Thèses : « Freedom of religion – Turkey »

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Doganyilmaz, Didem. « How far religious freedom goes in a laic state : alevis of Turkey ». Doctoral thesis, Universitat Rovira i Virgili, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/403209.

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This study aims to analyze the necessities of Alevism as a belief and the limits of freedom that Alevis have had since the foundation of the Republic of Turkey to maintain and practice their cultural and religious components in between a laic state structure and traditionally Sunni Muslim society. It puts the debate on the limits of religious freedom of a certain group; this is to mention Alevis, in a laic state structure, which should aim to keep its distance to any religious identity with possession none of them on the center. The distinguishments aim to emphasize the place of Alevis in political history of the Republic of Turkey, which has been fulfilled with a concrete competition of two aforementioned identities, and to mention the difficulties that Alevis have faced with as a result of their officially unrecognized religious identity by none of the two identities and its consequent limitations. Keywords: Alevism, political history of Republic of Turkey, laicism, religion, political Islam
Este estudio tiene el objetivo de analizar las necesidades del alevismo como una creencia y los límites de la libertad que los alevís han tenido desde la fundación de la República de Turquía, al mantener y practicar sus componentes culturales y religiosos entre una estructura estatal laica y la sociedad tradicionalmente musulmana sunita. Pone el centro del debate en los límites de la libertad religiosa de un grupo determinado, los alevís, en una estructura del Estado laico, que debe tratar de mantener su distancia hacia cualquier identidad religiosa, sin optar por ninguna de ellas. Por lo tanto, las determinaciones tienen el objetivo de destacar el lugar de los alevís en la historia política de la República de Turquía y hablar de las dificultades a las que se han enfrentado los alevís, como consecuencia de su identidad religiosa no reconocida oficialmente por ninguno de las dos identidades y sus consecuentes limitaciones. Palabras clave: alevismo, la historia política de la República de Turquía, el laicismo, la religión, el Islam político

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Cin, Turgay. « Yunanistan'daki Müslüman Türk azınlığın din ve vicdan özgürlüğü başmüftülük ve müftülükler sorunu / ». Ankara : Seçkin, 2003. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/52311545.html.

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Originally presented as the author's Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ege Üniversitesi, İzmir, Turkey, 2002, under the title: Yunanistan'da Müslüman azınlık açısından din ve vicdan özgürlüğü.
Includes bibliographical references (p. [443]-454).

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Neff, Pamela S. « Freedom of Religion or Freedom from Religion ? The New Laicite in France ». Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1351638370.

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Ozcetin, Burak. « Democracy And Opposition In Turkey : Locating The Freedom Party ». Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605371/index.pdf.

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The main objective of this thesis is to examine the specific place of the Freedom Party (Hü
rriyet Partisi) in Turkish political history. Founded by a group of Democratic Party (Demokrat Parti) members who were expelled from the party in December 1956, the Freedom Party (1956-1958) is crucial for a proper understanding of evolution of the idea and practice of democracy in Turkey. Although mostly neglected by students of Turkish politics and labeled as an insignificant political party, this thesis argues that the Freedom Party is critical for understanding the 1950s and socioeconomic and legal-constitutional developments of the following decade. The thesis also pays a considerable attention to the Forum journal, which began to be published in 1954 by a group of liberal intellectuals and which guided the Freedom Party in ideological and political terms. It is the main argument of this thesis that the Freedom Party and Forum journal introduced a new understanding of politics and this understanding had profound effects in the following decades. The ideological transformation of the Republican People&rsquo
s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) after the second half of the 1950s and the role of HP in this process is another topic of the thesis.

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Burlando, Giannina L. « Suarez on soul, will, and freedom / ». The Ohio State University, 1994. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu148784889151255.

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Lee, Yu-Jung. « Human rights in China : freedom of religion and freedom of movement compared ». Thesis, University of Essex, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.423447.

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Kanakanian, Arminé. « The situation of freedom of expression - Turkey and the European Union ». Thesis, Örebro University, Department of Behavioural, Social and Legal Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-2300.

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Abstract

This study will shed light on the meaning of article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code and its

inconformity with fundamental principles of the European Union and fundamental human

rights. The trial of Nobel Prize winner, Mr Orhan Pamuk and the killing of Mr Hrant Dink in

January 2007 have both put focus on the notorious article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code.

The purpose of the study is to answer the main question; In what way does article 301 of the

Turkish Penal Code infringe the freedom of expression outlined in article 10 of the European

Convention on Human Rights and what should the European Union do about it?

The conclusion is that article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code infringes the right to freedom of

expression stated in article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It does

undermine the essence of the right by invoking a wide range of self-censorship, by its

ambiguous language and by the way it is applied. The restrictions are interpreted broadly and

leave nothing but an arbitrary article left to apply for the courts. The European Union holds

the power to influence Turkey and can therefore enforce an abolition of article 301 of the

Turkish Penal Code. Time will tell if Turkey will fully safeguard freedom of expression as it

is stated in article 10 of the European Convention of Human Rights and in the praxis of the

European Court of Human rights and the European Court of Justice.

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Aksu, Kenan. « Turkey-EU relations : beyond membership : army, religion, and energy ». Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2015. http://research.gold.ac.uk/16752/.

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This thesis examines the impact of Turkey-EU relations on Turkey's domestic political evolution in the 1990s and 2000s, with a focus on the evolution of the religious political parties, the changing position of the military and Turkey’s new energy politics. Although Turkey-EU relations resemble non-progressive affairs to many, in reality, they are as productive as any other relations that have resulted in the expected goal. Both Turkey and the EU made significant gains from this long lasting relationship. However, this thesis focuses more on the impact of these relations on Turkey. While engaging with the EU, Turkish domestic politics underwent a major evolution especially concerning the religiously motivated political parties; they were founded on anti-Western and pro-Islamic principles. However their attempt to come to power was continuously prevented by the secular forces, most importantly the army. In 2000s, realizing the importance of Europeanisation to help avoid the military’s intimidation, they became the real champions of Westernisation, contrary to their founding principles. Under Erdoğan’s leadership they started the accession negotiations with the EU. While Islamic political thinking was evolving, the position of the Turkish Armed Forces, who, directly or indirectly, drove Turkish politics since the 1960s, was also changing in favour of civilian control. Thanks to the EU initiated reform programs which were implemented by the religiously rooted JDP after 2002, the Turkish army’s heavy presence in civilian politics was reduced almost to zero. Again, close relations with the EU encouraged Turkey to become proactive within Eurasian energy politics. As well as the good relations with the West, Turkey also started utilizing its geostrategic positioning by trying to become the energy bridge, and perhaps energy hub, between the energy producers on its eastern borders with energy hungry Europe on its western borders.

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Temnenko, Zeyneb. « Religion in the Legal Systems of Turkey and Morocco ». Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/281842.

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Religion
M.A.
In this Master's thesis, I plan to compare the following aspects of religious life in Morocco and Turkey: - the way religion (Islam) is regulated on the official level, - the way religious secondary education functions (imam-hatip schools in Turkey and madrasahs in Morocco), - the way women's rights are regulated. I also plan to compare the religious legislation that the Moroccan and Turkish governments have passed. In my work, I will use both primary sources such as constitutions, laws and other legal documents in their original French and Turkish languages, and also secondary sources such as books and published reports. I argue that both Morocco and Turkey have lenient and flexible systems of laws that regulate religion, and both of these countries could serve as examples of efficient governmental regulation of the religious realm. Although Turkey has been a secular country since the demise of the Ottoman Empire in 1923, it has neither been an atheist country, nor has it ever adopted atheist policies. Turkish secularism, if it can be explained in a few words, does not only separate religion and state, it also restricts and provides freedom from religion, from certain Islamic symbols and practices in public sphere and state institutions. Turkish secularism does not prohibit practicing religion. It rather curtails the exterior symbols of religion. Morocco is a Muslim country with emerging secularist policies that are being undertaken on the official level. Moroccan King Mohammad VI tries to curb any beginnings of Islamic insurgence or radicalism. The King also tries to control the religious sphere and the meanings of religion. The Turkish government, on the other hand, tries not to associate itself with religion as it might cost it the loss of its secular and moderately religious electorate.
Temple University--Theses

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O'Brien, Morgan J. III. « Religious Pluralism in Mauritius and Turkey ». Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1183648967.

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Petty, John A. « Securing soul freedom as a Baptist distinctive cultivating appreciation and preservation of soul freedom in the local church / ». Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2003. http://www.tren.com.

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Elmas, Balancar Esra. « Sacralisation of Politics in Turkey : Kurdish Case ». Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0008.

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Bien qu’il y ait un motif important d’être «un manque de leadership» qui viendrait sauver la nation kurde dans l’histoire kurde (au moins au cours des cent dernières années) et dans la mémoire collective kurde, cet archétype culturel ou Les phénomènes de leadership n'ont pas été autant analysés dans les études kurdes contemporaines. Cette thèse examine le culte de la personnalité autour d’Abdullah Öcalan, fondateur du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK), parmi les Kurdes de la Turquie contemporaine. La thèse comprend ce culte dans le cadre d'un mouvement plus large vers la sacralisation de la politique et le considère comme un phénomène qui fonctionne non seulement dans le cas kurde, mais qui se situe dans une histoire plus large et universelle de la laïcisation et de la construction d'un État moderne. La thèse a pour objectif de montrer comment le culte sacré autour d'Öcalan doit également être analysé dans le contexte de l'édification de la nation turque, et en particulier en ce qui concerne la manière dont Atatürk a été élevé à un statut sacré dans ce contexte. La thèse conceptualise le culte de la personnalité autour d'Öcalan non pas comme une exception orientaliste, moyen-orientale ou kurde, mais cherche à l'analyser à travers la théorie politique en tant que symptôme des tendances plus larges de la politique moderne. En ce sens, une analyse du statut sacré d'Öcalan parmi ses fidèles suggère des idées qui vont au-delà des seuls intérêts des études kurdes, en mettant en lumière les mécanismes par lesquels le pouvoir politique moderne opère
This study attempts to understand Abdullah Öcalan, Turkey’s most significant modern cult of personality next to that of Ataturk in the 21st century, within the framework of Turkey’s Kurds’ perception of him. Basing its arguments on the results of field research, it has endeavored to discuss the sacralization of politics, positively or negatively, in its changing forms through the person of Öcalan. In doing so, it prioritizes the viewpoints of ordinary people and therefore, tries to understand the sacralization of politics not just as a top-down process, imposed by manipulative authoritarian or totalitarian leaders and endured by the masses but also as a field of power and sovereignty that is formed bottom-up, collecting new and different meanings than intended, and taking on new functions in the process.Although the motive of “lack of leadership/ having a head” has been attributed as a historical problem/debate among Kurds in the last century, in the current Kurdish studies literature, there is lack of research on the phenomenon of leadership. However, Öcalan as one of the most significant leaders in the recent Kurdish history and being called as the indisputable leader of the current hegemonic Kurdish movement in Turkey has been studied mainly as part of the works which focus on Kurdish nationalism or the PKK and he has not himself been the sole subject of an academic study. More importantly there is no academic work in terms of place, meaning and function of Öcalan figure as a modern sacred in the diversified lives and imaginations of todays’ Turkey’s Kurds. This study is a first in terms of focusing on Öcalan figure and provides a plural repertoire regarding Öcalan perception of Turkey’s Kurds

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Kilic, Kutbettin. « Ethnicity, Religion and Political Behavior| The Kurdish Issue in Turkey ». Thesis, Indiana University, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13423446.

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This study is an examination of how ethnicity and religion affect political behavior of Kurds of Turkey. Despite the presence of some predisposing factors (violent conflict, high ethnic polarization, and significant population size), a substantial portion of Kurds prefer non-ethnic political parties (specifically the ruling Islamist party, the Justice and Development Party) to the pro-Kurdish political parties that have struggled for certain ethnic political and cultural rights. This dissertation systematically and comparatively investigates the ethnicity-based demands (political and cultural) and ethnic identity perceptions of the Kurds who subscribe to either ethnic or non-ethnic political parties. To this end, I have developed a model based on a significant conceptual distinction, derived from the relevant literature, between ethnic category and ethnic group. I demonstrate that membership in the Kurdish ethnic category does not necessarily imply membership in the Kurdish ethnic groups constructed and led by Kurdish political entrepreneurs. More specifically, my argument in this study is two-fold: First, while Kurds generally support ethnic cultural demands, they differ significantly in terms of their political demands. That is, while the overwhelming majority of those who support the pro-Kurdish political parties constitute the Kurdish ethnic groups by sharing the political demands raised by their ethnic entrepreneurs, the majority of those who support non-ethnic political parties do not support these political demands. Second, I argue that there are two forms of Kurdish ethnic identity perception in relation to Islam: secular and non-secular/religious. The Kurds who support the pro-Kurdish political parties as ethnic political groups are more likely to adopt a secular form of Kurdish identity that has been constructed and promoted by the Kurdish political elites, while those Kurds who support the ruling Islamist party (JDP/AKP) are more likely to display a non-secular form of Kurdish identity.

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Ozden, Emrullah. « Institutions, preferences and inequality in Turkey (2002-2009) ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/12865.

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Rising income inequality across the world has received attention since the 1980s and it has followed the same pattern in the last decade (OECD, 2008). This has shifted interest to two important questions: what determines the rising income inequality and how can it be addressed? Much of this analysis focused on income distribution and the determinants of income distribution. However, there was also an increased interest in the microeconomic determinants of income inequality, particularly in relation to its level or changes, and an increased interest in the study of public policies regarding income inequality and individual preferences towards such policies. This dissertation will focus on the openness of the economy and the feasibility of redistribution, two important factors determining income inequality in Turkey, in chapters 2 and 3 respectively. Using Fields’s (2003) approach to inequality decomposition, chapter 2 explores the potential role of openness and different characteristics of individuals on changes in income inequality in Turkey between 2002 and 2009. We find evidence that the openness of the economy (measured as ratio of total trade to gross domestic product (GDP) and foreign direct investment (FDI) stock level) has a positive effect on the falling income inequality and is also an important determinant of the level of income inequality in the same period. Another important finding in this chapter is that productivity differences (gender, age and social status) are also significant factors in the falling/rising income inequality. Chapter 3 focuses on the effect of religion on preferences towards redistribution in Turkey, a predominantly Muslim democracy. We analyse the relation between redistribution preferences and its determinants through a mixture model, based on the assumption that there is important heterogeneity in the preferences and its determinants, including religion. In this chapter, we find that higher level of religiosity is associated with higher level of support for income redistribution through state intervention in the economy. Another significant result, consistent with our finding on the relation between religiosity level and redistribution preferences, is that secular individuals and those who place themselves in the Left are more likely to be more supportive of income redistribution. We also find that specific characteristics of individuals (age, education and skill level) are significant determinants of preferences towards redistribution.

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Jurgens, Hishaam. « Investigating the conflict between freedom of religion and Freedom of expression under the South African constitution ». Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4099.

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Magister Legum - LLM
This mini-thesis is based on the presumption that the Danish cartoons and the anti-Muslim clip posted on YouTube as forms of expression, ridiculed the religious beliefs and practices of Muslims which in turn affected the exercise of religious freedom as it violated the dignity of the bearers of the right to freedom of religion and therefore a conflict between the right to freedom of religion and freedom of expression exists. The above incidence of conflict between the right to freedom of religion and freedom of expression involves infringing the freedom of religion of the Islamic community. Blasphemy in Islam is speech that is insulting to God, but during the course of Muslim history it has become increasingly linked with insult to the Prophet Muhammad. In Islam the depiction of the Prophet Muhammad in any way is strictly forbidden and is considered blasphemous.

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Cunningham, Heather. « The Great Awakening and religious freedom ». Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2002. http://etd.wvu.edu/templates/showETD.cfm?recnum=2606.

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Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 2002.
Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains iii, 100 p. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 98-100).

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Gunn, Torri Kenneth. « Defining Religion with Chinese Characters : Interrogating the Criticism of the Freedom of Religion in China ». Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/19878.

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This thesis seeks to explore the points of dissonance and resonance around the understanding and deployment of the term 'religion' between Human Rights Watch, and the government of the People's Republic of China. In doing this, it is highlighted that a fundamental disjunction exists in the meaning of, and the boundaries of, the word 'religion' between these two groups. The space that this difference creates makes discussions on religion and religious freedom between these two groups extremely problematic, primarily because Human Rights Watch seeks to protect the right to religious freedom of groups and individuals that the Chinese government does not consider ‘religion’, but that Human Rights Watch demands they should. This thesis addresses the question of the role of social and cultural relativism in the defining, and the subsequent role in defending, of the term and contents of 'religion'.

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Neoh, Weng Fei Joshua. « Law, love and freedom ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/285411.

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How does one lead a life of law, love and freedom? This inquiry has very deep roots in the Judeo-Christian tradition. Indeed, the divergent answers to this inquiry mark the transition from Judeo to Christian. This dissertation returns to those roots to trace the routes that these ideas have taken as they move from the sacred to the secular. The argument of this dissertation is threefold. First, it argues that the concepts of law, love and freedom are each internally polarized. Each concept contains, within itself, conflicting values. Paul's equivocation in his letters is a striking manifestation of this internal polarization. Second, it argues that, while values are many, my life is one. Hence, one needs to combine the plurality of values within a singular life. Values find their coherence within a form of life. There are, at least, two ways of leading a life of law, love and freedom: monastic versus antinomian. Third, it argues that the Reformation transformed these religious ideals into political ideologies. The monastic ideal is politically manifested as constitutionalism, and the antinomian ideal is politically manifested as anarchism. There are, at least, two ways of creating a polity of law, love and freedom: constitutional versus anarchic. To mount the threefold argument, the dissertation deploys a whole range of disciplinary tools. The dissertation draws on analytic jurisprudence in its analysis of law; ethics and aesthetics in its analysis of love; political philosophy in its analysis of freedom; biblical scholarship in its interpretation of Paul; the history of ideas in its study of the formation and transformation of these ideas; and moral philosophy in concluding how one could lead a life of law, love and freedom.

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Anderson, Rachel. « Freedom, Agency and Optimism : A Feminist Case Study on Girls' Education in Southeastern Turkey ». Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1469064909.

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Christie, David Osborne. « Bible and sword : the Cameronian contribution to freedom of religion ». Thesis, Link to the online version, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1077.

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Scolnicov, Anat. « Freedom of religion or belief : group right or individual right ? » Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1925/.

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Freedom of religious and belief is a recognized right in international law. In order to understand, interpret, develop and implement this right, it is important to go back and analyse the fundamental reasoning behind this right. Freedom of religion and belief is a contradictory right: a freedom for self-constraint. It is a double-sided right, a right of expression and a right of identity, two aspects related to individual and group perceptions of this right. Therefore, this right must be understood through a conflict between competing conceptions of individual and group rights. International law should protect the religious freedoms of individuals, and should protect groups only as derivative from the rights of individuals, and never in contravention of them, and generally does so. Current tendencies towards recognising group rights raise concerns, highlighting the importance of this determination. The conceptual analysis of the right serves as a critical tool for discussion of specific conflicts of rights regarding religious freedom, in different area of legal regulation. Different state constitutional structures concerning religion have important implications for analysis of the group/individual conflict. A categorization of constitutional arrangements shows that each presents problems for guaranteeing religious freedom. The constitutional analysis shows religions have public characteristics, and so must abide by human rights norms. The recognition of group rights compromises state neutrality, central to liberal theory. Whatever their constitutional arrangement, states must allow participation in religious communities while protecting individual rights. Particular conflicts are analysed: A conflict between group and individual rights exists between community religious autonomy and women's rights. While international law has been decisive in mandating supremacy of individual rights in this conflict, it has not addressed some of the root causes undermining women's individual rights. Children's religious freedom, in conflict between state, religious group, family, and child, has not always been amply protected in international law, due to absence of differentiation between group and individual interests. Lastly, use of speech by individuals directed against, or in conflict with, religious groups, such as blasphemy, proselytism or hate speech, is addressed. Discussion of these conflicts examines difficulties created, and shows that although some states, based on their respective histories, religions, and cultures, protect the group over the individual, ultimately only an individualistic approach of international law is a coherent way of protecting religious freedom as a human right.

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Taylor, Paul M. « Freedom of religion : a critique of universal and European standards ». Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.421493.

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Kiviorg, Merilin. « Freedom of religion or belief : the quest for religious autonomy ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6c5916d8-d69d-4f2d-91e5-a5586f8abd4b.

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In this thesis it is argued that while the concept of freedom of religion or belief itself is opaque and difficult to define, the right to religious freedom must contain certain basic factors – most importantly the right to individual (religious) autonomy. The individual autonomy approach is seen here as providing the necessary rationale for the protection of freedom of religion or belief. This rationale is not cemented in stone in the practice of the Convention and this has caused the Court to lose its focus on individual freedom. It is a dangerous tendency. It allows the focus to be placed on the role of the State and leaves freedom of religion or belief to be heavily affected by politics and fluctuating social attitudes. In this regard, this thesis looks for the meaning and scope of individual and collective religious autonomy and how it is and ought to be represented in the practice of the European Court of Human Rights. It is the aim of the author to contribute to a clearer and more principled understanding of Article 9 of the ECHR. The right to individual autonomy is thought to be able to provide the necessary focus for the European Court of Human Rights in creating a more robust framework for the protection of freedom of religion or belief different from current Court practice which shows inconsistency in its reasoning and theoretical chaos. This lack of clarity has also contributed to freedom of religion or belief being a relatively weak right. It is explored here as to how the principle of autonomy (as developed in this thesis) relates to other principles provided by the Court, namely the principle of State neutrality, pluralism and the effective protection of rights, but also the margin of appreciation and the autonomy of religious communities. The individual autonomy centred theoretical framework in the first part of the thesis will be engaged to analyse the conflict in the triangle of state-individual-community explored in the second part.

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Kenning, Douglas W. « A failed religion : necessity and freedom in the Romantic poets ». Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/19007.

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Çiçek, Cuma. « Interaction of nation, religion and class : building Kurdish consensus in Turkey ». Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0010.

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Dans cette recherche, on analyse la question à savoir « comment les trois principaux types de groupes kurdes -nationale, religieuse et économique- coopèrent pour établir un consensus sur un objectif commun : une région politique kurde en Turquie ». En suivant la théorie du constructivisme, le modèle des Trois I, la sociologie de l'organisation et de la sociologie de l'action collective sont articulé pour examiner l'action collective kurde, qui est constamment reconstruite dans un contexte historiquement construit, qui est aussi constamment reconstruit par les dynamiques aux niveaux nationaux, transnationaux (géopolitiques), européens et mondiaux. Quant à la tâche empirique, on examine les conflits, les négociations, la coopération et le consensus de ces trois groupes kurdes sur la question kurde et l'influence des cinq dynamiques structurants mentionnés ci-dessus. La principale méthode utilisée dans ma recherche est l'analyse qualitative des entretiens en profondeur. Au niveau conclusion théorique, la recherche fait remarquable contribution aux théories et approches concernant les identités collectives et les groupes (étant groupe) collectives, l'État, le modèle des « Trois I », la dépendance au sentier, la géopolitique de la question kurde et l'européanisation. Au niveau empirique, la principale conclusion de l'étude est le fait que les groupes kurdes n’ont pas atteint de construire une organisation commune et des règles collectivement acceptées jusqu'ici. Les idées, les intérêts et les institutions des groupes ne sont pas équivalents ; et les intérêts particuliers des groupes ont pesé sur l'action collective dans la région kurde
In this research, I analyzed the question of “the three main types of Kurdish groups -national, religious and economic- cooperate to establish a consensus on a common purpose: a Kurdish political region in Turkey.” Following the theory of constructivism, the Three I model, the sociology of organization and the sociology of collective action are articulated to examine the Kurdish collective action, which the is constantly re-constructed in historically constructed context, which is also constantly re-constructed by dynamics at national, trans-national (geopolitical), European and global levels. As to the empirical task, I examined the conflicts, negotiations, cooperation and consensus of these three Kurdish groups regarding the Kurdish issue(s) and the influence of the above-mentioned five structuring dynamics. The principal method used in my research is the qualitative analysis of in-depth interviews. At the level of theoretical conclusion, the research makes remarkable contribution to the theories and approaches concerning the collective identities and groups(ness), the state, the “Three I” model, path dependency, the geopolitics of the Kurdish issue, and Europeanization. At the empirical level, the main conclusion of the research is the fact that the Kurdish groups have not achieved to build a common organization and accepted rules so far. The groups’ ideas, interests and institutions are not equivalent and the groups’ distinctive interests have weighed on the collective action in the Kurdish region

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Gilbert, Howard J. « The right to freedom of belief : a conceptual framework ». Thesis, University of Essex, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.327069.

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Desmarais, Gabrielle. « Religion Drag : The Relevance of “Critical Religion” and Queer Theory to Canadian Law and Religious Freedom ». Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/30438.

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This dissertation analyses the use of the word “religion” in Canadian law and theorises the consequences of its use for the legal protection of religious movements in Canada. Chapter One establishes the problems of the word “religion” in academic discourse by providing an overview of work in the field of critical religion. This dissertation considers whether the critiques of the term “religion” by scholars working within critical religion are equally relevant when considering the role of religion in human rights law. Chapter Two turns an investigative eye toward Canadian case law using the word “religion”, from Chaput v Romain (1959) to Alberta v Hutterian Brethren of Wilson Colony (2009). The analysis highlights how the use of “religion” in Canadian law does indeed reflect academic concerns. Chapter Three uses queer theory to speculate the consequences of an unstable concept of religion for the protection of religious freedom, especially as it pertains to new religious movements. Judith Butler’s notions of performativity and drag are applied to theorise the performance of “religion” and its outcomes. Some suggestions for how to proceed conclude the dissertation.

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Aykota, Cansu. « Painting the steps : a socio-legal analysis of the freedom of the press in Turkey ». Thesis, Brunel University, 2016. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/13657.

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Over recent years, censorship of the press in Turkey has been under international scrutiny, having been examined on the basis of recent political developments such as the Justice and Development Party’s democratisation promises with the incentive of the EU accession process and the role of the press in Turkey’s democratisation. This research aims to widen the terms of reference by providing a unifying framework for the problems posed by political, historical, and legal agents to press freedom, and analysing their interrelation throughout the history of modern Turkey. It seeks to identify the hindrances encountered by the press, which has its roots in the deep-seated State ideology and institutional framework that prioritises state security over individual rights and freedoms. This thesis therefore sets forth the inextricable link between the political history of Turkey and the current application of the law, and presents an in-depth analysis of Turkish political history in relation to press freedom, legal scholarship, and case-law as evidence to demonstrate this. The analysis of the obstacles to establishing stronger legal protection for the press that would not be affected by political change, is based on doctrinal and socio-legal analysis that investigates the flaws in the Turkish Constitution, Turkish Penal Code and Turkish Anti-Terror Law and questions the judicial approach to the implementation of the right to free expression of the press. The thesis specifies the loopholes in Turkish legislation that allow insufficient legal protection for freedom of the press and the inefficiency of the judiciary to realise the press’s right to free expression. The thesis recommends practical amendments to clarify broadly drawn legal provisions. A reduction in judicial bureaucracy to eliminate political influences on the judiciary. Judicial training for the internalisation of the right to free expression of the press as a human right . All of which would help overcome institutional hindrances based on the perception of a critical press as a threat to state security and national interest.

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Akrawi, Yousor. « Conditional Freedom : Identifying How Orientalism Informs Structural and Cultural Violence Towards Muslim Women in Turkey ». Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22710.

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This thesis aims to point out the ways in which Muslim women who wear the headscarf are subject to cultural and structural violence, and to discuss how that violence is informed by Orientalism. The study answers the following question: How does Orientalism inform structural and cultural violence against the wearing of the headscarf by Muslim women in Turkey? The theoretical framework applied to this study explores Johan Galtung’s different forms of violence: structural and cultural violence. The study also explores Edward Said’s ideas on Orientalism. In order to investigate the two aims of this study, interviews are conducted with five Turkish Muslim women who wear the headscarf. Moreover, Section E of the Turkish Constitutional Court Ruling regarding the headscarf ban in 1989 is analysed. This is done in order to examine the discourse related to modernisation, secularity and religion, as well as to identify structural and cultural violence, and how it may be informed by an Orientalist perspective. As a methodology, this study adopts a discourse analysis framework to gain a deeper understanding of the data.The findings indicate that there is structural and cultural violence towards Muslim women who wear the headscarf, through both institutional and individual parties. Through the discourse of the participants and Section E of the Turkish Constitutional Court Ruling, these findings show that Orientalist attitude is an underlying factor in these forms of violence.

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Grundemark, Matilda, et Natalie Lidén. « National Security, State of Emergency and Restrictions on Freedom of Expression : The example of Turkey ». Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-76520.

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Demirci, E. Y. « Modernisation, religion and politics in Turkey : the case of the Iskenderpasa community ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.498395.

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Wan, William Kok-Tang. « The impact of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms on religious freedom ». Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5720.

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Taliaferro, B. Dale. « A study of Christian liberty including a suggested curriculum for teaching the study in a local church ». Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1996. http://www.tren.com.

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Kuru, Ahmet T. « Dynamics of secularism : state-religion relations in the United States, France, and Turkey / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10720.

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Evans, Carolyn. « Freedom of religion or belief under the European Convention of Human Rights ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313453.

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Dalzell, Victoria Marie. « Freedom, Margins and Music| Musical Discourses of Tharu Ethnicity in Nepal ». Thesis, University of California, Riverside, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3731835.

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The Tharu are reportedly the fourth largest minority group in Nepal. Yet despite their numerical strength, their social experience in modern Nepal largely consists of marginalization. A culturally and linguistically diverse people indigenous to the flat, southern Terai region of Nepal, the Tharu have claimed an ethnic group identity in the past sixty years in light of their shared geographic location and state exploitation, as well as the rise of ethnic politics in Nepal. I examine how performance practices and musical experiences are central to the Tharu’s group identity formation. First, I examine how the Tharu combat their social exploitation largely through musical means. I focus on the role of sociomusical practices in community ritual, its transformation through folkloricization, and extension as tools for activism. The cultural significance of these practices shift as the Tharu come into contact not only with Nepal’s changing political, social and economic scenes, but also paradigms of global indigenism and human rights. However, even as a marginalized people, the Tharu have their own internal politics. Second, I examine how musical practices are locations for productive friction within Tharu communities. Musical performances constitute intense community negotiation and contestation concerning Tharu womanhood and religious identity, and are places where the Tharu produce situated knowledge about development and modernity. While not ignoring political, historical, and global frameworks, my focus on sociomusical practices brings attention to how an ethnic identity is generated and embodied on a local level.

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Johnson, James Benson II. « Academic freedom and the Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary experience, 1979-1989 ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539618388.

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As fundamentalist-conservatives pressed their agenda in Southern Baptist Convention life, and, in particular, as they assumed a majority on the board of trustees of Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary in Wake Forest, North Carolina, the academic freedom of the Southeastern faculty became an issue. Concerns enunciated by Robert M. MacIver (1955) provide reference points in responding to the inquiry: "Was the academic freedom of the faculty violated at Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary?" While a prologue and epilogue are offered, the study parameters of the Southeastern Seminary experience are 1979 to 1989. The study concludes that academic freedom was compromised in this case. The following areas were identified: the ability of the faculty to investigate in their fields, draw conclusions, and share their knowledge and skills with freedom; the censorship of the faculty as a collect, as well as some individual members; indirect curbs to faculty mobility; the manipulation of tenure and status conditions of the faculty to insure conformity to religious principles; and, institutional policies and procedures which impinged on academic freedom.

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Sarfati, Yusuf. « The Rise of Religious Parties in Israel and Turkey : A Comparative Study ». Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=osu1244742003.

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Aelion, David Maurice. « Freedom of religion : a case study of the Church of Lukumí Babalú Ayé v. City of Hialeah ». FIU Digital Commons, 2010. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1105.

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This thesis attempted to explain society's worldview of Santeria and its practice of animal sacrifice, and the breakdown between the federal and local government after a 1993 Supreme Court ruling affirming their right to engage in this sacred ritual. Santeria practitioners are harassed and prosecuted for exercising their right to practice animal sacrifice. The research was intended to present the cosmology of the Lukumi tradition, the intellectual framework explored, a review of Freedom of Religion and the case of Lukumi v. Hialeah, and finally the media's role in shaping the worldview of Santeria that have perpetuated this breakdown. The thesis consisted of 87 research items, a community survey, interviews, a Santeria divination, and review of case law, books,newspaper and online journals. These findings demonstrated that freedom of religion is not so free in the U.S., and exists only to the extent the media and municipal laws choose to allow.

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Lenaghan, Patricia Michelle. « The right to freedom of religion in the public domain in South Africa ». Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2010. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_9062_1363775015.

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Within the context of South Africa&lsquo
s diverging religious, cultural and social backgrounds, new questions on the nature of a multicultural society are raised from the perspective of human rights.
The universality and indivisibility of human rights are challenged by this diversity and consequently implies that standards, concepts and structures for implementation have to be reconsidered.
International and national standards are being (re)interpreted and attention is not only focused on the contents of the norms but on the limitations imposed thereupon. The debate on whether limits should be set in permitting or accommodating cultural or religious pluralism is becoming extremely relevant. The manner in which these questions are responded to
is even more prominent in the light of our history of apartheid which has disregarded respect for religious and cultural diversity. In the scope of this research emphasis will be placed on the
right to freedom of religion and in particular the limitation of the right to religion in an attempt to balance conflicting rights and accommodates religious diversity. The right to freedom of religion
albeit constitutionally entrenched is subject to reasonable and justifiable limitations. However, no clear guidelines have been formulated on the criteria for limiting the right to freedom of
religion. The main aim of this research is to find guiding criteria to facilitate the imposition of limitations on the right to freedom of religion. The limitations of the right to freedom of religion are
interrelated with the following research questions: Firstly, the definition afforded to the right to freedom of religion in accordance with national and international standards
secondly, the relationship between culture and religion and any interconnection that exists between these rights. This is followed by the influence of the particular value framework or normative commitments
f the judiciary on the interpretation of the right to religion, as well as the relationship between the state and religion. The above issues will be researched both on a national and
an international level. The aim is to conduct research that will build on an appreciation of the guidelines that should be employed in ensuring the protection of the right to freedom of religion. To this end comparisons will be drawn with other legal
systems, which on the one hand acknowledge the protection of the right to freedom of religion and on the other hand have to find ways in which the right can be balanced in the event of conflict. It is envisaged that the research of the criteria imposed on the limitation of the right to religion both on a national and an international level will assist in suggesting criteria that will influence
scholarly debate on the topic. In addition that this debate will allow for the formulation of a transformative approach within the South African context that sanctions the celebration of diversity in all
its aspects and in particular the right to freedom of religion.

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Bundzen, Anna, et Maria Jakobsson. « Religion at Work : The freedom to practice and manifest your religion at a workplace according to article 9 ECHR ». Thesis, Örebro University, School of Law, Psychology and Social Work, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-9093.

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Wilcox, Graham James. « Freedom and authority in Church and society : Maude Dominica Petre 1863-1942 ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/805/.

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Maude Petre is a somewhat neglected figure mentioned today chiefly in regard to her association with the Catholic Modernist, George Tyrrell. The aim of the thesis will be to strive to retrieve her from this neglect by showing that she was a significant figure in her own right with a substantial body of published work. Attention will be given in particular to her writings in the later years of her life in which little interest has hitherto been shown. The thesis will endeavour to trace her main ideas as expressed in her published works and see how they developed over the course of her long life. The issue of authority and liberty in Church and society will be highlighted as one of the dominant themes of her writing. Her life and thought will be placed in the context of her age and its many changes both in Church and society and her writings will be related to the events of her own life as recorded in her own diaries. An attempt will be made in conclusion to evaluate the wider significance of her life and thought.

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Gunes, Tacettin. « The Relationship Between Religiosity And Crime : A Case Study On University Students In Turkey ». Phd thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/418368/index.pdf.

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This is a study on social control functions of religion through analyzing the relationship between religiosity and crime. It aims to examine the relationship between religiosity and crime by examining the &
#8216
social control functions&
#8217
of religion on formal and informal social control mechanisms that constitute main crime prevention factors of societies. As a set of values, religion has a social control function that constitutes a pressure to make members of a religion behave in accordance with the rules of that religion. By examining the extent of the correspondence between these religious rules and other social and formal rules we can see how religiosity could be a part of the social control mechanism, since religiosity means behaving according to religious rules. Religion, religiosity, formal and informal control mechanisms, the effects of religion on these mechanisms, crime, reasons of crime, crime prevention functions of religion for individuals, and effects of religiosity on crime commitments est. have been examined under the title of the relationship between religiosity and crime. Thus this study aims to find out social control functions of religion on crime through examining all these concepts and other related items by gathering data from 435 university students from Turkey.

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Fokas, Efterpe Spiro. « The role of religion in national-EU relations : the cases of Greece and Turkey ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/904/.

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This thesis examines the role of religion in national-EU relations. The focus is on how EU membership (or potential membership) may affect nations of a particular religious background in a particular way and, furthermore, whether religious difference affects national-EU relations in a particular way. The study is based on an internal perspective to two countries-Greece and Turkey-whose religious traditions stand outside a 'core' of religious traditions within the European Union (that is, Roman Catholicism and Protestantism). On the basis of these two cases I argue that neither religion per se (as theology or doctrine), nor the prevalence of a particular faith are definitive factors in national-EU relations. Rather, it is mainly in the domain of institutional interests of the `church' vis-ä-vis the 'state', that we find religion influencing national-EU relations. These institutional interests are, in turn, shaped by the relationship between religion and national identity in each case, and the relationship between 'church' and 'state'. The differences in these relationships in the cases of Greece and Turkey yield vast differences in the way 'religion' affects national-EU relations. This thesis examines the role of religion in national-EU relations. The focus is on how EU membership (or potential membership) may affect nations of a particular religious background in a particular way and, furthermore, whether religious difference affects national-EU relations in a particular way. The study is based on an internal perspective to two countries-Greece and Turkey-whose religious traditions stand outside a 'core' of religious traditions within the European Union (that is, Roman Catholicism and Protestantism). On the basis of these two cases I argue that neither religion per se (as theology or doctrine), nor the prevalence of a particular faith are definitive factors in national-EU relations. Rather, it is mainly in the domain of institutional interests of the 'church' vis-ä-vis the 'state', that we find religion influencing national-EU relations. These institutional interests are, in turn, shaped by the relationship between religion and national identity in each case, and the relationship between 'church' and 'state'. The differences in these relationships in the cases of Greece and Turkey yield vast differences in the way 'religion' affects national-EU relations. As background information to the interview research, secondary sources are used to explain the relationship between religion and national identity, and between 'church' and 'state' in each case.

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Malcolm-Woods, Rachel Matthews Donald Henry Dunbar Burton L. « Igbo talking signs in antebellum Virginia religion, ancestors, and the aesthetics of freedom / ». Diss., UMK access, 2005.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Dept. of Art and Art History and Dept. of History. University of Missouri--Kansas City, 2005.
"A dissertation in art history and history." Advisors: Donald Matthews and Burton Dunbar. Typescript. Vita. Title from "catalog record" of the print edition Description based on contents viewed June 26, 2006. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 263-283). Online version of the print edition.

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Ramsay, Zara. « The politics of emptiness : religion, nonviolence and sacrifice in the Tibetan Freedom Movement ». Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2015. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-politics-of-emptiness(058910d1-e389-455a-8015-96b2260d0b22).html.

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This thesis has two categories of contribution, the first of which is theoretical, while the latter may be considered practical or applied. The thesis makes theoretical contributions both to nonviolence theory and to the field of Girardian studies. With regard to the former, the thesis challenges entrenched categorisation methods within nonviolence research that risk homogenising the movements under study. In demonstrating how Girardian theory can provide one additional analytical angle from which to view and understand nonviolent movements, it is argued that our analyses of these movements needs to be broadened still further. The thesis also contributes to Girardian theory directly by challenging its most problematic element: Girard’s insistence on the primacy of Christianity. By bringing Girard’s ideas into conversation with Tibetan Buddhist philosophy, this particular aspect of his thought is challenged, thereby making the rest of his corpus more accessible (and more acceptable) to a multicultural audience. Additionally, while Girard himself has very little to say about how his own style of nonviolent ideals might actually be pursued in the contemporary world, this thesis offers an original example of how his goals have been realised in a real-life political (and non-Christian) situation: the Tibetan freedom movement. Thus, the thesis aims to expand the range of Girard’s applicability by thinking about how his ideas could inform our understandings of contemporary political activity for Tibet. Further to this, the applied aim of this thesis is to illuminate the internal dynamics of the Tibetan freedom movement. Although this movement has a strong collective identity, I seek to reveal internal disparities that may be preventing it from achieving positive results. My research in McLeod Ganj, a Tibetan refugee settlement in northern India, shows that members of the refugee population generally have strong opinions about what constitute acceptable nonviolent methods in their freedom movement, and believe that these are in confluence with the philosophy of the Dalai Lama, their traditional temporal and spiritual leader. However, through the application of Rene Girard’s analytical perspective, this thesis reveals a fundamental (and generally unrecognised) variation between the understandings of the public and the Dalai Lama with regard to nonviolence as practiced.

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Guy, Robert L. Holsinger M. Paul. « Religious expression in public education ». Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p3006619.

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Thesis (D.A.)--Illinois State University, 2001.
Title from title page screen, viewed April 25, 2006. Dissertation Committee: M. Paul Holsinger (chair), Moody Simms, John Freed. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 161-167) and abstract. Also available in print.

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Başıbüyük, Oğuzhan. « Social (Dis)organization and Terror related Crimes in Turkey ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9796/.

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The primary focus of this study is to explore the relationship between structural factors of a specific society and occurrence of terror related crimes. Accordingly, the objective of this study is to examine how or to what extent social disorganization theory, which is the basic theoretical foundation of this study, can explain terrorism related crimes in Turkey. Although several previous studies investigated the social and structural dimensions of terrorism in a country, many of those studies did not go beyond investigating the impacts of traditional structural factors such as poverty, inequality, and education on terrorism. This study goes a step further by adding the mediating factors between those primary social disorganization variables and terror related crimes. Direct, indirect and, total effects of structural variables on terrorism through the mediating variables, that is prevalence of voluntary associations and religious institutions, are examined. Findings obtained from multivariate and mediation analyses show that while some structural variables such as education and poverty are directly related to distribution of terror related crimes, this relationship became indirect through the mediating variables for other structural variables such as residential mobility and unemployment. Results suggest that rather than overreliance on traditional antiterrorism strategies which are mostly depending on the public level control such as law enforcement process, programs supported by other levels of social control, that is, parochial and private levels must be encouraged.

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Gökçe, Perin. « TheRise of Religious Nationalism in Turkey and India : The Power of Organization ». Thesis, Boston College, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108921.

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Thesis advisor: Jonathan Laurence
What explains the rise of religious nationalism in established and ostensibly secular democracies? The resurgence of religion in the public sphere has transformed the political landscape of dozens of countries over the last half century, including authoritarian and democratic regimes and developed and developing states. This dissertation seeks to explain how and why religious nationalists came to power in two large democracies in the developing world, Turkey and India, despite the unwavering commitment of those countries’ modern founders to secularism. In both cases, religious nationalists struggled for decades to unseat entrenched political parties and win national elections. They were often persecuted, banned and jailed for their political activism. However, by the 1990s, they began to challenge their secular opponents and win power. Based on in-depth interviews with political elites and activists from the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey and the Bharata Janata Party (BJP) in India, I argue that party activists in both countries were able to build tightly controlled, hierarchical political organizations that benefited from the dense networks of religious associations. Crucially, they used these networks to create a robust local presence and active, year-round grassroots organizations and develop what I refer to as “personalistic membership parties.” This new party type, I argue, is different from both elite (cadre) and mass parties, and explains the continuing electoral achievements and political resilience of the BJP and the AKP even in the face of numerous crises. In addition, I explore how secular actors instrumentalized religion for their own electoral purposes and, in doing so, counter-intuitively strengthened the religious movements they sought to oppose. More broadly, the comparison of India and Turkey helps to illuminate the problems and future of the secular state in the non-Western world, as both countries are now governed by right-wing populist, religious majoritarianism that challenges the secular nature of the state and its democratic character
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2020
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science

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Bailess, Shelley Dawn. « "An asylum to the persecuted and oppressed of every nation and religion" dissenters and liberals in the drive for religious freedom in Virginia / ». Lynchburg, Va. : Liberty University, 2010. http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu.

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