Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « France – Foreign relations – Vatican City »

In the extremely difficult international situation of the second half of the 1930s, relations between the USSR and the Vatican occupied a very insignificant place. This is partly why the sources that would cover this problem more prominently are very scarce. Under these conditions, the Soviet press becomes an important and still insufficiently appreciated source. With the general strict censorship of the press of this period, it allows us to identify various, but sometimes quite significant nuances of perception of the Vatican policy in the Soviet Union. The first event that influenced some reassessment of the image of the Vatican was the VII Congress of the Comintern, held in 1935, which put forward the tactics of a united front, which assumed, among other things, cooperation with confessional organizations of workers, and even with the petty-bourgeois strata of the population. In the light of this new tactic, a certain line is beginning to be drawn, albeit almost imperceptibly and even, perhaps, unwittingly, between the Vatican as a political force and the national structures of the Catholic Church. A more noticeable reassessment of the image of the Vatican took place in 1938, when the differences between Italian fascism, German Nazism, on the one hand, and the Vatican, on the other, on racial problems and on the issue of the persecution of the Catholic Church became obvious and could not fail to attract the attention of Soviet diplomats and, following them, the Soviet press. The subsequent election of Pope Pius XII to the papal throne in 1939 allows us to strengthen this line and enrich it with attention to the Vatican's peacemaking policy. But the conclusion of the Molotov — Ribbentrop pact once again returns the image of the Vatican to its supposedly political conjuncture, but this time in the interests of the other side, which has now become the main opponent of the USSR, i. e. England and France. And only the German attack on the USSR allows for a brief moment to see the possibility of forming a different image of the Vatican, an opponent of racism and fascism in all its manifestations. A careful reading of the press allows us to draw a preliminary conclusion about the absence of a clearly developed and formulated position of the governing bodies of the Soviet Union in relation to the Vatican, which varied, albeit slightly, depending on changes in the foreign policy interests of the Soviet state.

This article considers a development and peculiar properties of relations of the Republic of Croatia with European Union countries from the moment of this state’s international recognition on 15 January 1992 to the first Croatian president Franjo Tudjman’s death on 10 December 1999. The main attention is paid to those Western European countries, that played the most significant role in dealing with the crisis on the territory of former Yugoslavia and that had the most crucial place in Zagreb’s foreign policy during the first decade of Croatian independence: Federal Republic of Germany, Austria, France, Great Britain, Italy, Sweden and Vatican (however, the two last are not EU members). The attitude of these countries towards Croatia’s diplomatic goals during 1990ies and the dynamics of their relations with Croatian government, that weren’t constant, are analyzed in this article. The special attention is focused on the reasons of firm German and Austrian support for Croatia at the very beginning of its independence and their significant humanitarian aid for Croats during the war. From the other hand, there are explained reasons of skeptical and cold French and British position on Croatian question and the role of the history in Italian-Croatian relations after 1990. And, of course, Croatian problems and real obstacles in relations with Western European countries and with prospective of European integration during the presidency of Franjo Tudjman (that were really pessimistic) are also considered in this article. The newest researches of Croatian and other foreign authors on Croatian foreign policy in 1990ies were used for preparing this small research, as well as materials of foreign media, mostly Western and Croatian.

The Holy See In Polish Foreign Policy of the Government on exile (September 1939 — June 1940) The article is devoted to the reexamining of the policy of Polish Government on exile toward the Holy See after Poland’s defeat in September 1939 and the reestablishment of the legal authorities of Poland in France, under President Raczkiewicz and General Sikorski as Prime Minister. Terminus ad quem of the narration is the collapse of France and transfer of the Government of Poland to London in June 1940. Problems of Vatican’s perception of Polish Question is discussed on the basis of Polish archival documents, especially those of Polish Embassy to the Holy See. Vatican-Polish relations at the beginning of the World War II require special attention because the last treatment of this highly debatable problem was made in historiography by Zofia Waszkiewicz more than thirty five years ago in her monograph Polityka Watykanu wobec Polski 1939–1945 [Policy of the Vatican toward Poland 1939—1945] (Warsaw 1980). How much Polish diplomacy achieved fighting for the Holy See’s support against Nazi Germany? Two things must be said. Firstly, the Holy See recognized the legal continuity of Polish State after the German-Soviet occupation of Poland’s territory in September 1939, but did not sent the papal nuncio to Angers, when Polish Government resided. Secondly, Polish thesis on the special significance of Polish Question as the test-case of international justice received the positive response of the Pope Pius XII in his encyclical Summi Pontificatus published on October 20 1939, but the guidelines of Vatican’s policy were based on the doctrine of strict neutrality of the Papacy in the international relations. It did not permit for Papal condemnation ex officio of the Nazi crimes and criminal policy of extermination in Poland.

Abstract: The Vienna system of international relations established at the Congress of Vienna in 1814-1815, was a real challenge for the French political elite during all subsequent decades. France was a defeated party and was thus morally humiliated. The objective for all French governments after 1815 was to improve the position of France in this new system of international relations, including due to the destabilization and breaking of the Vienna system. In the years of the Restoration in France (1814-1830) a major foreign policy action of the government of Louis XVIII was the intervention in Spain in 1823, which refers to the Spanish revolution of 1820-1823. The French government, reflecting the interests of the European reaction, had hoped to raise these military prestige of France, and consequently to raise the question of the revision of the treatises of Vienna of 1815. Despite the success of the intervention, she has not brought the big political dividends in France. After the July revolution 1830 in France, the foreign policy of France intensified. Leading French politicians defined quite clearly exclusive spheres of influence of France, and in 1832 the French troops invaded Central Italy, capturing the city of Ancona. In 1840, during the second Oriental crisis, the French government has opposed themselves to the rest of Europe for the first time since the Napoleonic wars. Ultimately, the strategic position of France in the middle East was weakened. But the exacerbation of international conflict contributed to the strengthening of the French army and Navy. Further successes of the French diplomacy will be linked to the period of the Second Empire in France, in particular, with the Crimean war, that raised has raised status of France, and the decision of the Italian question in the second half of the 60-ies of the XIX century.

The article analyzes foreign and domestic experience in providing emergency psychological assistance to victims. The review of models of emergency psychological assistance in the practice of the USA, Korea, France is presented. In domestic practice, the model of providing emergency psychological assistance to the anti-crisis unit of the city of Ryazan is disclosed in more detail. The actual structural components are determined, the presence of which must be provided for in the model of providing emergency psychological assistance to subjects of educational relations. A three-level approach to building an integral integrated system for providing emergency psychological assistance to participants in educational relations is presented, including the federal, regional and local levels of the model. The development of new models for the provision of emergency psychological assistance within the framework of a three-level approach has established the need for organizational and procedural aspects of interdepartmental interaction in the provision of emergency psychological assistance on key issues of modern childhood.

Nowadays, brand image dominates almost any field of activity and becomes a source of power, being much more efficient than a word. Our article aims to analyse the evolution of Erasmus+ mobility at Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iași between 2013 and 2019 and to highlight, by the increasing attractiveness, the important role of these internships in the improvement of the city image. Regarding the methodology, our descriptive study was based on statistical information provided by the International Relations Office of the university. The purpose of the analysis was to identify the dynamics and distribution of student mobility flows, following the expressed trends. The results revealed a series of transformations: on the Outgoing component, numerous Romanian students chose for study notorious university centres in France, Spain, Italy, Germany and Poland and destinations in Greece, Italy or Iceland for an internship and, on the Incoming component, the increasing number of foreign students arrived from France, Spain, Poland and Portugal. Together with the traditional cultural assets of Iași, the increasing number of students involved in Erasmus+ internships can improve the city image as an attractive urban centre.

This article analyzes the work of the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (NKID) of the USSR in the city of Kuibyshev (now Samara), where it was evacuated in 1941- 1943 together with other central government agencies and the diplomatic corps accredited in the USSR. Although this period was quite short, and though key decisions were, of course, made in Moscow, intense rough work was being carried out in the “reserve capital”, which ensured the solution of the tasks set by the country's leadership to the NKID apparatus.The aggression of Nazi Germany found the Soviet Union poorly prepared not only militarily, but also diplomatically. Due to the opposition of the Western powers, domestic diplomacy failed to create a collective security system to prevent the aggression of Germany, Italy and Japan. Negotiations with representatives of Great Britain and France, which were conducted in 1939, were interrupted and relations with these countries were virtually frozen.Some important strategic tasks were set before Soviet diplomacy. First of all, it was about the concentration of diplomatic activity in specific areas that could provide real assistance to the Red Army in obtaining the necessary weapons and strategic raw materials. Among other tasks were the search for allies, establishing effective military, economic and political cooperation with them, counteracting the expansion of the Nazi coalition at the expense of Sweden and Turkey, and conducting an extremely balanced policy in the Far East in order to avoid a military clash with Japan.Due to the deterioration of the military situation on the Western Front and the imminence of the capture of Moscow, on October 16, 1941, the main staff of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, headed by its Deputy Chairman A. Vyshinsky, as well as members of the diplomatic corps were evacuated to Kuibyshev (now Samara). V. Molotov and a small group of assistants remained in Moscow.The relations between the NKID and the embassies evacuated to Kuibyshev evolved differently. The level and the intensity of contacts with them largely depended on bilateral relations with the respective nations. Contacts with the embassies of Great Britain and the USA were naturally at the top of the agenda. By way of ambassadors of these countries the key tasks of forming the anti-Hitler coalition were being solved, and the dates of summit meetings were agreed upon.The crowding of the central office staff and foreign diplomats in a small regional city certainly introduced difficulties into the practical implementation of many tasks. Nevertheless, the striving for a common victory and the awareness of responsibility to their own country, united this motley crew of diplomats, and facilitated the search for compromise solutions. The return to Moscow of the employees of the People’s Commissariat and the diplomatic corps took place after the victory in the Battle of Kursk in the summer of 1943. Only at the end of 1943 Kuibyshev did finally cede its status of the capital of the USSR to Moscow.

Duff Cooper fell in love with France during his first visit to Paris in 1900 and he remained faithful to her for the rest of his life. The fact that Paris in 1900 was deeply Anglophobic, because of the Boer war, had no effect upon Cooper's feelings for the city. His affection for France was no fair-weather plant. It was deepened by the experience of nine months in the trenches in the Great War and was, thereafter, proof against all discouragements. As a young Foreign Office clerk in 1923 he did not join in the fashionable disparagement of France inspired by the French occupation of the Ruhr. As Minister of War from 1935 to 1937 he fought for the creation of a British army which would be large enough to play a continental role and later, as First Lord of the Admiralty, he was a leading advocate of Anglo-French co-operation. After his resignation in protest against the Munich agreement, Cooper spent his time fostering the idea of an Anglo-French alliance as the corner-stone of a European combination against Hitler's Germany. His love for France even survived the fall of France in June 1940 and, at a time when many francophiles were repenting of their former faith. Cooper renewed his pledges of devotion. Speaking on the wireless as Minister of Information on the eve of the Franco-German armistice, he declared his faith that France would rise again: ‘This is not the first time that a great nation has been defeated and has recovered from defeat. They have fought with heroism against superior numbers and superior weapons; their losses have been terrible.’ At the Ministry of Information Cooper was one of the earliest patrons of General de Gaulle and his Free French Movement. Given such a long history of Francophilia what could have been more natural than that he should have been appointed as Britain's first post-war ambassador to France. It was not, however, quite so simple as that.

An integral inculturated faith is anchored to the Filipino cultural heritage and identity. Primal cosmic beliefs and practices carried the holistic customs of stewardships towards God’s creation where it embodied the union and mutuality of the natives to nature rather than control and subordination. The research utilized primary materials written by Spanish ethnographers in the 16th-17th century. Although their observations were from the colonizers’ perspectives, it still revealed beliefs and practices at that time common among early Filipinos. One needs to filter and decipher those accounts to unearth early Filipinos experiences of oikenomous. Although the study was limited to the Tagalogs, still the dynamics of power-relations between the inhabitants and nature were demonstrated using the lenses of Foucault’s discourse on power. The findings of the research could have implications to inculturated faith given the open atmosphere of the Church for its renewed evangelization that includes stewardship towards God’s creation where harmony and communion with Mother Earth strengthens our bonds with God and find each other in a place we truly call a home.ReferencesPre-hispanic influence on filipino culture. (1958). Sunday Times Special Issue on the Foundations of Filipino Culture, pp. 2-5.Two lectures: Critique and power. (1998).Blair, E. and Robertson, A. (1903-1990). The Philippine islands, 1493-1898: explorations by early navigators, Descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest conditions with european nations to the close of the nineteenth century. (eds. at annots. ), 55. Cleveland: B & RCatholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines. (1991). Acts and decrees of theChirino, P. (1603). Relacion de las yslas Filipinas. 12, 174-321. Madrid: B & R.Colin, F. (1663). Labor evangelica. 40, 38-97. Madrid: B & RDavid, M., Mauro, B. & Alessandro, F. (Eds.). (1971). Society Must Be Defended: Lectures at the College de France, 1975-76. New York: Picador.Discipline and Punish: The birth of the prison. (1977). New York: Random House Inc.Donoso, I. et al.(n.d.) Transcribed and eds. Boxer Codex of 1570 (2018). Quezon City: Vibal Publishing.Filipino indigenous ethnic communities: Patterns, variations, and typologies. (1998). Quezon City: Punlad Research House, Inc.Filipino prehistory: Rediscovering precolonial heritage. (1998). Quezon City: Punlad Research House, Inc.Filipino worldview: Ethnography of local knowledge. (2001). Quezon City: Punlad Research House, Inc.Flannery, A. (1984). Vatican Council II: The Conciliar and Postconciliar documents. New York: Costello Publishing Co.Foucault, M. (1972). The archaeology of knowledge and the discourse on language. Translated by A.M. Sheridan Smith. New York: Pantheon Books.Fox, R. (1966). “Ancient filipino communities.” Filipino cultural heritage. Edited by F. Landa Jocano. Manila: Philippine Women’s University.Francis, Pope. (2015). Laudato si. Vatican Press. https://dokumen.tips/documents/notes-on-philippinedivinities.html.Hurley, R. (Ed) The history of sexuality: An introduction. (1990). 1..New York: Vintage Books.Jocano, L. (1969). Outline of Philippine mythology. Retrieved from https://www.amazon.com/Outline-Philippine-Mythology-Landa-Jocano/dp/1790400864#reader_1790400864 on December 10, 2018Kelly, M. (Ed). (1998). Foucault/Habermas Debate. Cambridge: The MIT Press.Licuanan, V. and Llavador, M. (1996) Philippines under Spain. (eds and annots). 6, Manila: National Trust for Historical and Cultural Preservation of the Philippines.Loarca, M. (1582). Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas. 5, 38-252. Madrid: B & RMadness and civilization: A history of insanity in the age of reason. (1965) London: Random House Inc.Morga, A. (1609). Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas. 15, 25-288. Mexico: B & RNational Historical Commission. (1887). Coleccion de documents ineditos de ultramar, Madrid.Notes on Philippine Divinities. (1968). Asian Studies.Pastells, P. (1925) Historia general de Filipinas in catalogo de los documentos relativos alas Islas Filipinas. Barcelona.Pigafetta, A. (1522). The first voyage around the world. 33, 24-266. Madrid: B & RPlasencia, J. (1589). Customs of the Tagalogs. 7, 173-198. Manila: B & RPre-history of the Philippines. (1967). Manila: National Museum.Ramos, M. (1990). Philippine myths, legends and folktales. CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform.San Agustin, G. (1998) Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas: 1565-1615. (Bilingual Edition.) Translated by Luis Antonio Maneru. Manila: San Agustin Museum.Second Plenary Council of the Philippines. Manila: CBCP Press.Sulod Society. (1968). Quezon City: Punlad Research House, Inc.Villote, R. (1987). My tenth hour. Syneraide Consultaties.Zaide, G., (1990) Documentary sources of Philippine History. (eds. at annots.) 14, Manila: National Bookstore.

One of the effects of the end of the First World War (then known as the Great War), was a significant geopolitical transformation on the map of Europe. Many new states were established at that time. One of them was Poland (the Second Polish Republic). The territory of the newly created state included part of the lands previously belonging to Germany, Russia and Austria-Hungary. The conceding of Greater Poland and parts of Pomerania and Upper Silesia to the reborn Republic of Poland caused a deep conflict between Poland and Germany. One of the main goals of the Weimar Republic’s foreign policy was to regain the disputed territories. The interests of both countries were therefore at odds, and one of the manifestations of the poor relations was the Customs War. Following Adolf Hitler’s seizure of power, Marshal Józef Piłsudski proposed France a preventive war, in order to remove the dictator from power. This was a turning point that led to an improvement in mutual relations, resulting in the conclusion of a non-aggression pact. Contacts between the two countries revived, and Nazi propaganda ceased its attacks on Poland. The period of warming ended with the first territorial claims against the Republic of Poland, including the incorporation of the Free City of Danzig into the Third Reich. Deterioration of diplomatic relations, combined with British-French military guarantees for Poland, led to the declaration of the Pact by Germany in April 1939. The aim of this article is to present the genesis and content of the Polish-German non-aggression pact and to analyze it from the legal point of view, as well as from the point of view of the intentions of the parties which accompanied its conclusion.

Defence date: 20 January 2006
Examining board: Prof. Giulia Calvi, European University Institute ; Prof. Gérard Delille, EUI et Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (Supervisor) ; Prof. Marcello Fantoni, Kent University, Florence ; Prof. Gérard Sabatier, Université Mendés France, Grenoble
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

This chapter is devoted primarily to episodes of aggression by foreign powers in which Alamán was somewhat involved by virtue of his connections with the central government. The Texas rebellion took that vast territory out of Mexican control and into independent nationhood for about a dozen years despite Santa Anna’s less-than-effective efforts to suppress the American colonists there. An armed naval incursion by France on the basis of a monetary claim for damages against French businesses committed in Mexico City by Mexican soldiers, an episode known at the Pastry War (1838), saw Alamán involved in arbitration of the conflict. Of vastly greater importance was the Mexican-American War (1846-1848), engineered by U.S. President Polk, which wrested away half the national territory of Mexico; Alamán’s descriptions of the war and its aftermath are deployed, including his own peripheral involvement with damage to his home and relations with American officers.