Articles de revues : « France – International relations – Israel »

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Heimann, Gadi. « From Friendship to Patronage : France–Israel Relations, 1958–1967 ». Diplomacy & ; Statecraft 21, n^o 2 (22 juin 2010) : 240–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2010.482472.

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Kotsur, G. « Emotions and International Relations ». International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 19, n^o 3 (2021) : 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.3.66.2.

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This article is the part of the recent emotional turn when the scholars of social science are paying more attention to the study of collective emotions in international affairs. The former dominance of the biological and essentialist paradigms in this field were replaced by a number of culture-centered approaches based on social constructivism, which were elaborated within two pioneering disciplines – anthropology of emotions and history of emotions. The influence of such a scientific revolution included the key axis of the common – unique with an emphasis on the latter. The IR has been also affected by an emotional turn when the field of constructivist emotional studies had been established in the early 2000s. The object of this work is the transnational structural common – collective emotional patterns that have recurrent nature and emerge beyond state borders. This part of reality has not been conceptualized by scholars. Therefore, the aim of the article is to fill an epistemological vacuum and outline the ways for conceptualization of transnational structural common. It is IR that seem to be the most suitable field to do this. The empirical case of the crisis response after terrorist attacks are analyzed as the example of the transnational structural common. This case is explored by the author through the framework of "emotion culture" by S. Koschut in combination with the concept of "emotives" by W. Reddy. Speeches by the leaders of Israel, the United States, Russia, India and France after six terrorist attacks from 1972 to 2015 allow to identify an integrated tripartite emotional structure, which is observed in each of the cases. This structure includes an emotive of pity; compensatory structure with the emotives of fighting fear through reciprocal determination; finally, an emotive of solidarity. This discursive structure functions in a stable way because the emotional code connects the type of event (terrorist attack) with the cultural script (tripartite structure). Finally, some approaches in sociological institutionalism would enrich future studies of emotion culture.

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Haas, Melinda, et Keren Yarhi-Milo. « To Disclose or Deceive ? Sharing Secret Information between Aligned States ». International Security 45, n^o 3 (janvier 2021) : 122–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00402.

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Why do aligned states sometimes disclose secret information about their miitary plans to use force, whereas other times they choose to deceive their partners? The state initiating these plans may choose among four information-sharing strategies: collusion, compartmentalization, concealment, and lying. Three main considerations shape its decision: the state's assessment of whether it needs its partner's capabilities to succeed at the military mission, the state's perception of whether the partner will be willing to support the state in the requested role, and the state's anticipated deception costs for not fully informing its partner state. Several cases illustrate how these strategies are chosen: Israel, Britain, and France's decision to use force against Egypt during the Suez Crisis (collusion between France and Israel, and concealment vis-à-vis the United States); Israel's 2007 bombing of Syria's al Kibar reactor (compartmentalization); and Israel's deliberations whether to attack Iran's nuclear reactor (lying). These strategies have implications for intra-alliance restraint and contribute to understanding deception and secrecy between allies.

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Blarel, Nicolas, et Jayita Sarkar. « Substate Organizations as Foreign Policy Agents : New Evidence and Theory from India, Israel, and France ». Foreign Policy Analysis 15, n^o 3 (24 décembre 2018) : 413–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/ory009.

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Arbatov, A. « Is Transition to Multilateral Nuclear Disarmament Possible ? » World Economy and International Relations, n^o 3 (2013) : 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-3-13-18.

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The article treats political, military and strategic aspects of disarmament process, in particular the involvement of nations other than USA and Russia. The author briefly analyses the positions of the European nations (United Kingdom and France), China, India and Pakistan on the issue. Also, the article covers the approaches of the informal and non-recognized nuclear states (North Korea and Israel).

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Camus, Jean-Yves. « La France, Israël et les juifs français ». Revue internationale et stratégique 77, n^o 1 (2010) : 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ris.077.0151.

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Gill, Amandeep Singh. « Artificial Intelligence and International Security : The Long View ». Ethics & ; International Affairs 33, n^o 02 (2019) : 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000145.

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AbstractHow will emerging autonomous and intelligent systems affect the international landscape of power and coercion two decades from now? Will the world see a new set of artificial intelligence (AI) hegemons just as it saw a handful of nuclear powers for most of the twentieth century? Will autonomous weapon systems make conflict more likely or will states find ways to control proliferation and build deterrence, as they have done (fitfully) with nuclear weapons? And importantly, will multilateral forums find ways to engage the technology holders, states as well as industry, in norm setting and other forms of controlling the competition? The answers to these questions lie not only in the scope and spread of military applications of AI technologies but also in how pervasive their civilian applications will be. Just as civil nuclear energy and peaceful uses of outer space have cut into and often shaped discussions on nuclear weapons and missiles, the burgeoning uses of AI in consumer products and services, health, education, and public infrastructure will shape views on norm setting and arms control. New mechanisms for trust and confidence-building measures might be needed not only between China and the United States—the top competitors in comprehensive national strength today—but also among a larger group of AI players, including Canada, France, Germany, India, Israel, Japan, Russia, South Korea, and the United Kingdom.

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Dadalko, V. A., Ya G. Sud'bina et S. V. Dadalko. « The issues of international cooperation of Russia in countering the economic crime ». National Interests : Priorities and Security 16, n^o 7 (16 juillet 2020) : 1264–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/ni.16.7.1264.

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Subject. We analyze the aspects of Russia's cooperation with other countries in countering the economic crime. Objectives. The article analyzes methods and goals of Russia's cooperation with other countries, dealing with general issues and aspects coordinated by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, Federal Security Service, Federal Customs Service and Federal Service for Financial Monitoring. Methods. The study is based on the economic analysis, methods of classification and modeling, deduction and synthesis. Results. We studied what various international relations organizations of Russia do in countering the economic crime. We unveil some aspects of such a cooperation, i.e. legal attache, international treaties, common security council, communications, international compliance. Russia was found to cooperate most actively with Austria, Belarus, Belgium, Cyprus, Latvia, France, the USA, Spain, Germany, Kazakhstan, Palestine, Israel, Azerbaijan and Armenia. Conclusions and Relevance. States need the international cooperation and its advancement to effectively counteract with the economic crime. It is especially important as the transnational crime proliferates. However, the international cooperation is impossible if institutional, legal and regulatory aspects are not refined. The article suggests what should be dine to make the cooperation more effective.

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Gardner Feldman, Lily. « The Principle and Practice of ‘Reconciliation’ in German Foreign Policy : Relations with France, Israel, Poland and the Czech Republic ». International Affairs 75, n^o 2 (avril 1999) : 333–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2346.00075.

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Quandt, William B., et Ian S. Lustick. « Unsettled States, Disputed Lands : Britain and Ireland, France and Algeria, Israel and the West Bank-Gaza ». Foreign Affairs 73, n^o 2 (1994) : 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045984.

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Safran, William. « Language, Ideology, and State-Building : A Comparison of Policies in France, Israel, and the Soviet Union ». International Political Science Review 13, n^o 4 (octobre 1992) : 397–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251219201300404.

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Van Puyvelde, Damien, James J. Wirtz, Jean-Vincent Holeindre, Benjamin Oudet, Uri Bar-Joseph, Ken Kotani, Florina Cristiana Matei et Antonio M. Díaz Fernández. « Comparing National Approaches to the Study of Intelligence ». International Studies Perspectives 21, n^o 3 (3 février 2020) : 298–337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekz031.

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Abstract This forum compares and contrasts national experiences in the development of intelligence studies from the perspective of seven countries: France, Japan, Israel, Romania, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The discussion is structured around a comparative framework that emphasizes five core dimensions that, we posit, are essential to the emergence of this subfield: access to relevant government information, institutionalization of research on intelligence and security in a higher education setting, periodic scientific meetings and networks, teaching and learning opportunities, and engagement between researchers and practitioners. The forum demonstrates how researchers working in different contexts and disciplines have overcome similar challenges to broaden our understanding of secret government practices.

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Kumaraswamy, P. R. « The Jews ». International Studies 55, n^o 2 (avril 2018) : 146–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881718768345.

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‘ Palestine belongs to the Arabs in the same sense that England belongs to the English or France to the French.’ This remark made in November 1938 has been the most widely statement of Mahatma Gandhi on foreign policy, especially on Israel, Palestine and wider Middle East/West Asia. This was seen as the epitome of Gandhi’s ‘consistent’ opposition to the formation of a Jewish national home in Palestine. However, a closer reading of the article published in the 26 November issue of Harijan presents a more complex picture and depicts Gandhi’s unfamiliarity with Judaism and his limited understanding of Zionism. Furthermore, while demanding Jewish non-violence even against Hitler, he was accommodative of Arab violence in Palestine.

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DE KEIZER, MADELON. « Focus : History and memory Introduction ». European Review 11, n^o 4 (octobre 2003) : 519–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798703000462.

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The story goes that in the 1980s and 1990s no publisher in Paris was prepared to issue a historical study that did not have the word ‘memory’ in the title. Identity, a congener of memory, was equally popular in the same period. One of the experts in the field, John Gillis, claimed that identity has become no more than a cliché and that memory has lost a lot of its precision, but both terms have remained key concepts. ‘The core meaning of any individual or group identity, namely, a sense of sameness over time and space, is sustained by remembering; and what is remembered is defined by the assumed identity’. Memories and identities are anything but certain facts; they are `representations or constructions of reality, subjective rather than objective phenomena. […] “Memory work” is, like any kind of physical or mental labor, embedded in complex class, gender and power relations that determine what is remembered (or forgotten), by whom, and for what end”.It has been suggested that the demise of the vainglorious future-orientated ideologies in the late 1980s brought about a shift in focus towards the past. However that may be, the wave of interest in memory did receive an enormous impulse from one of the most controversial studies in this field, the seven-volume series Les Lieux de Mémoire (1984–1992), published under the direction of the French historian Pierre Nora. In the last volume he argued that France had gradually disappeared as a ‘memory nation’; the national memory had been supplanted by a series of lieux de mémoire and the conflicting social identities that this entailed. La France, according to Nora, had entered the ‘era of commemoration’ as Les Frances as a result of what he called a ‘democratization of the commemorative spirit’.The relation between national identity and collective memory is highlighted by the many commemorative events organised in the 1980s and 1990s. In 1980, the French, British and Brazilian governments had a Year of National Heritage, while in Israel a ‘memory industry’ specially devoted to the Holocaust got under way.

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Bauer, Alain. « Entre prudence et dignité : débattre du conflit Israël-Palestine en France ». Revue internationale et stratégique 58, n^o 2 (2005) : 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ris.058.0067.

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Kornilov, Alexander Alekseevich, et Alexandra Ilyinichna Afonshina. « Gaullism and Neogaullism : Foreign Policy Continuity and Dynamics in France ». Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, n^o 2 (15 décembre 2019) : 256–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-2-256-263.

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Article describes the main priorities and objectives of foreign policy of Gaullism and neogaullism, trying to underline those elements that remain untouched during the decades and those that have been transformed due to the changes on the international arena. Besides, the authors focus on the notion of “grandeur” that was extensively used by the general de Gaulle, and estimate the direct influence of this concept on the French foreign policy. The main foreign policy priorities of Charles de Gaulle include independent foreign policy, status quo change in the bipolar world and great power status regain. Foreign policy priorities of neogaullists, Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy, haven’t been changed so far, but the ways of achieving goals are different now. Both presidents have been trying to develop the EU integration, even through strengthening the supranational institutions, and develop the integration with NATO (Sarkozy even returned France to the military structures of NATO). France, led by neogaullists, also conducted an active policy in the Mediterranean, cooperating not only with traditional partners (Arab states) but making attempts to restore relations with Israel. Sarkozy launched the idea of the Mediterranean Union that had the aim to strengthen the influence of France in the region, boost cooperation with Mediterranean countries and solve the numerous problems that all of them were facing. But this idea wasn’t realized as it was supposed to. In general, neogaullists follow the main principles of Charles de Gaulle, also responding to the current challenges. It’s worth mentioning that the authors analyze the foreign policy of French presidents holistically from the point of view of neogaullism, trying to evaluate the level of continuity during the decades and conclude whether the provisions of Gaullism are relevant for France in the 21st century.

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Hafez, Ziad. « The Israeli–Lebanese war of 2006 : consequences for Lebanon ». Contemporary Arab Affairs 1, n^o 2 (1 avril 2008) : 187–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910801951748.

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This article focuses on the political narrative in Lebanon before and after the Israeli war against Lebanon in 2006. It revolves around the subject of national unity as a sine qua non condition for success for the Lebanese resistance led by Hezbollah. A major consequence of the narrative on national unity is the need to build a modern state and establish a cohesive defence policy. The paper also examines the impact of the war on Lebanon's economy and on its relations with the rest of the world (the USA, France, Syria, Arab countries, and Iran).

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Dill, Janina, Scott D. Sagan et Benjamin A. Valentino. « Kettles of Hawks : Public Opinion on the Nuclear Taboo and Noncombatant Immunity in the United States, United Kingdom, France, and Israel ». Security Studies 31, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2022) : 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09636412.2022.2038663.

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Sandle, Luke. « Book Review : Jacques Berlinerblau, Sarah Fainberg and Aurora Nou (eds), Secularism on the Edge : Rethinking Church-State Relations in the United States, France and Israel ». Political Studies Review 15, n^o 2 (2 février 2017) : 292. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929916687779.

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Freedman, Lawrence D., Gil Merom et Efraim Inbar. « How Democracies Lose Small Wars : State, Society, and the Failures of France in Algeria, Israel in Lebanon, and the United States in Vietnam ». Foreign Affairs 83, n^o 2 (2004) : 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033924.

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Vetoshkina, E. D. « Holocaust Denial : Social Conditionality and Comparative Analysis of Criminal Law Prohibition ». Lex Russica, n^o 11 (15 novembre 2020) : 129–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2020.168.11.129-138.

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From the second half of the 20th century the revisionist movement has spread among scientists, public and political figures. Publicists and scientists are known for criticizing the testimonies of concentration camp prisoners and their executioners, as well as denying the possibility of mass extermination of prisoners in terms of the technical capabilities of gas chambers.Attempts to reinterpret historical events often border on extremism and pose a threat to national security, leading to a significant deterioration in international relations. At the international level, a number of acts have been adopted indicating that the Holocaust is a fact established by the verdict of the Nuremberg Tribunal, and calling on states to reject any denial of the Holocaust. International organizations that oppose attempts to rewrite history include the Council of Europe, the United Nations, and UNESCO.At the national level, responsibility for denying and justifying the Holocaust has been established in a number of states. The first group includes states that are responsible for denying and approving the Holocaust and other crimes committed by the Nazis (Germany, France, Austria, Israel). The second group includes states that equated Nazi crimes in their legislation with crimes of communism (Hungary, Czech Republic, Lithuania). The third group consists of states that prohibit the denial and justification of any genocide (Switzerland, Luxembourg). Some states (for example, the United States) refused to introduce such bans, citing freedom of speech and belief.In 2014, the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation introduced article 354.1 "Rehabilitation of Nazism", which sets forth responsibility for denying the facts established by the Nuremberg Tribunal verdict. At the same time, the legislator should not selectively approach the protection of historical events. It would be fair to criminalize the denial of genocide and other international crimes recognized by the international community, regardless of any criteria relating to the perpetrators.

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Crook, John R. « The 2003 Judicial Activity of the International Court of Justice ». American Journal of International Law 98, n^o 2 (avril 2004) : 309–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3176732.

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The International Court of Justice again completed a substantial program of work during 2003, with old and new cases involving the United States figuring prominendy. In a decision that will find Hide favor in official Washington, the Court dismissed Iran's 1992 Oil Platforms case against the United States, but in doing so firmly rejected U.S. positions regarding the scope of self-defense. Libya withdrew its venerable Lockerbie cases against the United States and the United Kingdom, in parallel with its acceptance of responsibility for the Lockerbie bombing and the final lifting of UN sanctions. And Mexico sued the United States, claiming failures of consular notification for fifty-four Mexican nationals sentenced to death in U.S. proceedings, the third such ICJ case against the United States.In other significant developments, the General Assembly in December asked die Court for an urgent advisory opinion on die legal consequences of the Israeli construction of a wall in occupied Palestinian territory. Malaysia and Singapore brought a new territorial dispute by special agreement; France consented to jurisdiction over a suit by the Republic of the Congo; and the Court rejected requests by Yugoslavia and El Salvador to revise earlier judgments. Finally, the Court elected Judge Shijiuyong of China as its president and Judge Raymond Ranjeva as vice president.

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Schreier, Joshua. « A Jewish Riot against Muslims : The Polemics of History in Late Colonial Algeria ». Comparative Studies in Society and History 58, n^o 3 (juillet 2016) : 746–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417516000347.

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AbstractOn Rosh Hashanah, 1961, six months before the conclusion of the Evian accords promised independence for Algeria, riots broke out in the city of Oran. Surprisingly to many, the aggressors were overwhelmingly Jews, while those injured or killed were largely Muslims. The events—widely covered in the media but since forgotten—were a product of Oran's particular social chemistry, but were also shaped by far wider set of debates about a chasm that was growing between Jews and Arabs in France, Algeria, and the wider Arab world. This article focuses on responses to these riots, especially how they drew on polemical renderings of a shared Muslim-Jewish history. I make two interrelated arguments based on printed matter of the period, French government archives, and memoirs. First, Algerian Jewish observers and pro-FLN nationalist writers, groups that only rarely agreed on the question of Algerian independence, both recalled that the two groups' shared a largely harmonious history. They vehemently disagreed, however, on what this shared, harmonious history meant in terms of political obligations. The article's second argument is that the Israel-Palestine conflict helped sour relations between Jews and Muslims in Algeria, as well as historical renderings of these relations, during the Algerian War of Independence. Specifically, the question of Palestine frequently appeared as a reference when interpreting the riots. Together, the two arguments demonstrate how international issues helped occlude the particular, local stories and belongingness of Algerians, while they defined the future, religio-ethnic contours of the Algerian nation.

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Dudaiti, Albert K. « The problem of Middle East settlement in the policy of the leading member states of the European Union in the context of the Iraq and Lebanon crises (2003-2008) ». Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, n^o 474 (2022) : 178–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/474/20.

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The article analyzes the Middle East policy of the leading EU member states in the period of the Iraqi and Lebanese crises. The author notes that the war in Iraq caused disagreements between France and Germany and the United States, but in general it did not affect the high level of relations between these countries. The Iraqi crisis contributed to increased tensions in the Middle East. In order to resume Palestinian-Israeli negotiations, a Quartet of international mediators (the United States, the UN, the EU, and Russia) was created, which introduced a “road map” for settlement. But soon there emerged differences in the Quartet on its separate points. They increased because of the actions of Israel on the implementation of the “unilateral disengagement” plan. During the war in Lebanon, the EU member states called for the introduction of UN peacekeepers into the country. The US authorities did not agree with this and proposed to introduce a NATO peacekeeping contingent in Lebanon. In turn, France did not support the American plan, considering it unproductive. The Lebanese crisis revealed differences between France and the United States, preserved since the beginning of the war in Iraq. Within the framework of the EU Middle East strategy, the principles of European policy were developed, among which priority was given to assistance in the establishment of a Palestinian state and assistance to Palestinians in the transition period. The EU launched a plan for the reconstruction and development of the Palestinian state, the Future for Palestine, which would provide financial assistance to the Palestinian government, upbringing and educational measures for Palestinian youth, psychological assistance to victims of the Second Palestinian Intifada, etc. After the victory in the presidential election, the new US administration appealed to the conflicting parties to resume negotiations. New moments in the US approach to the Middle East settlement were met with approval in the European Union. Aware at the same time that the initiative right to the Middle East settlement still belongs to the United States, the leading EU member states had difficulty in putting forward their settlement plan, so they were limited to supporting the American program. After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, in New York and Washington, the influence of political Islam in the Arab world increased markedly, to which the US authorities did not react properly. On the contrary, they sought to thoroughly reconstruct the “Greater Middle East” on the basis of Western democracy. The complex and contradictory nature of the processes developing in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as the threat of the US military force against Iran, testified to this. In this difficult situation, issues related to the promotion of the Middle East peace process became even more urgent. The article concludes that the Quartet of international mediators should have made efforts to reach a comprehensive agreement as soon as possible, opening the way to peace in the Middle East.

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Bishku, Michael B. « Morocco and Sub-Saharan Africa : In the Shadow of the Western Sahara Dispute ». Contemporary Review of the Middle East 8, n^o 3 (31 mai 2021) : 273–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23477989211017568.

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During much of the past several decades, Moroccan actions in Western Sahara have impacted on that country’s bilateral and multilateral ties, especially with other countries in Africa, though to a lesser degree in the Arab world. In recent years, Morocco has gained the upper hand in its conflict in Western Sahara and has been increasing its political and economic footprint on the continent of Africa, an area of interest since independence. At the same time, Morocco has regarded itself as a “gateway” to Africa for the USA and Europe, while the USA, France (and the Gulf states) have provided military and financial assistance as well as diplomatic support for Morocco as that country’s policies have served Western interests. While attention is given by academics in recent years to the involvement in Africa of other middle powers from the Middle East such as Turkey, Iran and Saudi Arabia and, in the past, of Nasser’s Egypt and Qaddafi’s Libya, as well as Israel, Morocco has not stirred the same sort of interest. This article seeks to address that issue by examining all political and economic factors that have influenced Moroccan policy toward Sub-Saharan Africa, those both connected and unconnected with the issue of the Western Sahara dispute.

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Ross, Marc Howard. « God's People : Covenant and Land in South Africa, Israel, and Ulster. By Donald Harman Akenson. Ithaca : Cornell University Press, 1992. 404p. $29.95. - Unsettled States, Disputed Lands : Britain and Ireland, France and Algeria, Israel and the West Bank-Gaza. By Ian S. Lustick. Ithaca : Cornell University Press, 1993. 576p. $37.50. » American Political Science Review 88, n^o 4 (décembre 1994) : 1014–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082756.

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CRISTIANI, Dario. « Mediterranean Troubles and European Security : at the Regional Roots of the Barcelona Process ». Journal of European Integration History 28, n^o 2 (2022) : 335–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2022-2-335.

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28 November 2020 marked 25 years since the European Union (EU) launched the so-called Barcelona Process. What was known as the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) is, to date, the most ambitious attempt launched by the EU to cope with the challenges emanating from its Southern neighbourhood. This article aims to shed light on the Mediterranean dynamics at play in the years before the formal launch of the EMP, and consider them the crucial drivers in pushing the EC/EU to promote a more comprehensive approach to the Mediterranean. Developments in Europe, notably the German reunification, clearly played a significant role in pushing countries such as Spain, France and Italy to promote a more significant European role in the Mediterranean to partially rebalance the impact of a united Germany. However, in this work, it is argued that security problems arising from the Maghreb and a number of structural changes in the Arab Israeli confrontation created the actual momentum for the establishment of the EMP. The primary focus is thus on those regional dynamics that pushed the EU to adopt a new and more comprehensive Mediterranean policy, at least in its intentions.

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Vilcu, Alexandra. « Tendencies of High-Skilled Migration coming from Romania. Favourable Legislation and Social Policies ». European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 1, n^o 1 (1 mai 2014) : 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v1i1.p65-69.

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The external migration of a significant part of Romania's high-skilled population is a social phenomenon which became increasingly frequent starting from the 1990s, right after the fall of the communist regime. The basis for this phenomenon consists of several causes: globalization, the strengthening of international economic relations, and later on, Romania's adhesion to the European Union. Research has shown that of all high-skilled population, the professionals who emigrate more frequently consist of engineers, teachers, medical staff, scientific researchers, economists and architects. Besides, the chosen destinations have been variable throughout time. The first phase in time took place in the 1990s, when a large part of the high-skilled population chose to emigrate for professional purposes in countries such as The United States of America, Canada, Germany or Israel. The second important phase occurred after year 2000, when the focus was placed on EU countries, especially after Romania's integration. Apart from temporary unqualified migration, the number of high-skilled migrants and those who leave the country to continue their studies also soared. The chosen countries generally include Great Britain, Germany, Belgium, France and Austria. Given these differences in the tendencies of high-skilled migration, this paper will offer an insight on how the phenomenon evolved, and the factors that caused these variations in space and time. Most likely, some of the countries that were preferred have been facilitating the integration of high-skilled immigrants in society, as opposed to unqualified ones, through a selective set of laws and social policies which are meant to favour this social category. Therefore, we will discover and analyze various examples and benefits of legislation and social policies which offered social protection to high-skilledimmigrants in various countries. This paper is made and published under the aegis of the Research Institute for Quality of Life, Romanian Academy, as part of the programme co-funded by the European Union within the Operational Sectorial Programme for Human Resources Development, through the Project for Pluri and Interdisciplinarity in doctoral and post-doctoral programmes. Project code: POSDRU/159/1.5/S/141086

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Stivachtis, Yannis A. « A Mediterranean Region ? Regional Security Complex Theory Revisited ». Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, n^o 3 (20 septembre 2021) : 416–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-3-416-428.

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This article argues that the shift from the bipolar structure of the Cold War international system to a more polycentric power structure at the system level has increased the significance of regional relations and has consequently enhanced the importance of the study of regionalism. It makes a case for a Mediterranean region and examines various efforts aimed at defining what constitutes a region. In so doing, it investigates whether the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) can be utilized to define a Mediterranean region and argues that the patters of amity and enmity among Mediterranean states are necessary but not sufficient to identify such a region. It suggests that economic, energy, environmental, and other factors, such as migration and refugee flows should be taken into consideration in order to define the Mediterranean region. It also claims that the Mediterranean security complex includes three sub-complexes. The first is an eastern Mediterranean sub-complex that revolves mainly - albeit not exclusively - around three conflicts: the Greek-Turkish conflict, the Syrian conflict, and the Israeli-Palestinian/Arab conflict. The second is a central Mediterranean sub-complex that includes Italy, Libya, Albania and Malta and which revolves mainly around migration with Italy playing a dominant role due to its historical ties to both Libya and Albania. The third is a western Mediterranean security sub-complex that includes France, Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, Spain and Portugal. This sub-complex it centered around France, the migration question and its associated threats, such as terrorism, radicalism, and human trafficking. In conclusion, it is concluded that the Mediterranean security complex is very dynamic as there are states (i.e. Turkey) that seem eager and capable of challenging the status quo thereby contributing to the process of the complexs internal transformation.

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ياسين, أ. م. د. عمار حميد. « Article The problem of nuclear proliferation and its impact on the formula of strategic balance in the Middle East after the events of September 11, 2001 ». مجلة العلوم السياسية, n^o 55 (20 février 2019) : 37–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.30907/jj.v0i55.13.

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The issue of nuclear proliferation is one of the most vital issues as it reflects a form of dealing in the field of international relations. Therefore, the Middle East region has taken great interest in reducing the levels of nuclear armament and acquiring nuclear power within the strategic framework of the international and regional powers. The establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East region is currently one of the most important international and regional arrangements for controlling the levels of nuclear proliferation and attempting to build a state of stability and balance. In the Middle East and the world. The importance of the research comes from the fact that it deals with an important and vital issue: the issue of nuclear proliferation and its implications for the equation of the strategic balance in the Middle East after the events of September 11, 2001, which gained great importance in the post-cold war era. And to achieve some kind of stability and balance within the framework of the international and regional environment, especially in the Middle East, which has increased the importance of efforts in this regard the proliferation of nuclear weapons to new countries, it is possible to obtain nuclear technology by enhancing levels The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction has become one of the most important facts for the post-Cold War era. At a time when only five countries possessed nuclear weapons (the United States, Russia, China, France and Britain) , As well as the possibility of other countries such as India, Pakistan and Israel, which suggests that the post-Cold War era has seen a widening of the circle of States possessing or manufacturing such weapons (Pakistan, North Korea and Iran) The emergence of regional tensions as in the case of William Middle East. Thus, the issue of non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction has become a central issue in the context of the post-Cold War American strategy, especially after the events of September 11, 2001, as a result of the convictions that there is an interrelationship between the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the global fight against terrorism. In keeping with this, the research started from the premise that the continuity of the Middle East countries in seeking to acquire nuclear capabilities is in itself an essential brake or determinant of the establishment of a zone free of weapons of mass destruction, as well as the lack of guarantees to establish security among countries The Middle East, which is reflected negatively on the regional and international security approaches to the Middle East, and of course lead to the adoption of their respective security policies against each other within the framework of the growing levels of nuclear weapons to achieve some kind of balance towards the nuclear capabilities of each of these countries And then more nuclear armament policies in the region, as a result can not promote positive security perceptions that are based on the employment of enablers of smart power, which is reflected negatively on the strategic balance in the territory of the Middle East equation. Keywords: nuclear proliferation, the Middle East, strategic balance, the events of September 11, 2001, regional and international security, doctrine of preemptive war, preemptive war, nuclear deterrence, strategic perception, terrorism, nuclear power Nuclear proliferation.

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Canzian, Federico, Katia Beider, Gabriele Buda, Felipe de Arriba de la Fuente, Marek Dudzinski, Charles Dumontet, Ramon Garcia-Sanz et al. « The International Multiple Myeloma Research (IMMEnSE) Consortium : Genetics of Multiple Myeloma Risk and Prognosis ». Blood 124, n^o 21 (6 décembre 2014) : 3421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood.v124.21.3421.3421.

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Abstract We established the IMMEnSE (International Multiple Myeloma rESEarch) consortium, to increase our understanding of the genetic determinants of multiple myeloma (MM) risk, response to therapy and survival. At present we have DNA samples of over 3200 MM cases and 3000 healthy controls from 10 countries, mainly in Europe. For the majority of the cases clinical data on known prognostic factors, therapy outcome and survival have been also collected. We already performed several association studies in the context of the IMMEnSE consortium. In particular, associations were found between MM risk and SNPs in the ABCB1 gene, which encodes for an efflux pump that has a key role in protecting cells from chemical damage (rs10264990: odds ratio (OR) =0.79, 95% confidence interval (CI) 0.68-0.91; p=0.001, and rs17327442: OR=1.99; 95%CI 1.32-3.02; p=0.001). We also investigated the 8q24 region, which has been shown to harbor multiple loci of susceptibility to various cancers, and found an association between a SNP mapping in this region and MM risk (rs2456449: OR=1.37; 95%CI 1.12-1.68; p=0.0022). In addition, IMMEnSE cases and controls were also genotyped for three MM risk SNPs from the first genome-wide association study (GWAS), and the association of two of them (rs4487645 on chromosome 7p15.3 and rs6746082 on chromosome 2p23.3) was confirmed. Finally, SNPs of key telomere-related genes were genotyped and telomere length was measured in MM cases and controls, and a pleiotropic and functional variant of the TERT gene was found to be associated with reduced MM risk (rs2242652: OR=0.81; 95%CI 0.72-0.92; p=0.001). A suggestive association between longer telomeres and increased MM risk was also found (ptrend=0.01). We will study new SNPs emerging as promising candidates from ongoing GWAS on MM risk and survival, as well as SNPs of key genes involved in the pathogenesis of MM. Finally, we plan to study methylation status of key genes involved in MM etiology, and mitochondrial copy number. The role of all these factors will be investigated in relation to MM risk and prognosis. Collection of samples and data of MM cases and controls is ongoing, as well as of subjects with monoclonal gammopathy of undetermined significance (MGUS). Table 1. MM cases and healthy controls collected in the IMMEnSE consortium Country Cases Median age(5th-95th percentile) Controls Median age(5th-95th percentile) Control type Italy 232 63 (46-78) 237 59 (42-76) General population Poland 1,286 63 (42-82) 200 68 (43-79) Blood donors Spain 322 64 (46-82) 1,131 66 (43-84) Hospitalized subjects France 642 57 (37-68) 191 48 (18-63) Blood donors Portugal 70 68 (45-82) 100 58 (53-79) Blood donors Hungary 148 68 (34-90) 105 74 (55-87) Hospitalized subjects Denmark 348 56 (43-65) 1,000 63 (52-73) Blood donors Israel 109 60 (41-77) 95 - Blood donors Canada 62 58 (42-70) - - - Japan 51 66 (47-84) - - - Total 3,270 63 (37-84) 3,059 63 (18-92) Figure 1 Centers involved in IMMEnSE Figure 1. Centers involved in IMMEnSE Disclosures No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.

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Kovacek-Stanic, Gordana. « Biomedically assisted reproduction and child birth : Surrogate motherhood in comparative European law and Serbia ». Stanovnistvo 51, n^o 1 (2013) : 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv1301001k.

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Surrogate motherhood is an arrangement in which a woman agrees to carry and deliver a child for another couple who ordered the pregnancy. This procedure is applied today in Great Britain, Holland (although without legal regulations), Israel, Greece, Ukraine, Armenia, Georgia, the USA and Australia, and it is forbidden in France, Austria, Spain, Germany, Switzerland and Slovenia. There are two types of surrogacy, one when the woman gives birth to a child who is genetically her own ("partial", genetic surrogacy), and the other where the surrogate mother only carries and gives birth to a child, whereby the child is genetically from the couple that wanted the child, or the fertilized egg is from a third woman (donor), or the embryo was donated ("full", "total", gestational surrogacy). In these cases two women take part in conception and birth of the child while in the last case there is a third woman who will raise the child. Biologically observed, the woman whose egg has been fertilized may be called the genetic mother, while the woman who carried the pregnancy and gave birth to the child - the gestational carrier. Taking into consideration that the Preliminary Draft of the Serbian Civil Law anticipates the introduction of surrogate motherhood into domestic law, we believe restrictive solutions should first be taken into consideration. This would mean that only full surrogating should be allowed, namely the egg should be from the woman who wants the child and not the surrogate mother. In domestic conditions, genetic surrogation should not be allowed as it leads to confusion in family relations, and kinships still have an important social and legal significance in our country. The surrogate mother should be a woman who has already given birth, because in that way any possible shocks which might arise after birth when the woman who has to handover the child to the intended couple would be avoided. The next condition would be that persons involved in this procedure should have usual residency in Serbia so as to prevent any international complications or problems. As far as compensation is concerned, only compensation of so-called reasonable expenses which the surrogate mother would incur should be allowed. The surrogate contract should be approved by a court judge, who would have the obligation to determine if all legal conditions have been fulfilled for surrogate motherhood, and to explain the contract effects to the contracting parties. Apart from that, psycho-social counselling of all persons involved in the procedure should be anticipated.

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Seo, Bong Sung. « A Study on Terror Activities in International Sports Events ». Crisis and Emergency Management : Theory and Praxis 12, n^o 9 (30 septembre 2022) : 29–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.14251/jscm.2022.9.29.

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Korea has successfully hosted international sports events such as the 1986 Asian Games, the 1988 Seoul Olympics, and the 2002 World Cup. On August 27, 2011, the World Championships in Athletics were held in Daegu, and by hosting the 2018 Winter Olympics in Pyeongchang, it became the fifth country in the world to host all four major international sports events after France, Germany, Italy and Japan. However, it should be recognized that the threat of terror activities exists behind the hosting of international sporting events. The representative terror activities in relation to international sports events in the international community include the terror activities of hostage, kidnapping, and killing by the Black September Team under the Palestine Liberation Organization targeting Israeli athletes and officials at the Munich Olympics on September 5, 1972, a bombing attack that took place at Gimpo International Airport on September 14, 1986, a week before the Asian Games in Seoul, Korea, and the bombing of Korean Air Flight 858 over Andaman, Myanmar on November 29, 1987 to obstruct the 1988 Seoul Olympics, etc. This study aims to analyze cases of terror activities that occurred in relation to international sports events held in Korea, and at the same time forecast possible terror activities as a means to prevent or obstruct the holding of international sports events.

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Morag, Nadav. « International Counterterrorism Laws and Practices ». International Criminal Justice Review 28, n^o 2 (9 avril 2018) : 162–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1057567718763249.

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This article focuses on the varying approaches to counterterrorism (CT) laws and practices in Israel and France and draws some lessons from these practices. The article looks at each country in the context of their respective legal approaches toward terrorism offenses, their various precharge and/or preventive detention practices, their investigatory and prosecutory approaches, their judicial institutions and frameworks, and, finally, the range of national agencies tasked with CT duties. This article then draws some conclusions regarding similarities and differences between the approaches employed by Israel and France and suggests some questions for future research.

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Sobol, Mor. « Revisiting Israel-Taiwan relations ». Israel Affairs 25, n^o 6 (24 septembre 2019) : 1026–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2019.1670455.

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Taylor, Trevor. « Defence industries in international relations ». Review of International Studies 16, n^o 1 (janvier 1990) : 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500112641.

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While the threat and use of force remain elements or even possibilities in world affairs, the political importance of the defence industries will be substantial. Defence industries must be viewed as significant because of the contribution that they make to allowing states to deter attack and to use force. But they also have an economic and technological significance. In the UK, France and the US, defence equipment represents about 10 per cent of total manufacturing output. Equipment orders from home and abroad provide employment for around 500,000 people in the UK, at least 300,000 in France, and over two million in the US. The US Department of Defence, the Pentagon, employs 134,000 people just to procure equipment worth about $130 billion involving 15 million contracts a year. Defence equipment is big business and is particularly important today in the aerospace, electronics and shipbuilding sectors. Between a quarter and a third of professional technologists and scientists in Britain, France and the US work in the defence sector.

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Smouts, Marie-Claude. « The Study of International Relations in France ». Millennium : Journal of International Studies 16, n^o 2 (juin 1987) : 281–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298870160020501.

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Khaledi, Reza. « Iran-France international Relations during Pahlavi Dynasty ». International Academic Journal of Humanities 05, n^o 01 (1 juin 2018) : 95–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.9756/iajh/v5i1/1810010.

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Quandt, William B., et Yehuda Ben Meir. « Civil-Military Relations in Israel ». Foreign Affairs 74, n^o 6 (1995) : 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047434.

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Hon-Snir, Shlomit, Sharon Teitler Regev et Anabel Lifszyc-Friedlander. « Independent international tourism in Israel ». Israel Affairs 27, n^o 6 (2 novembre 2021) : 1130–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2021.1992226.

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Rafig Asgarov, Sirus. « Military cooperation between Azerbaijan and Israel ». SCIENTIFIC WORK 61, n^o 12 (25 décembre 2020) : 187–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/61/187-192.

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Azerbaijan and Israel have friendly relations and serious relations between the two countries are based on mutual interests. Azerbaijan has proved that it has played an important role in maintaining peace in the world in its international policy and relations with various countries and international organizations. Also, mutually beneficial relations between Azerbaijan and Israel serve to strengthen peace and tranquility in the world and in the region. Azerbaijan-Israel relations are based on mutual interests and are bilateral. Key words: Azerbaijan, Israel, cooperation, military, support

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Lacerda, Daniel. « Israël Salvator Révah, Uriel da Costa et les marranes de Porto : cours au Collège de France, 1966-1972, édition présentée et annotée par Carsten L. Wilke (Lisbonne), Paris, Centre Culturel Calouste Gulbenkian, 2004, 603 p., ISBN : 972-8462-37-9 ». Lusotopie 16, n^o 2 (23 octobre 2009) : 265–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17683084-01602022.

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Naaz, Farah. « Indo‐Israel relations : An evolutionary perspective ». Strategic Analysis 23, n^o 2 (mai 1999) : 241–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700169908455044.

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Kochavi, Arieh J. « Israel and the International Legal Arena ». Journal of Israeli History 25, n^o 1 (mars 2006) : 223–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13531040500502866.

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Sasley. « Review Essay : The Theoretical Normalization of Israel in International Relations ». Israel Studies 20, n^o 2 (2015) : 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/israelstudies.20.2.183.

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Chopin, Frédérique. « France / France ». Revue internationale de droit pénal 74, n^o 1 (2003) : 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ridp.741.0215.

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Benn, Aluf. « Israel : Quiet cooperation ». Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 57, n^o 6 (1 novembre 2001) : 15–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2968/057006005.

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Delvoie, Louis A. « Review : Palestine/Israel ». International Journal : Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 57, n^o 2 (juin 2002) : 318–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070200205700212.

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Solomon, Hussein. « India's Israel Policy ». South African Journal of International Affairs 17, n^o 3 (décembre 2010) : 400–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2010.533894.

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Perla, Deborah. « The Practice and Case Law of Israel in Matters Related to International Law ». Israel Law Review 28, n^o 4 (1994) : 707–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700011808.

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I. The Fundamental Agreement between the Holy See and the State of IsraelOn December 30, 1993, the Fundamental Agreement between the Holy See and the State of Israel was signed in Jerusalem by representatives of both parties. The agreement, which precedes the first diplomatic relations entered into between the Holy See and the State of Israel, covers areas of international relations which include both general issues such as human rights and freedom of religion and particular issues regarding Vatican-Israel relations, such as the status of the Catholic Church in Israel and the role of the Holy See in territorial disputes in the region. The goals and meanings of many of the provisions of the Agreement have as yet to be further defined however, and several of them will be discussed following a brief survey of the historical events leading to the conclusion of this agreement.

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