Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « France – Foreign relations – Serbia »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les listes thématiques d’articles de revues, de livres, de thèses, de rapports de conférences et d’autres sources académiques sur le sujet « France – Foreign relations – Serbia ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Articles de revues sur le sujet "France – Foreign relations – Serbia"
1
Dyrina, Anna. « ON THE POST-SOCIALIST PATH OF DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS AND THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA ». Urgent Problems of Europe, no 2 (2021) : 269–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.13.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines the current state of affairs in Belarus and Serbia - two countries that previously were parts of the socialist federal states, but currently belong to the regions of Eastern Europe and the Balkans/South-Eastern Europe, respectively. The first part of the article is devoted to Belarusian-Serbian relations. Political cooperation is developing at the presidential, governmental and parliamentary levels, and interaction is also carried out at the level of various departments, regions and cities. For Serbia, the support from Belarus on the international scene is important, in particular, in the issue of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Serbia. The second part of the article is devoted to Serbia’s relations with the EU and the countries of the Adriatic Euroregion. On December 22, 2009 Serbia applied for EU membership. Despite the significant progress in the negotiations, Serbia has not yet become one of the EU member states. The third part of the article analyzes relations between Belarus and its neighbors, as well as cooperation with the EU. The European Union is the second most important market for Belarusian exports (after Russia). The main trading partners of Belarus among European countries, based on the indicators of bilateral trade in 2019, are Germany, Poland, Great Britain, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Italy, Turkey, Latvia, France, Belgium, and the Czech Republic. The article concludes on the state and prospects of Belarusian-Serbian relations, cooperation of Belarus and Serbia with the EU and neighboring countries, and gives a description of the political systems and foreign policy of Belarus and Serbia.
2
Esaulov, Serhii. « Foreign Policy of Hungary Towards Ukraine or “European Menu à la Carte” ». Diplomatic Ukraine, no XIX (2018) : 603–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-35.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The author raises the issue of settling conflicts around the world and discusses modern attempts to establish law and order. Particular attention is paid to the intricate relations between Hungary and Ukraine. With Russia’s aggression against Ukraine there was ruined a system of international relations, which provided for the rule of law, the right to settle disputes without applying military tools, force or threats. Russia initiated a new precedent of impunity, insolent violation of the fundamental norms of international law, and demonstrated the world how the borders may be redrawn as one sees fit and “bring historical justice”. The author notes that one of the reasons for the escalation of the conflict between Hungary and Ukraine has become the language issue. Still, however pity it is, all attempts of the Ukrainian side to resolve conflict matters have appeared to be vane, since Budapest is reluctant to listen to and consider any arguments of Kyiv, being fully distracted by its demand. It is hard to imagine that in civilized “old” Europe, Germany, for instance, would express claims or even threaten France for the fact that pupils in schools of the French region of Alsace (until 1918, its territory formed part of Germany that attempted to annex it at times of the Second World War) are taught in the official language – French, not in the language of the neighbouring country, even though the Alsatian and German languages are equally spoken there. Unfortunately, Hungary seems not to be ready to follow the example of the Franco-German reconciliation in terms of relations with all neighbours, despite the philosophy of its membership in the EU and NATO. The revenge-seeking attitudes of the Hungarian political establishment regarding the revision of borders according to the Versailles and Yalta systems of international relations are constantly boosted in all directions in the neighbouring countries, where ethnic Hungarians live (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine). The so-called “formula of protecting interests of Russian citizens in Crimea and Donbas” adopted from Putin has apparently laid the foundation for the foreign policy strategy of V. Orban. First, as regards the appeal to make the region of ethnic Hungarians’ residence autonomous and subsequently – the appeal to hold a referendum on separation. The author summarizes that along with the political and diplomatic efforts, a substantial role in easing the tension in relations with Budapest should be played by non-governmental organizations and the expert community though holding forums and scientific conferences aiming at discussing the above-mentioned issues. Keywords: Hungary, conflict, Law on Language, geopolitics, strategies, foreign policy, Ukraine.
3
Ćurčić, Petar. « Germany in multipolar world and Serbia's strategic options ». Vojno delo 74, no 4 (2022) : 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2204001c.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The paper analyzes the position of the Federal Republic of Germany in international relations today and based on that policy, possible guidelines for the Republic of Serbia in its strategic actions in the upcoming period are given. The first goal of the research was to consider the relationship of official Berlin to the European Union, the United States, Russia, China and the rest of the world. Berlin's tendency to further strengthen the institutions, monetary, foreign and defense policy of the European Union has been present for decades. However, since 2008, that policy has been going through constant challenges. The Greek debt crisis, Brexit, the migrant crisis, the recession, a new wave of debts by European countries due to the Covid-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine have put the authorities in Berlin in a difficult position. The failure of Germany and France to establish a unified EU security policy, the impossibility of peace initiatives around Ukraine and the consistent monitoring of Washington's policy have limited the EU ability to project power in other parts of the world. In addition to Russia, it is also obvious that the growing antagonism towards the People's Republic of China has been noticed recently, which threatens to affect very good economic relations The second goal of the paper is to offer Serbia's strategic options based on global trends, and in the context of German policy towards the Western Balkans. The Serbian focus on the European integration and the proclaimed policy of neutrality with a strong commitment to the European peace can be an incentive for joint affairs of the two countries. Particularly problematic is Berlin's attitude towards the self-proclaimed independence of the interim institutions in Prishtina. The opposing positions of Germany and Serbia, however, can be attributed to various regional initiatives such as the Berlin Process and particularly the Open Balkans. The attempts to further escalate the conflict or confrontation of Serbia towards the environment would adversely affect the position of Serbs in the surrounding countries and would also weaken economic exchange, which is traditionally oriented towards the European countries. However, official Belgrade should also work on strengthening internal capacities, primarily defensive, economic, administrative and demographic, so that it can have a high level of readiness in case of possible challenges.
4
Syngaivska, Inna. « Foreign experience of reglamentation of criminal responsibility for coercion to marriage ». Slovo of the National School of Judges of Ukraine, no 2(31) (30 juillet 2020) : 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37566/2707-6849-2020-2(31)-5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The unification of criminal legislation is the most powerful method of international law influencing on national criminal-law systems. In accordance with the comparative legal researching of the criminal liability regulation is the accumulation of law-making practice experience in counteracting of a particular crime, in our research – counteracting of coercion to wedlock. Ukraine hasn’t ratified the Council of Europe Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Violence against Women and domestic violence; Istanbul Convention (hereinafter referred to as the «Istanbul Convention») yet, but a number of its provisions have been implemented into national law. The article 37 of Istanbul convention determines a «force marriage» and determines that parties apply all legislative or other events are needed for providing of criminal responsibility of intentional behavior, that compels adult or child to marriage. European states in dominant majority determine the coercion to marriage as a separate crime. In this context, national criminal law concerning forced marriage is assessed to be fully consistent with current trends of criminal legal protection rights, individual freedom and marriage and family relations in accordance with the criminal law of foreign countries and international treaties (e.x. Istanbul Convention)). There are two positions of coercion to marriage singled out in foreign countries legislation: as an attack on personal freedom (Norway, Germany, Switzerland, Sweden, Denmark, the Netherlands, France, Spain, Austria) and as an attack on marriage and family relations (Bulgaria, Belgium, Montenegro, Serbia). According to criminal law of Belgium, Austria, Sweden and Ukraine the responsibility for coercion cohabitation is provided, besides coercion to marry. Switzerland, legislator singles out a special form of coexistence – forced registration to same-sex partnership. The use of violence and threats of violence are typical and alternative methods of coercion to marriage. However, there are some exceptions as: forced marriage under the threat of breach or termination of family relationships with family members; threat of slander and use of direct slander. According to Article 151-2 of Ukrainian Criminal Code «coercion» is a crime-forming feature, which is determined by a socially dangerous and unlawful act. Forming a criminal law prohibiting of forced marriage, Ukrainian legislator doesn’t follow the list of socially dangerous methods, leaving the interpretation of this issue for law enforcement practice. In regard to the issue of punishment for coercion to marriage European legislators have unequivocal position and determine the punishment in the form of imprisonment. Appropriate legislative experience of the foreign countries should be borrowed in order to harmonize of the national coercion marriage legislation. We recognize that it is expedient to define a fine as a compulsory additional penalty for coercion, in view of sentencing courts practice. Key words: coercion to marriage, coercion to enter dormitories, criminal liability, crimes against freedom, honor and dignity of a person.
5
Vujović, Miroslav, et Jasna Vuković. « Yours ever... ili ko je bila Ketrin Braun ? Istraživanja praistorijske Vinče i britanski uticaji za vreme i posle I svetskog rata ». Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 11, no 3 (2 novembre 2016) : 809. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v11i3.8.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As the 110th anniversary of the beginning of the excavations at Vinča is nearing, the question arises as to how much we really know about the role and motives of a number of British subjects who in various ways played decisive roles in the research and the international affirmation of this important Late Neolithic site. It is possible, on the basis of archives and personal correspondence of Miloje M. Vasić, to view the investigations of Vinča in the wider context of political and military relations, influencing the general situation in the Kingdom of The Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, later Yugoslavia. John Lynton Myres was a professor at the universities in Oxford and Liverpool, the founder and editor of the Journal Man and the director of the British Archaeological School in Athens. During the World War I, between 1916 and 1919, he was an officer of the Royal Navy Volunteer Reserve, first in the Navy Intelligence Service, and then in Military Control Office in Athens. The Browns, Alec and Catherine, also played an important role. Alec Brown, a left-oriented writer, translator and correspondent, arrived to Serbia as a Cambridge graduate, aiming at the post of an English language teacher in high schools. In the period from 1929 to 1931 he took part in the excavations at Vinča, taking this setting as the base for the plot of one of his books. His wife, Elsie Catherine Brown, whose life is very poorly documented, served in the British Embassy in Belgrade between the wars. Vasić dedicated the third volume of Prehistoric Vinča to her, for her devoted work in the British medical mission and the care she took of the Serbian soldiers near Thessalonica, but also for her part played in the establishment of the initial contact with Sir Charles Hyde. The life of Catherine Brown may be seen as one of the many exceptional stories about the noble British ladies, celebrated in Serbia for over a century. However, one should bear in mind that the events and characters (Myres, Hyde, the Browns) linked to the research in Vinča may be a part of a larger scene, and a consequence of other, equally important circumstances of a more direct involvement of Great Britain in the political situation in Yugoslavia between the wars. Myres, a man close to the scientific, intelligence and diplomatic circles, is the key person in the initial contact between Vasić and Catherine Brown. Since his first encounter with Vasić in 1918 in Athens, on the occasion of his return from France to Serbia, Myres himself or through Catherine Brown, worked to establish the collaboration and keep the contact with Vasić. It is possible that the Athens meeting, initiated by Myres, was a consequence not only of the scholarly interest, but also the growing British involvement in the Balkans. After the same line of reasoning, the arrival of Alec Brown in Belgrade cannot be understood solely as a consequence of the individual ambition of a young Slavic scholar, but as well as a part of the strategy of deepening the British influences over the region traditionally more inclined towards France, due to the political and cultural ties and military alliances. After the war, many Serbian linguists were posted as teachers of the language at the most prestigious British universities, such as Oxford and Cambridge, where Alec Brown earned his degree. His application to the post of English teacher in Serbia is closely preceded by the recommendation of Earl Curzon of Kedleston, British Foreign Secretary, to secure teaching English in the Yugoslav schools, and not only French, as it was previously the case. The collaboration between British and Serbian intellectuals was surely a very suitable context for the establishment of intimate contacts and spreading of cultural and political influences. As illustrated by the case of the Near East, archaeology and archaeologists are particularly useful in this respect. Their long sojourns and mobility in the field, command of the language, enabled them to gain the confidence of the locals, learn about the customs, and gain information, just like Myres the Blackbeard did, and more or less successfully Catherine and Alec Brown as well. Regardless of the real or clandestine motifs, in the case of the investigations of Vinča, this collaboration made possible the publication the four-volume work of Vasić – Prehistoric Vinča, exceptional in many respects, and the international recognition of Vinča as one of the most important Late Neolithic settlements in South-eastern Europe.
6
Aganson, Olga I. « The First World War and emerging of a new regional order in the Balkans : an augmentation of small states' role ». Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no 1 (31 janvier 2020) : 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2020-1-7-17.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The First World War launched a tremendous restructuring of the international system. One of its major outcomes was a transformation of the small states of Central and South-Eastern Europe from objects to subjects of international relations. Having emerged or enlarged their territories in wake of multinational empires’ collapse, the small states became key players on the regional level. Reshaping of the Balkan regional order is of a particular interest to researchers as the Balkan instability triggered destruction of the previous international system. The purpose of the article is to understand how a world conflict, which had broken out in South-Eastern Europe, transformed the region. To do this the author dwells upon three sets of question. The first is the Balkan contribution in the origins of the First World War. The second is an interplay of factors which caused reshaping of the Balkan political space during the war years. The third is a new landscape of the postwar order in South-Eastern Europe. Methodological approaches applied here define new and actual character of this article. The author uses conceptual tools of the theory of international relations to analyze a process of region «building» which took place in circumstances of «tectonic» shifts within the international system in the early decades of the 20th century. Thus, the author applies the analytical model of the regional order as well as key definitions of the theory of international relations – great power, small state (the article focuses on Serbia, Romania, Bulgaria and Greece), principle of self-determination. It is concluded that the regional order emerged in the Balkans in wake of the First World War was a result of multi-dimensional interaction of factors. They are as follows: 1) the military, strategic and foreign policy planning of hostile coalitions of powers (the Entente and the bloc of the Central powers), seeking to win the loyalty of regional allies; 2) demonstrated by the small states understanding that the war had opened a «window of opportunity» to put into life their national interests and programs; 3) the decline of traditional multi-ethnic empires, which had formed political atmosphere in the Balkans. It is stated that a landscape of post-war regional order in the Balkans was determined with cooperation and competition of the local national states in the situation when the multi-ethnic empires had disappeared from the Balkan political space while the architects of the Versailles system – Great Britain and France seemed to be less interested in South-Eastern Europe in after war years. It meant that the new Balkan order enjoyed a relative autonomy compared to the previous one.
7
Lalević-Vasić, Bosiljka M. « Th e 2nd Congress of the Pan-Slavic Association of Dermatovenereologists, belgrade 1931 ». Serbian Journal of Dermatology and Venerology 4, no 3 (29 novembre 2012) : 130–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10249-012-0012-9.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The Pan-Slavic Association of Dermatovenereologists (PSADVs) was founded in May 1928, and it included dermatologic associations of Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Poland and Yugoslavia. Its president was Prof. Krzysztalowicz from Poland. The 1st Congress of this association was held in Warsaw in 1929, and the 2nd Congress was organized by the Association of Dermatovenereologists of Yugoslavia (ADVY), in Belgrade in 1931. The president of the Organizing Committee was Prof. Đorđe Đorđevic, and the secretary Assoc. Prof. Milan Kićevac from the Clinic of Dermatovenereology in Belgrade. The Congress was attended by representatives of Slavic national associations, as well as by representatives of French, Romanian, Greek and Turkish dermatology. The number of participants amounted to 160 physicians and 60 members of their families. According to the report of Ilić S., 104 papers had been presented: 48 from Yugoslavia (37 from Serbia, 3 from Croatia, 3 from Macedonia, and 5 from Bosnia), 23 from Czechoslovakia, 18 from Poland, 8 from France, 5 from Romania, 1 from Turkey, and 1 from Greece. Most papers were from the area of sexually transmitted diseases: 43 papers (41.35% of the total number). Out of these, 27 papers were on syphilis, followed by gonorrhea with 9 papers. There were both research and experimental papers. The authors insisted on assessing diagnostic and therapeutic issues, as well as disease prevention. The second most frequent group of diseases accounted for eczema. The problem included the defi nition and pathogenesis of the disease. The third group of diseases was tuberculosis. The results of experiments on animals were studied pointing out the need for reclassifi cation of skin tuberculosis in relation to internal tuberculosis. A small number of papers were on other infections of the skin and genitals, as well as individual cases of various dermatoses. During the Congress, social events were also organized, as well as a banquet on the ship Alexander I cruising on the Danube and Sava. Optional travel tours to all parts of Yugoslavia were also offered. Soon after the Congress, foreign journals published reports on its high professional level and the entire organization.
8
Varga-Kocsicska, Aleksandra. « Serbia and France : the special relationship ? » European Scientific Journal, ESJ 18, no 23 (31 juillet 2022) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2022.v18n23p1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
What is the relationship between the European Union and the Western Balkans, and Serbia in particular? The author reviews the process of accession of the Western Balkan countries (with a focus on Serbia) to the European Union, but also the geopolitical stakes in this region, which is sought after by external actors such as China and Russia, and which the European Union should pay more attention in order to strengthen its strategic autonomy. The EU needs to take a bold stance in the Western Balkans and France wants to be at the forefront. European actors must show future member states that the door to full membership is indeed open, but only if they can truly embrace democratic values. In his analysis, the author writes about Serbia's path towards EU integration through an increasingly close relationship with France. The current situation in Serbia is rather complex. Will it continue with its "hamster in the wheel" approach, where the result is always expected to be the same, or should Serbia adopt a different approach for the future? As concerns Serbia, France will certainly continue to insist on economic cooperation and the improvement of French investments in Serbia. They will also take a stand against damaging foreign influences which they believe could potentially destabilize the region and are fundamentally at cross purposes with the policy favored by the European Union.
9
Ćurčić, Mihailo, Radan Kostić et Ivica Matejić. « Foreign trade of Serbia and Africa ». Odrzivi razvoj 3, no 2 (2021) : 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/odrraz2102007c.
Texte intégralRésumé :
When it comes to defining the foreign trade relations between Africa and the Republic of Serbia, it should be pointed out that our country achieves the least international trade cooperation with the countries of this continent. According to the data of the Parliamentary Budget Office (2018), Serbian foreign trade is mostly focused on Europe, given that as much as 93% of total exports were directed to European countries, and 80% of imports of goods from Europe. The exchange with African countries is almost negligible: on both the import and import side, Africa took part in less than 1% of the total Serbian foreign trade. Infrastructure development accelerates the pace of economic progress, by strengthening more productive activities, and leads to lower costs for conducting internal and external trade.
10
Bocan-Harčenko, Aleksandar. « Russian foreign policy and Russian-Serbian relations ». Napredak 1, no 2 (2020) : 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2002007b.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article outlines the basic principles of Russian foreign policy and traces their implementation in the context of the strategic partnership between Russia and Serbia. In 2020, the world celebrates related jubilees, the 75th anniversary of the Victory in the Second World War and the establishment of the UN. Russia, as one of the principal architects of the World Organization, advocates the strengthening of the UN central role in international affairs and fostering a polycentric and fair world order based on the rule of international law, primarily the UN Charter. Harmonization of integration processes in various parts of the world is essential. To that end, President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin introduced the initiative of the Greater Eurasian Partnership. Conscious of its special responsibility for maintaining peace and security, Russia is committed to promoting political and diplomatic settlement of crises and working with all interested countries in order to build a global common space of equal and indivisible security and strategic stability. Russia aims at further dynamic development of mutually beneficial cooperation with Serbia across a wide range of fields. A trust-based high-level political dialogue plays the decisive role. Russian stance on the Kosovo settlement remains unchanged and is based on UN SC Resolution 1244.
Thèses sur le sujet "France – Foreign relations – Serbia"
1
Albers, Martin. « The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.
Texte intégral
2
Styan, David A. « Franco-Iraqi relations and Fifth Republic foreign policy, 1958-1990 ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/15/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study analyses the evolution of France's relations with Iraq since 1958. It seeks to understand the motivations behind French government, state and private sector interests in Iraq. This is done in the dual context of France's economic rivalry with other western powers in the Middle East, and the Iraqi state's attempts to follow an independent foreign policy while using its oil revenues to rapidly industrialise and arm itself. The text first charts France's rivalry with Britain in the ex-Ottoman empire and its fears of Anglo-American domination of oil supplies. It then demonstrates that while France's early links with Israel continued under President De Gaulle, by the mid sixties they had been eclipsed by the commercial importance of trade with Arab states. The core text then focuses on France's relationship with Iraq since 1958, the year in which new governments came to power in both states. Despite the 1972 nationalisation of the Iraq Petroleum company, in which France had a 25% stake, French politicians and businessmen nevertheless gained favourable access to oil supplies, greatly increasing their exports of defence and high technology products, including a nuclear reactor, to Iraq during the seventies. The Iran-Iraq war (1980-88) intensified both bilateral trade links and the indebtedness of Iraq to France. By the mid-eighties what become a de-facto alliance generated severe problems for France's middle eastern policies, particularly towards Iran. The central themes of the study are the processes of foreign policy formation in France, and the extent and impact of economic interests underlying policy making. The thesis argues that substantial state ownership in France's oil, defence and aeronautical industries, coupled with the common interests and interpretations of a relatively homogeneous and interconnected corps of businessmen, politicians and civil servants, helps explain the continuity of French policy in the region. This is seen to be true despite the change of government (from Gaullist to Socialist) in France in May 1981.
3
Gale, Caitlin Maria. « Beyond Corsairs : the British-Barbary relationship during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1cdea6da-7ca9-4728-bef5-59e6850dbb73.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The North African Barbary States are usually dismissed as an unimportant, though bothersome, pirate base of little consequence in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. This thesis challenges that idea by providing qualitative and quantitative evidence of Barbary's role in trade and diplomacy during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, especially as it affected Britain and how the British were able to carry out their military and political goals in the Mediterranean. The study is based on the correspondence between the British government and its military leaders in the region, the correspondence and reports generated by British consuls working in Barbary, import/export records, and a database tracking British shipping to and from North Africa during the conflict. To the British, Barbary was not an irritation but an asset. Britain was able to manage Barbary's trade and foreign policy over the course of the twenty-three-year conflict. This was accomplished in two key ways: as a source of supplies for British forces and through the diplomatic role provided by Britain's extensive consul network. Though the North African states were neutral for the majority of both wars, Britain worked strenuously to maintain and increase its trade and diplomacy with Barbary for the benefit of the British armed forces. British trade with Barbary, supported by the British-Barbary diplomatic relationship, directly contributed to British successes in the Mediterranean and Iberian Peninsula.
4
Condren, John. « Louis XIV et le repos de l'Italie : French policy towards the duchies of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, 1659-1689 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8259.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Between 1659 and 1689, northern Italy was generally at peace, having endured almost three decades of continuous war from the 1620s. The Peace of the Pyrenees of November 1659, between the French and Spanish crowns, seemed to offer the young Louis XIV an opportunity to gradually subvert Spanish influence over the small princely families of the Po valley. The Houses of Farnese, Este, and Gonzaga-Nevers, respective rulers of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, had all been allies of France at various points in the Franco-Spanish War (1635-1659), but had gained scant reward for their willingness to jeopardise their own relationships with the king of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, despite the promises of material and diplomatic support which Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin had extended to them. As a consequence, they were reluctant to agree to again participate in alliances with France. This thesis examines how Louis XIV gradually came to lose the friendship of these three ruling families, through his arrogant disregard of their interests and their ambitions, and also by his contempt for their capabilities and usefulness. This disregard was frequently born out of the French monarch's unwillingness to jeopardise or to undermine his own interests in Italy – in particular, the permanent retention of the fortress of Pinerolo, in Piedmont, as a porte onto the Po plain. But although the principi padani comprehended the reasons for Louis's unwillingness to act as a benevolent patron, they resented his all-too-palpable distrust of them; his entrenched belief that they were unreliable; and his obvious love of war. The rulers and élites of the Italian states believed that Louis would undoubtedly seek, at some point in his reign, to attack Spain's possessions in Italy, and dwelt in perpetual dread of that day. This thesis provides the account of French policy towards the small Italian states after 1659 which is still absent from the historiography of Louis XIV's foreign policies.
5
Marks, Martha Staley. « United States policy toward Tunisian nationalism during World War II ». PDXScholar, 1985. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3664.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis has attempted to describe the controversy between Robert Murphy and Hooker Doolittle over American policy toward the North Africans and French during World War II. The research was based primarily on material from State Department documents found in the National Archives supplemented by material from the French archives as well as memoirs, personal interviews, and histories of the period. In order for the reader to understand this particular dispute, the problem was developed in the context of the larger political scene as it evolved in North Africa. The controversy between de Gaulle and Giraud was described since it tended to dominate relations between the United States and France at that time. As a result of the research, it was obvious that Murphy's position prevailed, but not without raising important questions about the long term implications of this position.
6
Rankin, Colleen A. « International Agendas Confront Domestic Interests : EU Enlargement, Russian Foreign Policy, and Eastern Europe ». The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1337888570.
Texte intégral
7
Vargo, Trina Y. « French and American foreign policies : concordances and discordances in the light of ideological differences 1981-1984 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61971.
Texte intégral
8
Walsh, Sebastian John. « Britain, Morocco and the development of the Anglo-French entente ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610042.
Texte intégral
9
Van, Deusen Karl J. « U.S.-Portuguese relations and foreign base rights in Portugal ». Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA237179.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 1990.Thesis Advisor(s): Bruneau, Thomas C. Second Reader: Yost, David S. "June 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on October 15, 2009. DTIC Identifier(s): Military Bases, Political Science, Theses, United States, Portugal, Azores, Security Assistance Program, France, West Germany, European Community, Western European Union, Madeira, Trade. Author(s) subject terms: Portugal, Azores, Lajes, Flores, Beja, Overseas Bases, Security Assistance, Slazar, Soares, Silva, Emigration, Emigrant's Remittances, Trade, Foreign Direct Investment, WEU, CFE. Includes bibliographical references (p. 180-185). Also available in print.
10
Raphala, Mmapitsi Grateful. « A critique of the foreign policy of France towards Africa :case studies of Central African Republic and Ivory Coast, 2007-2014 ». Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/2010.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M. A. (International Politics)) --University of Limpopo, 2017Many Western and Central African countries were colonised by France from the early 17th century until the early 1960s. However, Africa has continued to be the private hunting ground for France in the post-independence period. This is because France still needs African resources, particularly its oil. In fact, Africa holds a strategic position for French foreign policy. Therefore, when France gave independence to its African colonies, it did not really mean it was completely disengaging from Africa. In essence, a package was imposed on Francophone African countries which tied them to the revitalised African states to preserve French colonial status. Moreover, France‟s heavy involvement in African countries has earned it a perception of being a police officer of the continent. Within this premise, due to protracted conflicts in French African countries, Francophone Africans bank their hope on France to assist in offering just and lasting solutions to the complex challenges facing their countries. This should be understood within the context that France maintained a significant colonial empire in the continent for almost a century and a half. Nevertheless, France attempts to uphold hegemonic foothold in Francophone Africa through political, economic and cultural connections while the security of Africans is threatened. With this in mind, this study critiques the French foreign policy towards Africa and it uses Ivory Coast and Central African Republic as case studies. These two countries are chosen given their recent conflicts and their assistance in critiquing the French position in African complex challenges. This study also adopted the use of document review and interviews to generate data.
Livres sur le sujet "France – Foreign relations – Serbia"
1
La Serbie et la France : Une alliance atypique : relations politiques, économiques et culturelles, 1870-1940. Belgrade : Académie serbe des sciences et des arts, Institut des études balkaniques, 2010.
Trouver le texte intégral
2
France, ce serait aussi un beau nom ... : Essai. Plombières les bains : Éditions Ex Aequo, 2011.
Trouver le texte intégral
3
Round, Table Conference Japan and the World (2007 Belgrade Serbia). Japan and Serbia : Contemporary issues. Belgrade : Institute of International Politics and Economoics, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégral
4
Round Table Conference Japan and the World (2007 Belgrade, Serbia). Japan and Serbia : Contemporary issues. Belgrade : Institute of International Politics and Economoics, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégral
5
Edita, Stojić, Hatibović Džemal, Lađevac Ivina, Round Table Conference Japan and the World (2007 : Belgrade, Serbia) et Round Table Conference Japan and Serbia in a Foreseeable Future (2008 : Belgrade, Serbia), dir. Japan and Serbia : Contemporary issues. Belgrade : Institute of International Politics and Economoics, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégral
6
David, MacKenzie. Serbs and Russians. Boulder : East European Monographs, 1996.
Trouver le texte intégral
7
Unholy alliance : Greece and Milošević's Serbia. College Station : Texas A&M University Press, 2002.
Trouver le texte intégral
8
H, Columbus Frank, dir. Kosovo-Serbia : A just war ? Commack, N.Y : Nova Science Publishers, 1999.
Trouver le texte intégral
9
Valeria, Heuberger, et Vyslonzil Elisabeth, dir. Serbia in Europe : Neighbourhood relations and European integration. Münster : Lit, 2006.
Trouver le texte intégral
10
Ajeti, Faruk. Die Rolle der EU-Aussenpolitik im Kosovo (1989-2010). Frankfurt am Main : Peter Lang Edition, 2013.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "France – Foreign relations – Serbia"
1
Abazi, Enika. « Kosovo and France Bilateral Relations ». Dans Kosovo’s Foreign Policy and Bilateral Relations, 130–58. London : Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003371588-7.
Texte intégral
2
Reeder, Tyson. « Britain, France, and the Road to War ». Dans The Routledge History of U.S. Foreign Relations, 133–47. New York : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003034889-13.
Texte intégral
3
Bergmane, Una. « Consulting Foreign Affairs Archives in France and America ». Dans Resources and Applied Methods in International Relations, 33–41. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-61979-8_3.
Texte intégral
4
Krotz, Ulrich. « Historical Construction, International Relations Theory, and Foreign Policy ». Dans History and Foreign Policy in France and Germany, 24–40. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230353954_3.
Texte intégral
5
Mladenović, Miroslav, et Elena Georgievna Ponomareva. « Balkan Vector of Russian Foreign (Public) Policy : The Example of Serbia ». Dans Russia and Serbia in the Contemporary World : Bilateral Relations, Challenges and Opportunities, 21–38. Belgrade : Institute of International Politics ; Economics, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/iipe_ru_sr.2020.ch2.
Texte intégral
6
Shishkina, Olga. « Russia, the EU, and China : Foreign Policy Initiatives in Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe (CESEE) ». Dans Russia and Serbia in the Contemporary World : Bilateral Relations, Challenges and Opportunities, 231–44. Belgrade : Institute of International Politics ; Economics, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/iipe_ru_sr.2020.ch14.
Texte intégral
7
Du, Shixin. « The Belt and Road Initiative and China-Eastern European Relations : The Domestic Context in Chinese Foreign Policies Regarding the Hungary-Serbia Railway ». Dans 100 Years of World Wars and Post-War Regional Collaboration, 371–84. Singapore : Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-9970-2_28.
Texte intégral
8
Forró, Lajos, et Srđan Cvetković. « The Birth of Modern Serbia (1804–2004) : Integration, concepts, ideas, and great powers ». Dans The Development of European and Regional Integration Theories in Central European Countries, 113–35. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.mgih.doleritincec_6.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter follows the origin and development of the modern Serbian state in the last two centuries. At the crossroads of great empires, the Serbian state ascended in the 19th century. The national program formed in the first half of the 19th century as the basis of its foreign policy meant gathering the Serbian national corps into one state. It was gradually realized by maneuvering between the great powers, but also through conflict with them. In the 19th century, Serbian politics was most often correlated or in conflict with the interests of Austria, Russia, and Turkey. During Yugoslavia’s time in the first half of the 20th century, France, Britain, and Germany took over, while in Socialist Yugoslavia during the Cold War, relations with the US, the USSR, and some non-aligned countries prevailed. In the post-communist era, the main problems in Serbia’s foreign policy were its relationships with the US and NATO and with the EU and Germany. Geostrategic interests and Serbia’s position meant that it was exposed to severe exclusions and numerous wars with both its neighbors and the great powers.
9
Dawson, William Harbutt. « (1871–1887) Foreign Relations—(i) France ». Dans The German Empire 1867–1914, 79–115. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351059916-3.
Texte intégral
10
« The provisional state and 'eternal France'. Franco-German relations, 1963–9 ». Dans German Foreign Policy, 211–31. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203066300-17.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "France – Foreign relations – Serbia"
1
Ardıl, Cemal. « Turkey - Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization : Foreign Trade Relations during the 1996-2012 Period ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00661.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper presents the regional economic relations between Turkey and Black See Economic Cooperation Organization (BSEC). The Heads of State and Government of eleven countries: Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Moldova, Romania, Russia, Turkey and Ukraine signed the Summit Declaration and the Bosphorus Statement giving birth to the Black Sea Economic Cooperation on 25 June 1992, in Istanbul. On 5 June 1998, the Heads of State or Government signed the BSEC Charter, came into force on 1 May 1999 BSEC has evolved into an international regional organization for economic cooperation. The organization has 12 members since Serbia joining the organization in 2004. It came into existence as a unique and promising model of multilateral political and economic initiative aimed at fostering interaction and harmony among the Member States, as well as to ensure peace, stability and prosperity encouraging friendly and good-neighbourly relations in the Black Sea region. Countries bordering the Black Sea, Balkan and Caucasus formed the BSEC countries cover an area of approximately 20 million square kilometer and represent more than 350 million people. The region with the foreign trade volume of U.S. $ 300 billion per year draws attention to the rich natural resources; and is the main European energy and transport corridor transfer. The Black Sea region is a contested neighbourhood and the subject of intense debates and conflicts in the globe. Also, this reflects the changing dynamics of the Black Sea region, its complex realities, the interests of outsiders and the region’s relations with the rest of the globe. Moreover, its strategic position, linking north to south and east to west, as well as its oil, gas, transport and trade routes are all important reasons for its increasing relevance. Turkey's foreign trade volume with BSEC member countries is steadily increasing as per the findings over the period of 1996-2012.
2
Densmaa, Oyuntsetseg, Gerelchimeg Kaliinaa, Norovsuren Nanzad et Tsogzolboo Otgonbayar. « MONGOLIA’S “THIRD NEIGHBOR POLICY” ». Dans Proceedings of the XXV International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25012021/7365.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Geographically Mongolia has two neighbors. Mongolia’s existence today depends largely on mutually friendly relationships with two big neighbors. The main pillars of Mongolia’s new international strategy were incorporated in Mongolia’s National Security Concept adopted on June 30, 1994. This document, approved by the Mongolian Parliament, emphasizes a balanced policy towards the country’s two giant neighbors, underlines the importance of economic security in protecting Mongolia’s national integrity, and warns about too much dependence on any one country for trade. In today’s world of globalization and interdependence, Mongolia has to engage with other countries beyond these two neighbors, Russia and China. This is fundamental thing of the Mongolia’s searching third neighbor. Mongolia needs more friends to ensure its national security interests and achieve economic prosperity its ‘Third Neighbor Policy’1 is a policy of extending its friends all around the world. Two immediate neighbors of Mongolia, Russia and China, remain the foreign policy priority and this priority is not contradictory to the policy of having more friends. Mongolia is becoming an arena of clashes of economic interests of developed countries, multinational corporations due its rich mining deposits. Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy is aimed to leverage the influence of neighboring countries in the national security issues of Mongolia. In contrast with other satellite states of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia concurrently instituted a democratic political system, a market-driven economy, and a foreign policy based on balancing relations with Russia and China while expanding relations with the West and East. Mongolia is now pursuing a foreign policy that will facilitate global engagement, allow the nation to maintain its sovereignty, and provide diplomatic freedom of maneuver through a “third neighbor” policy. 2 This policy is very much alive today but there is no reason to claim that its implementation is satisfactory. Mongolia has major investors from the US, Japan, Germany and France from the EU, for example. There are many universal conventions related to landlocked country. For Mongolia, access to sea via our two neighbors, means promoting economic ties with the third neighbors, as an important factor conducive to reinforcing the material foundations of Mongolia’s third neighbor policy.
3
Karluk, S. Rıdvan. « EU Enlargement to the Balkans : Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.
Texte intégralRésumé :
After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.