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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Freedom of speech – Ireland »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Freedom of speech – Ireland"

Kaczmarczyk, Michał. « LEGAL BASIS OF PRESS FREEDOM IN IRELAND ». Roczniki Administracji i Prawa 2, n^o XX (30 juin 2020) : 19–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.1686.

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The concept of freedom of the press is closely linked to freedom of expression. Freedom of the media is an instrument of free speech and is derived from the freedom of expression, independence of thought, opinion, ideas and judgement. Freedom of the media is possible only if the state ensures real independence of expression, access to reliable information, freedom of publication and publishing. Respecting media freedom through non-interference by public auReceived thorities is an important part of the European standard of democracy, and is aligned with the essence of the liberal democratic regime. Ireland has a diversified market of newspapers and magazines, created by private entities, operating on the basis of well-developed guarantees of freedom of establishment that are deeply rooted in the Irish legal tradition. Freedom of speech, which is also enjoyed by the media, is enshrined in the Constitution, and appropriate institutions have been established to protect it, defending the right of the media to obtain and disseminate information, but also to safeguard the principles of law and ethics in journalism, combining the right of the press to express opinions and freely describe reality with the right of the beneficiaries of this activity (readers) to obtain information that is reliable, true, honest and credible. This article attempts to characterize the legal basis of press freedom in Ireland (both domestic and international) and to describe the institutions that uphold this freedom, ensuring that the media system functions properly as one of the subsystems of the social system.

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O'Dell, Eoin. « A little Parthenon no longer : the proportionality of tobacco packaging restrictions on autonomous communication, political expression and commercial speech ». Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 69, n^o 2 (8 juin 2018) : 175–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v69i2.91.

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This paper evaluates the constitutionality of statutory restrictions upon tobacco packaging in Ireland. It concludes that public health and the protection of children constitute pressing and substantial reasons sufficient to justify the Public Health (Standardised Packaging of Tobacco) Act 2015 and part 5 of the Health (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 2017 as proportionate restrictions upon tobacco companies’ freedom of political expression protected by Article 40.6.1 of the Constitution and freedom of autonomous communication protected by Article 40.3.1.

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CONNOLLY, S. J. « A WOMAN'S LIFE IN MID-EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY IRELAND : THE CASE OF LETITIA BUSHE ». Historical Journal 43, n^o 2 (juin 2000) : 433–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008912.

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Letitia Bushe (c. 1705–57), daughter of a minor Irish landowner and one-time office- holder, was a member of the intellectual and cultural circle that included Swift's friend, the letter writer Mary Delany, the ‘proto-bluestocking’ Anne Donnellan, and the ‘heretic’ bishop Robert Clayton. The means by which, as a single woman of independent but limited means, Bushe maintained her position within this circle had elements of informal domestic servitude. At the same time a cache of unusually intimate letters reveals a determined individualist, consciously distancing herself from some of the official pieties of her society, and enjoying a greater freedom of thought, action, and speech than might at first sight have been expected. The letters also document Bushe's intense and tortured relationship with a younger woman, Lady Anne Bligh, an episode which raises important questions about the nature of women's friendships at this time.

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Lock, Geoffrey. « The 1689 Bill of Rights ». Political Studies 37, n^o 4 (décembre 1989) : 540–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1989.tb00288.x.

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Following the disastrous reign of James II, the Bill of Rights was introduced to curb future arbitrary behaviour by the Crown. Five of the thirteen Articles are still active and cases illustrating their use in the courts are described. The courts have enforced the requirement for parliamentary consent to taxation and the ban on the executive's power to suspend statutes but have been less strict over the dispensing power. Article 9, on parliamentary freedom of speech, is in active use, and developments in Australia and Canada are reviewed. Scotland's own legislation – the Claim of Right – is discussed briefly. Most of the Bill probably does not apply to Northern Ireland. Opinions vary on the Bill's importance but in the author's view it is still a potent force.

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Novikov, Vladimir. « Freedom of Speech ». Russian Studies in Literature 29, n^o 4 (octobre 1993) : 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rsl1061-1975290457.

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Robie, David. « Freedom of speech ». Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 8, n^o 1 (1 juin 2002) : 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v8i1.734.

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In spite of the hot air about governments pressuring the media in Pacific countries—and this does happen all too frequently—I believe a greater threat to press freedom comes from a small clique of media veterans, many of whom are of palagi origin, who have disproportionate influence. [Keynote address at the inaugural Pacific Islands Media Association (PIMA) conference in Auckland, 5-6 October 2001.]

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Agnew, Thelma. « Freedom of speech ». Nursing Standard 12, n^o 42 (8 juillet 1998) : 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.12.42.12.s31.

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Jadacki, Jacek. « Freedom of speech ». Analiza i Egzystencja 40 (2017) : 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18276/aie.2017.40-06.

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Hochberg, Leigh R., et Sydney S. Cash. « Freedom of Speech ». New England Journal of Medicine 385, n^o 3 (15 juillet 2021) : 278–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1056/nejme2106392.

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Post, Robert C., et Eric Barendt. « Freedom of Speech ». American Journal of Comparative Law 36, n^o 1 (1988) : 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/840191.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Freedom of speech – Ireland"

Sammon, Gerard Patrick. « Freedom of speech in Australia : analysis of freedom of speech as a right ». Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1997. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/36891/1/36891_Digitised%20Thesis.pdf.

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Krzeminska-Vamvaka, Joanna. « Freedom of commercial speech in Europe ». Hamburg Kovač, 2008. http://d-nb.info/989433943/04.

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Moles, Velázquez Andrés. « Autonomy, freedom of speech and mental contamination ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2007. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2422/.

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The aim of the thesis is to rebut the dominant autonomy-based defence of hate speech within a liberal framework. The thesis argues that liberal egalitarianism is compatible with certain restrictions on free speech. I defend the view that liberal ideals such as equality and autonomy are, contrary to the arguments of many liberals, better achieved by imposing certain restrictions on what citizens are allowed to express. I examine the problem of freedom of expression in the context. of the public/private distinction. In particular, I explore the Rawlsian conception of this distinction, which is based on the idea that principles of justice apply only to the 'basic structure of society'. Citizens are required by justice to treat all others as free and equal citizens, but this seems to hold only when citizens deliberate about 'constitutional essentials and matters of basic justice'. In their private lives and other social contexts citizens are free to treat other people without equal respect and concern, provided that basic rights are not violated. This position is criticised by calling attention to recent developments in Social and Cognitive Psychology. Evidence suggests that much of our behaviour is triggered by features ofÃ?Â· the environment that bypass individuals' rational control: this includes social stereotypes, non-instrumental behaviour, and goal-oriented activity among others. I develop these ideas into a discussion of free speech and autonomy. I argue that autonomy defences of free speech need to assess how the environment directly affects rational processes. Moreover, I argue, given the structure of human cognition, there is no guarantee that attitudes and actions cultivated in the private sphere will not 'spillover' into the public sphere. For this reason, I suggest, political morality must also extend to the justice of our private practices. To the extent that autonomy and justice matter, I argue that we have reasons to limit the expression of certain views, in particular those which trigger processes that bypass rational control. Finally, despite the importance I attribute to the concept of autonomy, I reject the claim that my position endorses a form of liberal perfectionism. I do so by defending a conception of full publicity and demonstrating that the view I articulate is compatible with rejecting perfectionism.

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Riznitska, T. I. « Freedom of speech in a democratic society ». Thesis, Sumy State University, 2014. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/44923.

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Democracy is the most challenging form of government both for politicians and for the people. This is the form of government, where a constitution guarantees basic personal and political rights, fair and free elections, and independent courts of law. One of the main objectives of this is to develop a clear system of rights and responsibilities of people which could regulate the relationship between the state and society.

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Easter, Michele Martha Perrin Andrew J. « Freedom in speech freedom and liberty in U.S. presidential campaign discourse, 1952-2004 / ». Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,634.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 10, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master in the Department of Sociology." Discipline: Sociology; Department/School: Sociology.

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Gannon, Kathy. « 2015 Zenger Award Acceptance Speech ». School of Journalism, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/583005.

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Steiger, Paul. « 2014 Zenger Award Acceptance Speech ». School of Journalism, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/583006.

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Boughey, Thomas John George. « The binding roots of free speech ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006255.

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This thesis argues that the modern notion of free-speech was born within the Westphalian nation-state. It suggests that the legal rights framework - particular to the Westphalian nationstate - not only legitimizes and legalizes the right to free-speech, but also enables us to invoke legally the necessary limitations that demand the limitation of free-speech in certain contexts. However, such a legal-rights framework is exclusive to the nation-state and cannot be enforced on an international level, outside of the nation-state boundary. With reference to examples on an international level, this thesis demonstrates that calls for the limitation of free-speech are indeed legitimate and necessary but cannot be enforced on an international level for the reasons just mentioned. In order to address this problem, this thesis proposes a framework - based on a Kantian model - that enables us to invoke the limitation of free-speech on an international level without appealing to a legal-rights discourse to do so.

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Linge, John. « British forces and Irish freedom : Anglo-Irish defence relations 1922-1931 ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/1689.

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Anglo-Free State relations between the wars still awaits a comprehensive study ... This is in par a reflection of the larger failure of British historians to work on Anglo-Irish history '" the Right has been ill at ease dealing with Britan's greatest failure, whilst the Left has found tropical climes more suited for the cultivation of its moral superiority. When R.F.Holland made this apposite comment, just over a decade ago, he may have been adding to the very problems he identified. Writing within the context of the 'Commonweath Alliance', he was joining a distinguished list of British and Irish historians who have sought to fiter inter-war Anglo-Free State relations through the mesh of Empire-Commonweath development. Beginning with A. Berredale Keith in the 1920s, this usage continued in either direct or indirect form (by way of particular institutions of Commonweath) from the 1930s to the 1970s through the works of W.K. Hancock, Nicholas Mansergh and D.W. Harkness, and was still finding favour with Brendan Sexton's study of the Irish Governor-Generalship system in the late 1980s.2 But herein a contradiction has developed: cumulative study of the unnatural origins and performance of the Free State as a Dominion has moved beyond questions of function to ask whether the Free State was in fact ever a Dominion at alL. 3 As such, there seems ever more need to step back from inter-Commonwealth study and refocus on the precise nature of the Free State's central relationship with Britan in this period. It is of course acknowledged that outwith the established zones of internal Irish and Empire-Imperial study there is no home or forum for one of the most enduring quandares of modern Europea history. Even if it is accepted that 'pure' Anglo-Irish history did not end in 1922, the weight of research based on the ten yeas prior, as against the ten yeas subsequent, suggests an easy acceptance, on both sides of the Irish Sea, and Atlantic, of the absolute value changes in that relationship. Studies covering the transition to independence, such as those of Joseph M. CUITan and Sheila Lawlot, have taen only tentative steps beyond 1922, and may indeed have epitomised an approach that subsequent Irish studies have done little to dispel; in the 1980s, major overviews by RF. Foster and J.J. Le have been notably reluctant to evaluate the quality of that new found freedom with continuing reference to Ireland's giant neighbour. Though Foster, and others, have noted that the main aim of the Free State in the 1920s was 'self-definition against Britan', the point is the extent to which Britan was wiling to allow the same. There has then been little impetus for direct Anglo-Free State inter-war study, and although the tide has begun to turn since the mid-1980's, notably through the achievements of Paul Canning, Deidre McMahon and, shortly before his death, Nicholas Mansergh6, it is probable that we are stil a long way short of being able to produce a comprehensive and coherent review of the period. Apar from the crucial Anglo/Irish-Anglo/Commonwealth dichotomy,there remains the political chasm dividing the Cosgrave years of the 1920s from those of de Valera's 1930s; indeed the overwhelming preoccupation with post-1931 confrontations has often, as in the case of McMahon's fine study, taen as its contrasting staing point the supposedly compliant 'pro-Treaty' years of 1922-31. It is hard to bridge this gulf when the little direct work on these earlier years, mostly concentrating on the two fundamenta issues of Boundar and financial settlement, has tended not to question this divide. Although Irish historians have turned an increasingly sympathetic eye on the internal politics and problems of these early yeas, the apathetic external image, in contrast to the later period, has been persistent. Nowhere has this negativity been more apparent than on the, also vita, topic of defence relations. For a subject that has been given more than adequate attention in terms of the 1921 Treaty negotiations and the Treaty Ports issue of the 1930s, the period in between has had little intensive coverage. In this regard the negative response of W.K.Hancock in 1937, stating that Cosgrave did not bother to question British defence imperatives, was stil being held some fifty yeas later by Paul Canning.7 Thus an enduring and importt image has emerged of defence relations re-enforcing the above divide, an image that has had to stand for the lack of new reseach. This does not mea that the image is necessarly an entirely false one, but it does mean that many of the supposed novelties of the de Valera yeas have been built on largely unknown foundations. The Treaty Ports issue is also vita to this thesis, but then so are other defence related matters which had an impact specific to the 1920s. In other words, the human and political context of how both countries, but the Irish government in paricular, coped with the immediate legacy of centuries of armed occupation, with the recent 1916-21 conflct, and with the smaller scale continuity of British occupation, was bound to cast old shadows over a new relationship. But how big were these shadows? It was on the basis of placing some detaled flesh on the skeleton of known (and unknown) policies and events that this thesis took shape. Frustrations and resentments could tae necessarily quieter forms than those which characterised the 1930s, and in the end be no less significant. If the first objective is then to make solid the continuity of defence affairs, it is appropriate to begin with a brief evaluation of the Treaty defence negotiations before tang a close look at British operations in the South in 1922 - the year when a reluctant Cosgrave was to inherit a situation where British forces were close to the development of civil war. Despite our growing knowledge of Britan's part in the progress of that war, there is stil a general perception that its forces became peripheral to events after the Truce of July 1921, and that its Army was, and had been, the only British Service involved in the struggle against armed republicanism.This is simply not the case, and it is to be wondered whether the proper absorption of Irish historians with the internal dynamics of the period, together with the authoritative quality of Charles Townshend's history of the 1919-21 British campaign, have not produced inhibitions to wider inquiry. 8 In any event, as the Admiralty was to play a central par in later defence relations it seems right to introduce, for the first time, the Royal Navy's importt role in the events of 1922. The point here is to establish that the actions and perceptions of both Services were to have repercussions for later attitudes. After these chapters, the following two aim to look at the cumulative legacy of British involvement and how both countries adjusted to the many unresolved questions thrown up by the Treaty and the unplanned contingencies of 1922. Retaining the theme that neither country could escape the past, nor trust to the future, chapter six returns to the physical and political impact made by the continuing presence of British forces in and around the three Treaty Ports, and along and across the Border. The final two chapters explore how all these factors helped determine the conditions for, and consequences of, one of the most damaging episodes of the later 1920s - the complete failure of the joint coasta defence review scheduled for December 1926.In all, the cumulative emphasis on the politics of defence may ilustrate what it was to be a small aspiring country that had little choice but to accept Britan's version of what was an inevitably close relationship, and to endure what Britan claimed as the benign strategic necessity of continued occupation.

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Wesley, Donald C. « Hazardous freedom| A cultural history of student freedom of speech in the public schools ». Thesis, State University of New York at Buffalo, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3726022.

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In public schools, student expression commonly calls for the attention of school staff in one form or another. Educators have a practical interest in understanding the boundaries of student freedom of speech rights and are often directed to the four student speech cases decided to date by the Supreme Court (Tinker v Des Moines (1969), Bethel v Fraser (1986), Hazelwood v Kuhlmeier (1988), and Morse v Frederick (2007)). Sources about these cases abound, but most focus on legal reform issues such as the political arguments of opposing preferences for more student freedom or more school district control or the lack of clear guidance for handling violations

I propose an alternative approach to understanding the Supreme Court’s student speech jurisprudence focusing not on its correctness but on cultural influences which have worked and continue to work on the Court both from without and within. This approach may lead to a new understanding of Court decisions as legally binding on educators and an appreciation of the necessary rhetorical artistry of the Justices who write them. Not intended in any way as an apologetic of the Court’s decisions on student speech, this study is based particularly on the work of Strauber (1987), Kahn (1999) and Mautner (2011). It takes the form of a cultural history going back to the Fourteenth Amendment’s influence on individual rights from its ratification in 1868 to its application in Tinker in 1969 and beyond.

Seen as cultural process which begins with the Amendment’s initial almost complete ineffectiveness in restricting state abridgment of fundamental rights including speech to its eventual arrival, fully empowered, at the schoolhouse gate, this study attempts to make student speech rights more accessible to educators and others. The tensions between the popular culture which espouses the will of the people and the internal legal culture of the Court itself and its most outspoken and articulate Justices resolve into decisions which become the law of the land, at least for the moment. The study also offers implications for administrators together with suggestions on how to stay current with free speech case law applicable to the schools.

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Livres sur le sujet "Freedom of speech – Ireland"

Woodman, Kieran. Media control in Ireland, 1923-1983. Galway, Ireland : University Press, 1985.

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Media control in Ireland, 1923-1983. Carbondale : Southern Illinois University Press, 1985.

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Censorship in the two Irelands, 1922-39. Dublin : Irish Academic Press, 2006.

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Barendt, E. M. Freedom of speech. 2^e éd. New York : Oxford University Press, 2005.

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Freedom of speech. Minneapolis : Lerner Publications Co., 1990.

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Freedom of speech. 2^e éd. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2007.

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Philip, Steele. Freedom of speech. New York : Franklin Watts, 1997.

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1943-, Alexander Larry, dir. Freedom of speech. Aldershot, Hants, England : Ashgate/Dartmouth, 2000.

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Babias, Marius, et Florian Waldvogel. Freedom of speech. Berlin : N.B.K., Neuer Berliner Kunstverein, 2011.

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Zechariah, Chafee. Freedom of speech. Buffalo, N.Y : W.S. Hein, 1996.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Freedom of speech – Ireland"

Catt, Carrie Chapman. « "Speech Before Congress" ». Dans Finding Freedom, 91–102. New York : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003235217-7.

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Nielsen, Morten Ebbe Juul, et Claus Strue Frederiksen. « Freedom of Speech ». Dans Encyclopedia of Corporate Social Responsibility, 1168–73. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-28036-8_441.

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Shackel, Nicholas. « Freedom of Speech ». Dans Encyclopedia of Global Bioethics, 1–5. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-05544-2_201-1.

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Kyritsis, Dimitrios. « Freedom of Speech ». Dans Encyclopedia of the Philosophy of Law and Social Philosophy, 1–5. Dordrecht : Springer Netherlands, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-6730-0_693-1.

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Ryan, Mark. « Freedom of speech ». Dans Unlocking, 539–56. 4th edition. | Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series : Unlocking the law : Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315652610-18.

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Kanovitz, Jacqueline R., Jefferson L. Ingram et Christopher J. Devine. « Freedom of Speech ». Dans Constitutional Law for Criminal Justice, 43–92. 15th edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series : John C. Klotter justice administration legal series : Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429469886-2.

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Shackel, Nicholas. « Freedom of Speech ». Dans Encyclopedia of Global Bioethics, 1305–9. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-09483-0_201.

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Stefkovich, Jacqueline A., et William C. Frick. « Freedom of Speech ». Dans Best Interests of the Student, 73–92. 3^e éd. 3rd edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367816032-7.

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ten Have, Henk, et Maria do Céu Patrão Neves. « Freedom (of Speech) ». Dans Dictionary of Global Bioethics, 535. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54161-3_526.

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Graham, Paul, et John Hoffman. « Freedom of speech ». Dans Introduction to Political Theory, 115–32. 4^e éd. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429424106-10.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Freedom of speech – Ireland"

KAMAL, AHMAD. « MIGRATION AND FREEDOM OF SPEECH ». Dans International Seminar on Nuclear War and Planetary Emergencies 34th Session. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789812773890_0022.

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Thompson, A. Keith. « Freedom of Religion and Freedom of Speech – The United States, Australia and Singapore compared Freedom of Conscience and Freedom of Speech are Inseparably Connected ». Dans 6th Annual International Conference on Law, Regulations and Public Policy (LRPP 2017). Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-3809_lrpp17.7.

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Linyi, Cui. « The Freedom of Speech in Live Webcast ». Dans Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Economics, Management, Law and Education (EMLE 2018). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/emle-18.2018.158.

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Arimadona. « Freedom of Speech Backlash : Securitization Analysis of Indonesia Hate Speech Group ». Dans Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010274601580166.

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Assami, Sarah. « The debate between freedom speech and government protection ». Dans Qatar Foundation Annual Research Conference Proceedings. Hamad bin Khalifa University Press (HBKU Press), 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5339/qfarc.2018.ssahpd1040.

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« Research on Freedom of Speech Based on Jurisprudence ». Dans 2018 4th International Conference on Education, Management and Information Technology. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icemit.2018.156.

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Bobko, Aleksander. « Freedom of Speech—European Tradition and New Challenges ». Dans IS4SI 2021. Basel Switzerland : MDPI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/proceedings2022081133.

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Di Pietro, Roberto, et Gabriele Oligeri. « Freedom of speech : thwarting jammers via a probabilistic approach ». Dans WiSec'15 : 8th ACM Conference on Security & Privacy in Wireless and Mobile Networks. New York, NY, USA : ACM, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2766498.2766515.

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Iso, Ken-ichi. « A speech recognition model using internal degrees of freedom ». Dans 3rd International Conference on Spoken Language Processing (ICSLP 1994). ISCA : ISCA, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.21437/icslp.1994-405.

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Qiu, Lei, Rodney A. Kennedy et Terence Betlehem. « Spatial Degrees of Freedom of Correlated Multipath ». Dans 2007 IEEE International Conference on Acoustics, Speech and Signal Processing - ICASSP '07. IEEE, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icassp.2007.366371.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Freedom of speech – Ireland"

Redmond, Paul, Seamus McGuinness et Klavs Ciprikis. A universal basic income for Ireland : Lessons from the international literature. ESRI, décembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.26504/rs146.

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A universal basic income (UBI) is defined as a universal, unconditional cash payment that is made regularly, is sufficient to live on, is not means tested, carries no work requirements and is paid on an individual basis. This study examines the international evidence on universal basic incomes and identifies key issues for consideration in the design of any UBI pilot for Ireland. Despite the mainstream interest in UBI as a potential policy tool, relatively little is known about the associated consequences of such policies. Even the definition of a UBI appears to be poorly understood and is often misused in the public discourse. Several pilot studies have been recently implemented across different countries. However, some pilot studies depart from the accepted definition of UBI. For example, some are not universal, in that they only target a specific subgroup of the population and/or have eligibility restrictions based on earnings. Others provide a relatively low level of payment, which may fall short of what an individual could reasonably be expected to live on. There are a number of potentially positive impacts associated with a UBI. A universal, unconditional payment could eliminate the stigma associated with welfare receipt. If replacing existing welfare payments, a UBI would also involve lower transaction costs, both on the recipient (in terms of the application procedure) and on Government (in terms of administering the payment). Universal, unconditional payments would also avoid situations where people choose not to work in order to retain means-tested benefits. UBI could give individuals the freedom to turn down or leave insecure, exploitative or low-paid work in pursuit of better or improved work opportunities. In addition, it would mean that persons in informal and often unpaid work, such as childcare and eldercare, which is mostly done by women, receive some compensation for their labour. Empirical results from several pilot studies have found evidence of positive health impacts following the implementation of a UBI. In terms of potential disadvantages, a UBI, by definition, may not target those that are most in need, as a large percentage of recipients will be high-earning individuals. Furthermore, the cost of a UBI is likely to be very expensive, even if other existing benefits (such as unemployment benefits) are no longer required. The net impacts of a UBI on labour supply are unclear, with both positive and negative influences on labour market participation potentially arising as a consequence of a UBI. In this study, we undertake some basic calculations relating to four possible UBI approaches, all of which would involve an unconditional payment to every individual aged over 18 in Ireland.

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Iffat, Idris. Use of Online Space in Pakistan Targeting Women, Religious Minorities, Activists and Voices of Dissent. Institute of Development Studies, mars 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.071.

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There is ample evidence that online hate speech in Pakistan is directed against women, religious minorities, journalists, voices of dissent and activists. The targeting of many of these groups is an expansion online of the traditional hostility and abuse they face offline. However, the internet has made such abuse easier and online hate speech is growing as internet use rises in the country. Those responsible vary somewhat: women and religious minorities are typically targeted by religio-political parties and their followers, while journalists and activists are often targeted by government/the military. In all cases, online hate speech can have a serious offline impact, including physical violence, and restrictions on people’s freedom/ability to work/post online. This review, looking at online hate speech in Pakistan in relation to particular groups, draws largely on reports by think-tanks/NGOs as well as media articles and blogs. Relatively little academic literature was found on the subject, but grey literature was quite extensive, especially on certain religious minorities (Ahmadis) and women.

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Melnyk, Andriy. «INTELLECTUAL DARK WEB» AND PECULIARITIES OF PUBLIC DEBATE IN THE UNITED STATES. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, mars 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11113.

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The article focuses on the «Intellectual Dark Web», an informal group of scholars, publicists, and activists who openly opposed the identity politics, political correctness, and the dominance of leftist ideas in American intellectual life. The author examines the reasons for the emergence of this group, names the main representatives and finds that the existence of «dark intellectuals» is the evidence of important problems in US public discourse. The term «Intellectual Dark Web» was coined by businessman Eric Weinstein to describe those who openly opposed restrictions on freedom of speech by the state or certain groups on the grounds of avoiding discrimination and hate speech. Extensive discussion of the phenomenon of «dark intellectuals» began after the publication of Barry Weiss’s article «Meet the renegades from the «Intellectual Dark Web» in The New York Times in 2018. The author writes of «dark intellectuals» as an informal group of «rebellious thinkers, academic apostates, and media personalities» who felt isolated from traditional channels of communication and therefore built their own alternative platforms to discuss awkward topics that were often taboo in the mainstream media. One of the most prominent members of this group, Canadian clinical psychologist Jordan Peterson, publicly opposed the C-16 Act in September 2016, which the Canadian government aimed to implement initiatives that would prevent discrimination against transgender people. Peterson called it a direct interference with the right to freedom of speech and the introduction of state censorship. Other members of the group had a similar experience that their views were not accepted in the scientific or media sphere. The existence of the «Intellectual Dark Web» indicates the problem of political polarization and the reduction of the ability to find a compromise in the American intellectual sphere and in American society as a whole.

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Yatsymirska, Mariya. SOCIAL EXPRESSION IN MULTIMEDIA TEXTS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, février 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11072.

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The article investigates functional techniques of extralinguistic expression in multimedia texts; the effectiveness of figurative expressions as a reaction to modern events in Ukraine and their influence on the formation of public opinion is shown. Publications of journalists, broadcasts of media resonators, experts, public figures, politicians, readers are analyzed. The language of the media plays a key role in shaping the worldview of the young political elite in the first place. The essence of each statement is a focused thought that reacts to events in the world or in one’s own country. The most popular platform for mass information and social interaction is, first of all, network journalism, which is characterized by mobility and unlimited time and space. Authors have complete freedom to express their views in direct language, including their own word formation. Phonetic, lexical, phraseological and stylistic means of speech create expression of the text. A figurative word, a good aphorism or proverb, a paraphrased expression, etc. enhance the effectiveness of a multimedia text. This is especially important for headlines that simultaneously inform and influence the views of millions of readers. Given the wide range of issues raised by the Internet as a medium, research in this area is interdisciplinary. The science of information, combining language and social communication, is at the forefront of global interactions. The Internet is an effective source of knowledge and a forum for free thought. Nonlinear texts (hypertexts) – «branching texts or texts that perform actions on request», multimedia texts change the principles of information collection, storage and dissemination, involving billions of readers in the discussion of global issues. Mastering the word is not an easy task if the author of the publication is not well-read, is not deep in the topic, does not know the psychology of the audience for which he writes. Therefore, the study of media broadcasting is an important component of the professional training of future journalists. The functions of the language of the media require the authors to make the right statements and convincing arguments in the text. Journalism education is not only knowledge of imperative and dispositive norms, but also apodictic ones. In practice, this means that there are rules in media creativity that are based on logical necessity. Apodicticity is the first sign of impressive language on the platform of print or electronic media. Social expression is a combination of creative abilities and linguistic competencies that a journalist realizes in his activity. Creative self-expression is realized in a set of many important factors in the media: the choice of topic, convincing arguments, logical presentation of ideas and deep philological education. Linguistic art, in contrast to painting, music, sculpture, accumulates all visual, auditory, tactile and empathic sensations in a universal sign – the word. The choice of the word for the reproduction of sensory and semantic meanings, its competent use in the appropriate context distinguishes the journalist-intellectual from other participants in forums, round tables, analytical or entertainment programs. Expressive speech in the media is a product of the intellect (ability to think) of all those who write on socio-political or economic topics. In the same plane with him – intelligence (awareness, prudence), the first sign of which (according to Ivan Ogienko) is a good knowledge of the language. Intellectual language is an important means of organizing a journalistic text. It, on the one hand, logically conveys the author’s thoughts, and on the other – encourages the reader to reflect and comprehend what is read. The richness of language is accumulated through continuous self-education and interesting communication. Studies of social expression as an important factor influencing the formation of public consciousness should open up new facets of rational and emotional media broadcasting; to trace physical and psychological reactions to communicative mimicry in the media. Speech mimicry as one of the methods of disguise is increasingly becoming a dangerous factor in manipulating the media. Mimicry is an unprincipled adaptation to the surrounding social conditions; one of the most famous examples of an animal characterized by mimicry (change of protective color and shape) is a chameleon. In a figurative sense, chameleons are called adaptive journalists. Observations show that mimicry in politics is to some extent a kind of game that, like every game, is always conditional and artificial.

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Dmytrovskyi, Zenon. THE TEXTBOOK, THAT TEACHES AND BRINGS UP. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11414.

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The review is about textbook on television and radio communication for students, teachers of faculties and departments of journalism, as well as journalists-practitioners, prepared by the author’s team edited by Vasyl Lyzanchuk. Textbok absorbed some considerations and conclusions from previous theoretical developments, which found a new meaning here, deeper argumentation, supplemented by many interesting observations that correspond to the spirit of the time, the innovations that have appeared in recent years in the media space of Ukraine. The textbook has ten sections, each of which is designed to enrich the student with knowledge of television and radio communications, teach him or her all that a media professional should know and be able to apply it in practice. The titles of the sections indicate their practical orientation: «Basic methodical measures of functioning of information radio and television genres», «How we analyze, interpret, explain facts, events, phenomena», «Features of the creation of artistic programs on radio and television» and others. All sections of the textbook are meaningfully connected and constructed in such a way as to provide students with the opportunity to gradually, step by step to deepen their theoretical and practical knowledge of television and radio communications. This is undoubtedly the merit of the authors of the edition. The student will benefit from the numerous examples of television and radio materials prepared by the students themselves. Their creative work should convince that this work can serve as a stimulus for creative work for future journalists during their years of study. In addition to professional competence, as rightly emphasized in the textbook by Professor Vasyl Lyzanchuk, “It is very important to form in students, future journalists, socio-national competence, deep understanding of the essence of freedom of speech and responsibility for the content of the spoken word and image, to develop the belief that they are active participants in the Ukrainian state-building processes, and not intermediaries or repeaters of information”. It should be noted that the educational element is present throughout the textbook starting with the first chapter, historical (author Professor Ivan Krupskyi). While studying this textbook, students should realize that from the honor of journalists, their dignity, patriotism depends on the honor, authority, bright name of Ukraine, its future; that their assertion of Ukrainian national identity is the key to further prosperity of our state.

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