Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « France – International – Palestine »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "France – International – Palestine"
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Winarni, Retno. « From Palestine To Palestine : The Jewish Strategy In Establishing Israel Country on Palestine ». Historia 4, no 2 (26 janvier 2022) : 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jhist.v4i2.29528.
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This article focuses on how Jews realized Israel on Palestine land. In realizing the dream, Jews established their movement, namely Zionism, to take Palestine over Ottoman Turkey. To analyze it, historical analysis and approach by library research are needed in collecting the data. The study revealed that there were two strategies of Zionism. The first strategy is releasing Palestine from Ottoman Turkey authority. The second strategy is how to take over Palestine land, which was occupied by Palestinian Arabian. The first strategy consists of several ways: insinuating into Ottoman Turkey government and lobbying big countries such as Britain, France, and the USA. The second strategy started by controlling economics in Palestine. The Jewish people who lived in Palestine did it. They terrorized Palestinian people; hence they refugeed and left their homeland. The third strategy is the war between Jews and Arabian which was won by the Jews. Therefore, Israel proclamation did not find any obstacles. However, the proclamation triggered a reaction from Arabian countries, so that it made never-ending conflicts. Eventually, the conflict becomes an international matter.
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Kumaraswamy, P. R. « The Jews ». International Studies 55, no 2 (avril 2018) : 146–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881718768345.
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‘ Palestine belongs to the Arabs in the same sense that England belongs to the English or France to the French.’ This remark made in November 1938 has been the most widely statement of Mahatma Gandhi on foreign policy, especially on Israel, Palestine and wider Middle East/West Asia. This was seen as the epitome of Gandhi’s ‘consistent’ opposition to the formation of a Jewish national home in Palestine. However, a closer reading of the article published in the 26 November issue of Harijan presents a more complex picture and depicts Gandhi’s unfamiliarity with Judaism and his limited understanding of Zionism. Furthermore, while demanding Jewish non-violence even against Hitler, he was accommodative of Arab violence in Palestine.
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Czapliński, Władysław. « Palestine v. US before the International Court of Justice ? » Polish Review of International and European Law 8, no 2 (20 août 2020) : 47–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/priel.2019.8.2.02.
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In December 2017, the administration of President D. Trump decided to move the US embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. On 28.09.2018, Palestine initiated proceedings against the US in connection with the said transfer. According to the ICJ Statute, only the parties of concern can take part in the case before the Court. However, it does open the way for non-member countries that had presented a declaration of submission to the Court’s jurisdiction, to observe. If there are any doubts as to the validity or effects of the declarations, they are decided by the ICJ. In the present case, doubts are connected, in particular, with the status of Palestine as a State, with the status of Jerusalem and with the participation in the proceedings of all interested parties. It is unclear whether Palestine meets the criteria of statehood under international law,and the nation is far from being universally recognized. Nor may the GA Resolution 67/19 be viewed as sufficient collective recognition. Furthermore, we do have reasonable doubt as to whether this is sufficient collective recognition to be essentially constitutive of Palestine’s statehood. This situation is not changed by the acceptance by Palestine of the jurisdiction of the ICC nor accession to UNESCO and to a number of international treaties. On the other hand, the jurisdiction of Israel with respect to East Jerusalem is also disputed. Certain international bodies, including the UNSC, have expressed doubts equally regarding the incorporation of Jerusalem into Israel or that Palestine has claim to the city. The mere submission of a claim by Palestine does not prejudge the existence of a legal title to Jerusalem. The legitimation of Palestine to bring to international court a claim is thus disputable under the law on state responsibility. It is probable that the ICJ would avoid rendering a decision on merits of the dispute, doing so by referring to the principle of Monetary Gold that was formulated by the ICJ in a judgment on 15.06.1954 in a dispute between Italy, on the one hand, and Great Britain, France and the US, on the other. The subject of the dispute was the fate of gold owned by the National Bank of Albania, plundered by Germany in Rome in 1943.In accordance with an arrangement concluded at the Paris Conference on German reparations (14.01.1946), all gold found in Germany that was known to have been plundered was to be returned in proportional shares to the States concerned. In the case of Albania, however, difficulties appeared in connection with two issues: claims by some States (in particular Italy) resulting from nationalisation of the National Bank of Albania, and compensation in favour of the UK due to the ICJ judgement in the Corfu Channel. It was disputable whether the gold belonging formerly to Albania could be redistributed among the unsatisfied claimants without the consent of the Albanian State. The Tribunal avoided the problem and decided that it lacked jurisdiction. It refused to render judgment in a situation in which Albania did not participate in the trial; on the other hand, the ICJ has indicated on what terms Albania could join the proceedings. Albania did not meet the conditions, and the Court decided that it was unable to continue the proceeding.
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Mardam-Bey, Farouk. « French Intellectuals and the Palestine Question ». Journal of Palestine Studies 43, no 3 (2014) : 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2014.43.3.26.
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This article focuses on intellectuals—writers, philosophers, academics, scientists, and artists—who, by virtue of their accomplishments and talents, or simply because of their renown, wielded such moral authority that they became at times veritable “leaders of conscience,” influencing public opinion and, indeed, government policy in France. Responding to major events, whether colonial wars, international crises, or significant domestic political battles, French intellectuals weighed in time and again, from the Dreyfus affair to the bogus Sarkozy debate on “national identity.”1 This article reviews the stance of French intellectuals on the question of Palestine and the wider Arab-Israeli conflict, and examines how the ideological and political assumptions underlying their positions were not always amenable to rational explanation or easily ascribed to traditional attitudes of the Left and Right.
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Bauer, Alain. « Entre prudence et dignité : débattre du conflit Israël-Palestine en France ». Revue internationale et stratégique 58, no 2 (2005) : 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ris.058.0067.
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Seo, Bong Sung. « A Study on Terror Activities in International Sports Events ». Crisis and Emergency Management : Theory and Praxis 12, no 9 (30 septembre 2022) : 29–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.14251/jscm.2022.9.29.
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Korea has successfully hosted international sports events such as the 1986 Asian Games, the 1988 Seoul Olympics, and the 2002 World Cup. On August 27, 2011, the World Championships in Athletics were held in Daegu, and by hosting the 2018 Winter Olympics in Pyeongchang, it became the fifth country in the world to host all four major international sports events after France, Germany, Italy and Japan. However, it should be recognized that the threat of terror activities exists behind the hosting of international sporting events. The representative terror activities in relation to international sports events in the international community include the terror activities of hostage, kidnapping, and killing by the Black September Team under the Palestine Liberation Organization targeting Israeli athletes and officials at the Munich Olympics on September 5, 1972, a bombing attack that took place at Gimpo International Airport on September 14, 1986, a week before the Asian Games in Seoul, Korea, and the bombing of Korean Air Flight 858 over Andaman, Myanmar on November 29, 1987 to obstruct the 1988 Seoul Olympics, etc. This study aims to analyze cases of terror activities that occurred in relation to international sports events held in Korea, and at the same time forecast possible terror activities as a means to prevent or obstruct the holding of international sports events.
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KOCHAVI, ARIEH J. « BRITAIN AND THE ILLEGAL IMMIGRATION TO PALESTINE FROM FRANCE FOLLOWING WORLD WAR II ». Holocaust and Genocide Studies 6, no 4 (1992) : 383–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/6.4.383.
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Pedersen, Susan. « An International Regime in an Age of Empire ». American Historical Review 124, no 5 (1 décembre 2019) : 1676–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz1028.
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Abstract A century after the victorious Allied powers distributed their spoils of victory in 1919, the world still lives with the geopolitical consequences of the mandates system established by the League of Nations. The Covenant article authorizing the new imperial dispensation came cloaked in the old civilizationist discourse, entrusting sovereignty over “peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern world” to the “advanced nations” of Belgium, England, France, Japan, and South Africa. In this series of “reflections” on the mandates, ten scholars of Europe, Africa, the Middle East, Asia, and the international order consider the consequences of the new geopolitical order birthed by World War I. How did the reshuffling of imperial power in the immediate postwar period configure long-term struggles over minority rights, decolonization, and the shape of nation-states when the colonial era finally came to a close? How did the alleged beneficiaries—more often the victims—of this “sacred trust” grasp their own fates in a world that simultaneously promised and denied them the possibility of self-determination? From Palestine, to Namibia, to Kurdistan, and beyond, the legacies of the mandatory moment remain pressing questions today.
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Dadalko, V. A., Ya G. Sud'bina et S. V. Dadalko. « The issues of international cooperation of Russia in countering the economic crime ». National Interests : Priorities and Security 16, no 7 (16 juillet 2020) : 1264–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/ni.16.7.1264.
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Subject. We analyze the aspects of Russia's cooperation with other countries in countering the economic crime. Objectives. The article analyzes methods and goals of Russia's cooperation with other countries, dealing with general issues and aspects coordinated by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, Federal Security Service, Federal Customs Service and Federal Service for Financial Monitoring. Methods. The study is based on the economic analysis, methods of classification and modeling, deduction and synthesis. Results. We studied what various international relations organizations of Russia do in countering the economic crime. We unveil some aspects of such a cooperation, i.e. legal attache, international treaties, common security council, communications, international compliance. Russia was found to cooperate most actively with Austria, Belarus, Belgium, Cyprus, Latvia, France, the USA, Spain, Germany, Kazakhstan, Palestine, Israel, Azerbaijan and Armenia. Conclusions and Relevance. States need the international cooperation and its advancement to effectively counteract with the economic crime. It is especially important as the transnational crime proliferates. However, the international cooperation is impossible if institutional, legal and regulatory aspects are not refined. The article suggests what should be dine to make the cooperation more effective.
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Harrison, Olivia C. « Decolonizing History ». Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 42, no 2 (1 août 2022) : 454–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9987944.
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Abstract The borders between North and South quickly erode when we study the history of anti-colonial revolutions. This is perhaps especially true of France, where the Palestinian revolution has been a rallying cry in the struggle for migrant rights for the past half century. This article investigates the reactivation of anti-colonialism in the postcolonial era, tracing the decades-long “postcolonial anti-colonial” movements born in migrant circles in France, from the 1970s to the present. What happens to the notion of anti-colonial revolution when it is brought back to the metropole? How does it change when it is brought to bear on the migrant question? First posed by the Palestine committees forged by migrant workers, foreign students, and Maoist militants in the wake of the September 1970 massacre of Palestinians in Jordan, these questions have shaped discourses around migrant rights in France for the past fifty years. In conclusion, this article revisits the archive of the migrant theater collective Al Assifa as it is remediated in Bouchra Khalili's 2017 film The Tempest Society, and speculates on the current place of migration in world historical discourses of decolonization.
Thèses sur le sujet "France – International – Palestine"
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LLORCA, Sébastien. « French and German foreign policy with regard to Israel-Palestine, 1998-2005 ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10465.
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Defence date: 14 December 2007Examining Board: Prof. Bertrand Badie, (IEP Paris and CERI) ; Prof. Martin Beck, (GIGA Institute of Middle East Studies) ; Prof. Friedrich Kratochwil, (EUI) ; Prof. Pascal Vennesson, (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Palestine between 1998 and 2005. Special attention is also drawn to the period of Sharon’s mandate and the Al-Aqsa Intifada (2001-2005). The thesis has two main objectives. The first is to draw a clearer picture of the ways in which French and German foreign policy towards Israel- Palestine has been socially constructed. The second is to better understand the reasons why France and Germany, key powers at the heart of the EU, did not furnish the efforts required in order to broker a peace deal in the Middle East that lived up to their own - as well as the EU’s - rhetoric and official 'dedication' to the conflict. First, I consider the respective processes of foreign policy making in France and Germany. After examining bilateral relations between France, Germany, Israel and the Palestinian Authority, I shed some light on the evolution of French and German national ‘positions’ and identify those who have played an important role in shaping this process. Subsequently, I propose to evaluate how foreign policy makers and leaders eventually take decisions. I therefore highlight major domestic and external sources of influence, and study how foreign policy makers prioritise among conflicting interests and such influential factors. Finally, I suggest in what respect these actors gave, or failed to give, their national diplomacy a vision, a strategy and solid boundaries within which to work. At first sight, it might be said that the dominant role of the United States in the Middle East, combined with internal divisions in Europe, in large part explain the weakness of France, Germany and the EU in the Middle East diplomatic arena between 1998 and 2005. However, my research also specifically tests the hypothesis that the collective memory of the Holocaust, its contemporary use and its cultural domestic meaning, in both France and Germany, have been central and even decisive in the elaboration of their respective positions. The set of norms and values linked to collective memory and shared by key decision-makers has constituted a major paralysing factor. In other words, a sense of historical responsibility and of Israeli 'exceptionalism' has developed in France and Germany. This has shaped the perception of the conflict and prevented both countries, and the EU itself, from playing a more pro-active role in the peace negotiations. From a theoretical perspective, this research contributes to foreign policy analysis in the field of International Relations. In addition, the focus on the social construction of a particular foreign policy clearly places this research in the constructivist tradition. However, the thesis is not primarily designed as an argument in favour or against a particular approach. Neither is the conflict merely a ‘case-study’, aimed at highlighting the weaknesses of any pre-conceived theoretical concepts or tools. The objective is to demonstrate the ways in which a particular set of norms and values, both in France and in Germany, may exert a decisive influence at various stages of the foreign policy making process.
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Hecker, Marc. « Les acteurs transnationaux face à l'Etat : l'exemple du militantisme, en France, lié au conflit israélo-palestinien ». Paris 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA010254.
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Les objectifs de la présente thèse se situent sur trois plans: empirique, méthodologique et théorique. Au niveau empirique, le but recherché consiste à étudier aussi précisément que possible et de manière dépassionnée le militantisme, en France, lié au conflit israélopalestinien. Pour ce faire, un travail de terrain rigoureux a été réalisé au sein même des sphères pro-israélienne et pro-palestinienne. Ce travail permet d'apporter une vision critique sur des représentations communément admises comme celle d'un affrontement entre un « lobby sioniste» et un {{ lobby pro-arabe» ou celle d'une {{ importation du conflit israélopalestinien }} sur le territoire national. Au niveau méthodologique, la recherche réalisée aspire à décloisonner les disciplines en utilisant des méthodes de sociologie - notamment l'observation de phénomènes sociaux restreints comme des manifestations - pour mener une réflexion s'insérant dans un cadre de Relations Internationales. Enfin, au niveau théorique, il s'agit de s'interroger sur la pertinence de l'opposition traditionnelle entre réalisme et transnationalisme. Les militants étudiés sont en effet des acteurs transnationaux mais des "des acteurs transnationaux paradoxaux" dans la mesure où leur militantisme est construit et s'articule autour de l'Etat.
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Rubio, Rostom Clémentine. « Une langue en mission : histoire des politiques linguistiques et didactiques françaises en Palestine ». Thesis, Tours, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018TOUR2008/document.
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Réalisée à partir d’archives diplomatiques, cette thèse propose une lecture de l’histoire de l’enseignement du français en Palestine depuis le point de vue diplomatique. Elle propose d’étudier les objectifs politiques et symboliques qui ont guidé l’évolution de ce réseau d’enseignement du français. A la croisée de questionnements communs à la didactique du français langue étrangère et à la sociolinguistique, il s’agit de s’intéresser aux conceptions de la langue et de l’altérité sous-jacentes à la politique de diffusion du français. La thèse s’attache également à caractériser les politiques de diffusion du français dans un espace particulier : la Palestine. Ces questionnements permettent de formuler une certaine continuité dans le type de relations entretenues à travers l’enseignement du français et de poser la question de ce que serait non plus une politique de diffusion mais une politique de l’appropriationBased upon the interpretation of diplomatic archives, this doctoral thesis presents an understanding of the history of French language teaching in Palestine, from the diplomatic point of view. It aims at studying the political and symbolical goals guiding the evolution of the French teaching network. At the crossroads of issues common to the fields of French as a second language and sociolinguistics, it will focus on the conceptions of language and of alterity underlying the French language spread policy. The thesis also seeks to characterize language planning policy in a specific territory: Palestine. Those questions allow us to formulate the hypothesis of continuity in the type of relationships established through French language teaching and to put in perspective the spreading policy with an appropriation policy
Livres sur le sujet "France – International – Palestine"
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Garden Cities and Colonial Planning : Transnationality and Urban Ideas in Africa and Palestine. Manchester University Press, 2014.
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Katz, Yossi, et Liora Bigon. Garden Cities and Colonial Planning : Transnationality and Urban Ideas in Africa and Palestine. Manchester University Press, 2017.
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Thompson, Andrew, Yossi Katz, John M. MacKenzie et Liora Bigon. Garden Cities and Colonial Planning : Transnationality and Urban Ideas in Africa and Palestine. Manchester University Press, 2016.
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Thompson, Andrew, Yossi Katz, John M. MacKenzie et Liora Bigon. Garden Cities and Colonial Planning : Transnationality and Urban Ideas in Africa and Palestine. Manchester University Press, 2016.
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Evans, Martin. Colonial Fantasies Shattered. Sous la direction de Dan Stone. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199560981.013.0024.
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J. G. Ballard, author of the 1984 novel Empire of the Sun, was born in the Shanghai International Settlement in China in 1930, into a privileged colonial milieu with a chauffeur, a nanny, and servants. Ballard witnessed at first hand the collapse of the British Empire in Asia. The year 1945 was not a moment of imperial defeat, but of imperial reassertion for Belgium, France, the Netherlands, and Britain, each of which saw their futures as global, colonial entities. This article, which deals with the end of empires, focusing on the loss of colonies such as Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, and South-East Asia, also discusses blueprints for a liberal policy in Africa, the 1956 Suez Crisis, developmental colonialism and decolonisation, and the empires of Portugal and Spain.
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Gal, John, Stefan Köngeter et Sarah Vicary, dir. The Settlement House Movement Revisited. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447354239.001.0001.
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The Settlement House Movement is perceived as a major influence on the emergence of the social work profession globally. Yet, historical research on this movement in social work, and in particular, the transnational translation of this idea, is very limited. This volume sheds new light on the establishment of settlement houses in diverse societies, the interface between this Movement and other social movements, and the impact that it had on the social work profession, its values, practices and research. The chapters in the book explore the settlement house phenomenon in the United Kingdom, the United States, Germany, Canada, France, Portugal and Mandatory Palestine and the individuals and groups that played a major role in their establishment. They underscore both the ways in which the international Settlement House Movement developed, the commonalities between settlement houses across the globe, and also the differences that emerged between them. In particular, it seeks to highlight the various motivations and sources of belief and knowledge of settlement founders, the goals that they sought, the contexts in which they worked, the activities they undertook and the populations which they served. The critical and transnational historical perspective adopted by the authors of the case studies in the path-breaking book provides the reader with a more subtle understanding of the complexities of the Settlement House Movement and its impact on the social work profession.
Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "France – International – Palestine"
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Koinova, Maria. « Introduction ». Dans Diaspora Entrepreneurs and Contested States, 1–31. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198848622.003.0001.
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The Introduction lays out the book’s theoretical and empirical foundations, based on large-scale research conducted among the Albanian, Armenian, and Palestinian diasporas in the UK, Germany, France, Netherlands, Sweden, and Switzerland. Two questions are of core interest: (1) why do conflict-generated diasporas mobilize in more or less contentious ways; and (2) why do they pursue their mobilizations through host-state, transnational, and supranational channels? Diaspora entrepreneurs are studied with their linkages to contested states experiencing challenges to their sovereignty, specifically de facto states with limited international recognition, Kosovo, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Palestine, respectively. The chapter presents a novel typology of four types of diaspora entrepreneurs based on configurations of their socio-spatial linkages to different global contexts: the Broker, Local, Distant, and Reserved. A two-level typological theory features interactions between diaspora entrepreneurs and homeland governments, parties, non-state actors, and critical events or limited global influences. This chapter presents other intellectual contributions of this book: going beyond analysis of diasporas as groups but focusing on individual agency; considering the socio-spatial positionality of diaspora entrepreneurs to different global contexts, not simply to host-states and home-states; shedding light comparatively on little explored diaspora lobbying in Europe, and integrating scholarship on migrant integration into the study of contested statehood. Scope conditions, methodology, coding, and dataset based on 146 interviews with diaspora entrepreneurs are presented next. The Introduction finishes by laying out the content of the individual chapters.