobre 2019) : 785–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144039x.2019.1679508.

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21

Seng, Yvonne. « Fugitives and Factotums : Slaves in Early Sixteenth-Century Istanbul ». Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 39, no 2 (1996) : 136–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520962600000.

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AbstractAs one of the most immediate sources for the study of community life, the shariah court records of Istanbul capture one of the underlying characteristics of Ottoman society at the beginning of the sixteenth century, that of social and spatial mobility. This characteristic is clearly illustrated in the case of slaves. Records concerning fugitive slaves and slaves who resided in the region, either as freedmen or in servitude, clearly indicate that slavery helped fuel the economy of empire and, upon manumission, slaves were readily absorbed into local communities. The institution of slavery was an integral part of both Ottoman society and local community life and was used not only by the palace but by a wide variety of residents, across a range of socio-economic levels.
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Ambler, Charles, et Fred Morton. « Children of Ham : Freed Slaves and Fugitive Slaves on the Kenya Coast, 1873 to 1907. » American Historical Review 97, no 2 (avril 1992) : 595. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165844.

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Fe, Marina. « Los fantasmas de Beloved ». Anuario de Letras Modernas 14 (31 juillet 2009) : 125–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/ffyl.01860526p.2008.14.679.

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Tony Morrison’s novel is inspired in the real story of a fugitive slave, Margaret Garner, and can be considered a ghost story belonging to the African American oral tradition as well as a slave narrative. In it, Morrison wants to break the silence around the dreadful events that took place in the lives of millions of black slaves in The United States of America. Her characters must learn to "speak the unspeakable" in order to exorcise the demons of slavery through "rememory", the painful remembrance of the past that haunts not only the black community but the whole history of this nation. Morrison’s intention may well be to write a "literary archaology", recovering the past in an original narrative mode that gives a voice to those that had been silenced for centuries.
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Blackett, R. J. M. « Dispossessing Massa : Fugitive Slaves and the Politics of Slavery After 1850 ». American Nineteenth Century History 10, no 2 (juin 2009) : 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14664650902908052.

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Zilversmit, Arthur, et Jason H. Silverman. « Unwelcome Guests : Canada West's Response to American Fugitive Slaves, 1800-1865. » Journal of Southern History 52, no 3 (août 1986) : 454. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2209581.

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Waldstreicher, David. « Aiming for Pensacola : Fugitive Slaves on the Atlantic and Southern Frontiers ». Journal of American History 103, no 2 (1 septembre 2016) : 466–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaw317.

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Spear, Thomas, et Fred Morton. « Children of Ham : Freed Slaves and Fugitive Slaves on the Kenya Coast, 1873-1907 ». Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 28, no 1 (1994) : 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485859.

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Sandgren, David P., et Fred Morton. « Children of Ham : Freed Slaves and Fugitive Slaves on the Kenya Coast, 1873 to 1907 ». International Journal of African Historical Studies 24, no 3 (1991) : 660. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219114.

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Walker, James W. St G., et Jason H. Silverman. « Unwelcome Guests : Canada West's Response to American Fugitive Slaves, 1800-1865 ». American Historical Review 91, no 5 (décembre 1986) : 1297. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1864571.

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Lentz, Mark W. « Black Belizeans and Fugitive Mayas : Interracial Encounters on the Edge of Empire, 1750–1803 ». Americas 70, no 4 (avril 2014) : 645–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2014.0047.

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In 1796, the commander of die Guatemalan presidio of Peten, Jose de Galvez, together with its leading prelate and the caciques of the nearby pueblos of San Andres and San Jose, registered a formal complaint: an increasing number of runaway black slaves from Belize taking refuge there had been marrying Maya women in their villages. The officials objected to these unions, stating that they did not want “their blood mixed with these newly Christian blacks” and alleged that the asylum seekers took Maya brides in thinly disguised attempts to exploit native female labor. The cacique of San Andres, don Raimundo Chata, backed by the leading civil and ecclesiastical authorities in a rare moment of unity, advocated the removal of the escaped slaves to a site set aside for blacks on the other side of Lake Peten (see map in Figure 1). The result of this proposed policy of segregation was the creation of a “new pueblo for blacks converted to the faith.”
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Lovejoy, Paul E., et J. S. Hogendorn. « Revolutionary Mahdism and Resistance to Colonial Rule in the Sokoto Caliphate, 1905–6 ». Journal of African History 31, no 2 (juillet 1990) : 217–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025019.

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The Mahdist uprising of 1905–6 was a revolutionary movement that attempted to overthrow British and French colonial rule, the aristocracy of the Sokoto Caliphate and the zarmakoy of Dosso. The Mahdist supporters of the revolt were disgruntled peasants, fugitive slaves and radical clerics who were hostile both to indigenous authorities and to the colonial regimes. There was no known support among aristocrats, wealthy merchants or the ‘ulama. Thus the revolt reflected strong divisions based on class and, as an extension, on ethnicity. The pan-colonial appeal of the movement and its class tensions highlight another important feature: revolutionary Mahdism differed from other forms of Mahdism that were common in the Sokoto Caliphate at the time of the colonial conquest. There appears to have been no connection with the Mahdists who were followers of Muhammad Ahmed of the Nilotic Sudan or with those who joined Sarkin Musulmi Attahiru I on his hijra of 1903.The suppression of the revolt was important for three reasons. First, the British consolidated their alliance with the aristocracy of the Caliphate, while the French further strengthened their ties with the zarmakoy of Dosso and other indigenous rulers. The dangerous moment which Muslims might have seized to expel the Europeans quickly passed. Second, the brutality of the repression was a message to slave owners and slaves alike that the colonial regimes were committed to the continuation of slavery and opposed to any sudden emancipation of the slave population. Third, 1906 marked the end of revolutionary action against colonialism; the radical clerics were either killed or imprisoned. Other forms of Mahdism continued to haunt the colonial regimes, but without serious threat of a general rising.
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Palmateer Pennee, Donna. « Benjamin Drew and Samuel Gridley Howe on Race Relations in Early Ontario : Mythologizing and Debunking Canada West’s “Moral Superiority” ». Journal of Canadian Studies 56, no 1 (1 mars 2022) : 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs-2020-0025.

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This essay examines the respective mythologizing and debunking of Canada’s “moral superiority” over the United States on matters of white-Black race relations in Benjamin Drew’s 1856 The Refugee: or the Narratives of Fugitive Slaves in Canada and Samuel Gridley Howe’s 1864 The Refugees from Slavery in Canada West. Their accounts of the impact of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 and American Civil War on Canadian and American political reputations are instructive. The historical presence of Black people in the making of Ontario’s history and its relationship to American antebellum history helps to understand in part from where the superiority myth originates. The impact of the American Civil War on the making of Canada as a political entity has been studied by historians but its cultural force is less studied, particularly in literary studies. The relative absence of such knowledge seems part and parcel of the negative definition of Canada as not-American, indeed anti-American, and has helped to continue the mythology of Canada’s moral superiority over the US on matters of white-Black relations. Drew’s and Howe’s work on the substantial presence of Black settlers in early Ontario has been invaluable for the study of both the diaspora and settlement of Black freedom seekers in Upper Canada/Canada West in the antebellum period. Analysis of the rhetoric of national differences on racism in Drew’s The Refugee (1856) and Howe’s The Refugees (1864), particularly on education and law, counters, as does a wealth of scholarship by Black scholars, the myth of Canada’s racial benevolence.
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Aubert, Aurélia. « Fugitive Slaves and Spaces of Freedom in North America ed. by David Alan Pargas ». Civil War History 66, no 1 (2020) : 79–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2020.0006.

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Hodges, Graham Russell. « Gordon S. Barker. Fugitive Slaves and the Unfinished American Revolution : Eight Cases, 1848–1856. » American Historical Review 119, no 2 (avril 2014) : 526–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/119.2.526.

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Young, Jason. « Matthew J. Clavin. Aiming for Pensacola : Fugitive Slaves on the Atlantic and Southern Frontiers . » American Historical Review 121, no 5 (décembre 2016) : 1652–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/121.5.1652.

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Brockington, Lolita Gutiérrez. « The African Diaspora in the Eastern Andes : Adaptation, Agency, and Fugitive Action, 1573-1677 ». Americas 57, no 2 (octobre 2000) : 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2000.0003.

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In 1545, miners struck silver in what would become one of the richest veins in the entire New World, the near legendary Cerro Rico of Potosí, in the Andean highlands of Peru. This strike prompted swift action on the part of royal authorities. They sought to rearrange existing land and labor systems and to establish new ones to meet the spiraling economic demands. Simultaneously they had to cope with a dramatic, unprecedented drop in the indigenous population which hitherto had supplied needed labor. The crown turned elsewhere, and authorized the exploitation of another, far more distant group of people. Slaves from Africa became an additional, ongoing source of much needed labor in the Andes.
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Bell, Richard. « Freedom Seekers : Fugitive Slaves in North America, 1800–1860 by Damian Alan Pargas ». Journal of Interdisciplinary History 53, no 3 (1 décembre 2022) : 536–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_r_01886.

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Stark, David M. « Rescued from their Invisibility : The Afro-Puerto Ricans of Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century San Mateo de Cangrejos, Puerto Rico ». Americas 63, no 4 (avril 2007) : 551–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2007.0091.

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The black “root” has been systematically “uprooted” from the main “trunk” of the Puerto Rican nation.Jorge DuanyScholars who study Puerto Rico's past have struggled with the question of how to define the island’s national identity. Is the essence of Puerto Rican identity rooted in Spain, does it have its origins in Africa, in the legacy of the native Tainos, or is it a product of two or all three of these? This polemical question has yet to be resolved and remains a subject of much debate. The island's black past is often overlooked, and what has been written tends to focus on the enslaved labor force and its ties to the nineteenth-century plantation economy. Few works are specifically devoted to the study of the island's seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Afro-Puerto Rican population. Recent scholarship has begun to address this oversight. For example, the efforts of fugitive slaves and free black West Indian migrants making their way to Puerto Rico have been well documented. Yet, little is known about the number or identity of these runaways. How many slaves made their way to freedom in Puerto Rico, who were they, and where did they come from? Perhaps more importantly, what about their new lives on the island? How were they able to create a sense of belonging, both as individuals and as part of a community within the island's existing population and society? What follows strives to answer these questions by taking a closer look first at the number and identity of these fugitives, and second at how new arrivals were assimilated into their new surroundings through marriage and family formation while their integration was facilitated by participation in the local economy. Through their religious and civic activity Afro-Puerto Ricans were able to create a niche for themselves in San Juan and eventually a community of their own in Cangrejos. In doing so, they helped shape the island's national identity.
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Ansari-Pour, Naser, Yves Moñino, Constanza Duque, Natalia Gallego, Gabriel Bedoya, Mark G. Thomas et Neil Bradman. « Palenque de San Basilio in Colombia : genetic data support an oral history of a paternal ancestry in Congo ». Proceedings of the Royal Society B : Biological Sciences 283, no 1827 (30 mars 2016) : 20152980. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2015.2980.

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The Palenque, a black community in rural Colombia, have an oral history of fugitive African slaves founding a free village near Cartagena in the seventeenth century. Recently, linguists have identified some 200 words in regular use that originate in a Kikongo language, with Yombe, mainly spoken in the Congo region, being the most likely source. The non-recombining portion of the Y chromosome (NRY) and mitochondrial DNA were analysed to establish whether there was greater similarity between present-day members of the Palenque and Yombe than between the Palenque and 42 other African groups (for all individuals, n = 2799) from which forced slaves might have been taken. NRY data are consistent with the linguistic evidence that Yombe is the most likely group from which the original male settlers of Palenque came. Mitochondrial DNA data suggested substantial maternal sub-Saharan African ancestry and a strong founder effect but did not associate Palenque with any particular African group. In addition, based on cultural data including inhabitants' claims of linguistic differences, it has been hypothesized that the two districts of the village (Abajo and Arriba) have different origins, with Arriba founded by men originating in Congo and Abajo by those born in Colombia. Although significant genetic structuring distinguished the two from each other, no supporting evidence for this hypothesis was found.
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Mikecz, Jeremy M. « Beyond Cajamarca : A Spatial Narrative Reimagining of the Encounter in Peru, 1532–1533 ». Hispanic American Historical Review 100, no 2 (1 mai 2020) : 195–232. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-8178189.

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Abstract The Spanish conquistadores' capture of the Inka emperor, Atawallpa, and massacre of many of his people in Cajamarca on November 16, 1532, was a tremendously consequential event. How does our view of such an event change, however, when viewed at a distance and from different places? Relying on Indigenous testimony, this article threads together the stories and actions of provincial folk, Andean lords, female intermediaries, fugitive Inka royalty, runner-messengers, porters, and slaves maneuvering beyond Cajamarca during this chaotic and confusing time. Reconstructing and mapping their activity demonstrates how Andean diplomacy, mobility, politics, and history made the conquistadores' survival in Cajamarca—and subsequent advance to Cuzco—possible. It also presents glimpses into how and why Andeans made the decisions they did and serves as a useful reminder that, to these actors in 1532 and 1533, nothing was inevitable.
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Gradert, Kenyon. « The Mayflower and the Slave Ship : Pilgrim-Puritan Origins in the Antebellum Black Imagination ». MELUS 44, no 3 (2019) : 63–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/melus/mlz025.

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Abstract This essay argues that antebellum black writers claimed America in part by reimagining a national rhetoric of Pilgrim-Puritan origins. Various connections have been drawn between the Puritans and early black writers, including a revised tradition of typological identification with Israel, captivity narratives, and, most frequently, the “black jeremiad.” In addition to these scholarly genealogies, black writers struggled more directly with their spiritual genealogies in an effort to reconcile a growing investment in American and Protestant identity with an emergent sense of black roots. Since Paul Gilroy, a growing number of scholars have examined the importance of origins for antebellum black writers in conversation with dominant Euro-American traditions, yet American Protestantism remains a minor presence in these studies. If early black studies of antiquity, biblical history, and European historiography, for example, were crucial to an emergent sense of black roots, they intertwined in complex ways with black writers’ investment in American Protestantism and its vision of history. Ultimately, black writers further radicalized abolitionists’ revolutionary Puritan genealogy as they made it their own, expanding this spiritual lineage to sanction fugitive slaves, black revolutionaries, and eventually the black troops of the American Civil War, imagined as the culmination of a sacred destiny that was both black and American, traceable to the Mayflower and the slave ship alike.
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Grant, Susan-Mary. « ‘There is a North’ : fugitive slaves, political crisis, and cultural transformation in the coming of the Civil War ». Slavery & ; Abolition 42, no 2 (3 avril 2021) : 414–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144039x.2021.1911139.

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Hunt-Kennedy, Stefanie. « ‘Had his nose cropt for being formerly runaway’ : disability and the bodies of fugitive slaves in the British Caribbean ». Slavery & ; Abolition 41, no 2 (25 juillet 2019) : 212–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144039x.2019.1644886.

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Glassman, Jonathon. « Slavery on the Kenya Coast - Children of Ham : Freed Slaves and Fugitive Slaves on the Kenya Coast, 1873 to 1907. By Fred Morton. Boulder, Colorado : Westview Press, 1990. Pp. xix+241. £21.50, paperback. » Journal of African History 33, no 1 (mars 1992) : 146–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700031972.

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Childers, Christopher. « John L. Brooke. “There Is a North” : Fugitive Slaves, Political Crisis, and Cultural Transformation in the Coming of the Civil War. » American Historical Review 125, no 5 (décembre 2020) : 1878–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhaa531.

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Bly, Antonio T. « Fugitive Slaves And Spaces Of Freedom In North America. Edited by Damian Alan Pargas. (Tallahassee, FL : University of Florida Press, 2018. Pp. 315. $65.00.) ». Historian 81, no 3 (1 septembre 2019) : 482–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hisn.13207.

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Astarita, Carlos. « Peasant-Based Societies in Chris Wickham’s Thought ». Historical Materialism 19, no 1 (2011) : 194–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920611x564716.

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AbstractThis engagement with Chris Wickham’s Framing the Early Middle Ages argues that Germanic kings settled as political authorities in fiscal lands, and granted districts to some of the loyal members of their entourage over which they exercised power. This process relates to the fact that kings preserved fiscus-taxes, but that system had already deteriorated and finally disintegrated in the sixth century. In the long run, the problem was expressed in an organic crisis of the ruling class. In consequence, popular revolts against taxation ensued. These revolts are an indicator that the collapsed ancient machinery of domination was not replaced by another in the short term, thus giving way to a political vacuum. The fugitive slaves or serfs reflected in the laws are an indicator pointing in the same direction. Under these conditions free peasant-communities multiplied. These events take us to the concept of peasant-mode societies that Wickham contributes to our understanding of the period. Despite the importance he attaches to this concept, he observes nuances; not in all regions, he claims, did peasant-logic prevail. The evidence allows us, on the contrary, to extend the scope of the concept and to establish a single theoretical basis for the construction of the feudal system on a European scale.
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Ferdinand, Malcom. « Behind the Colonial Silence of Wilderness ». Environmental Humanities 14, no 1 (1 mars 2022) : 182–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/22011919-9481506.

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Abstract What is the relevance of the concept of wilderness today? For some, the recognition of a troubled history of wilderness regarding people of color does not challenge its pertinence in facing the ecological crisis. However, the author contends that the wilderness concept is problematic because of its inability to recognize other conceptualizations of the Earth held by Indigenous and Black peoples in the Americas and the Caribbean. As a case in point, the author critically engages with a failed attempt to accommodate Black enslaved experiences into a wilderness perspective made by Andreas Malm in a 2018 paper titled “In Wildness Lies the Liberation of the World: On Maroon Ecology and Partisan Nature.” Paradoxically, in suggesting that fugitive slaves’ experiences of “wild” spaces can point to a Marxist theory of wilderness, Malm ignores the concerns of Maroons and Indigenous peoples, including their theorizing voices, their ecology, and their demands for justice. Wilderness is portrayed as emancipatory on the condition that the enslaved and the colonized remain silenced. In response, the author argues that it was not “wilderness” but the ingenious relationships Maroons nurtured with these woods that created the possibility of a world: in marronage lies the search of a world.
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Smith, Adam. « "There is a North" : Fugitive Slaves, Political Crisis, and Cultural Transformation in the Coming of the Civil War by John L. Brooke ». Journal of the Early Republic 41, no 1 (2021) : 171–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2021.0024.

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Bevir, Mark. « The Labour Church Movement, 1891–1902 ». Journal of British Studies 38, no 2 (avril 1999) : 217–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386190.

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Historians of British socialism have tended to discount the significance of religious belief. Yet the conference held in Bradford in 1893 to form the Independent Labour Party (I.L.P.) was accompanied by a Labour Church service attended by some five thousand persons. The conference took place in a disused chapel then being run as a Labour Institute by the Bradford Labour Church along with the local Labour Union and Fabian Society. The Labour Church movement, which played such an important role in the history of British socialism, was inspired by John Trevor, a Unitarian minister who resigned to found the first Labour Church in Manchester in 1891. At the new church's first service, on 4 October 1891, a string band opened the proceedings, after which Trevor led those present in prayer, the congregation listened to a reading of James Russell Lowell's poem “On the Capture of Fugitive Slaves,” and Harold Rylett, a Unitarian minister, read Isaiah 15. The choir rose to sing “England Arise,” the popular socialist hymn by Edward Carpenter:England arise! the long, long night is over,Faint in the east behold the dawn appear;Out of your evil dream of toil and sorrow—Arise, O England, for the day is here;From your fields and hills,Hark! the answer swells—Arise, O England, for the day is here.As the singing stopped, Trevor rose to give a sermon on the religious aspect of the labor movement. He argued the failure of existing churches to support labor made it necessary for workers to form a new movement to embody the religious aspect of their quest for emancipation.
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