Articles de revues sur le sujet « Fortis, Alberto »

Abstract<title> SUMMARY </title>Presented is a list of previously unknown letters by Alberto Fortis (1741-1803) recently discovered in various archives and libraries. It includes 307 items who are to be added to the 1338 listed in Muljacic's Inventario («Nuncius», 1990, I, pp. 127-203). They provide new information about Fortis's education, scientific interests and political opinions.

Abstract<title> SUMMARY </title>Presented is Alberto Fortis' correspondence list (Padova, 9 november 1741 - Bologna, 21 october 1803), which includes, to date, 1338 letters written and received by Fortis.Many letters are here reported for the first time, and many data relative to letters already published have been revised and corrected.The large extent of the Fortis' interests, the number of his correspondents and the chronologic extension of his correspondence (1760-1803) make this collection of his letters a very useful tool for historians of the late eighteenth century.

Cilj nam je proučiti različite utjecaje okcidentalnih književnosti na južnoslavensku književnost kao i način prijenosa i širenja narodnih pjesama u oba smjera. Predlažemo imagološki i interkulturalni metodološki otvoren pristup koji daje apsolutni prioritet tekstovima Alberta Fortisa i Charlesa Nodiera ispitujući funkciju drugosti, studiju prikaza drugog, altera et aliusa. Usmeno prenošenje francuskog epskog materijala na područje Južnih Slavena je veoma značajno: tema Rolanda prodire u Dalmaciju preko Umbrije (Banašević 1975a: 8). Poetska tema “Hasanaginice” (“Tužna balada plemenite supruge Asan-age”), prvog teksta književnosti s istočne obale Jadrana prevedene na francuski, pobudila je znatiželju i zanimanje francuske javnosti za narodne pjesme južnih Slavena. Ovu “morlačku” pjesmu objavio je Alberto Fortis u originalu s talijanskim prijevodom u Viaggio in Dalmazia (1774). Goetheova verzija ove poznate pjesme doprinosi valorizaciji poezije balkanskih naroda u Njemačkoj, a zatim i u drugim europskim zemljama. Može se konstatirati da visoka poetska vrijednost narodnih pjesama na ovom području juga obilježava u okcidentalnoj književnosti paralelni razvoj i uzajamnu potporu.

Travel writing is a literary space particularly promoting moments of cross-cultural contact. In 18th century, Enlightenment new ideas encourage the production of odeporics in Italian literature, while writers and readersʼ interest for this genre increases conspicuously. The article mainly focuses on two travel books suggesting some remarkable research cues, Viaggio in Dalmazia by Alberto Fortis and Viaggio in Grecia by Saverio Scrofani, considering the travellersʼ specific approach and depiction of local people and analyzing their capability to turn these experiences into occasions to get closer to the Others and to represent them.

Maximilian De Traux (1766-1817) was an engineering officer in the Austrian army. In 1803, he became the head of the engineering administration in Zadar, in which role he travelled all over Dalmatia during the following two years, gaining a solid knowledge of the region. In 1805, he produced a description of the land, nowadays preserved at the National Library of Serbia in Belgrade. It was published under a somewhat clumsy title Festungen Dalmatiens und Albaniens nebst vorliegenden Inseln, und Beschreibung (Fortifications of Dalmatia and Albania, as well as the neighbouring islands, and their description) and dedicated to Johann, Archduke of Austria, but in fact it was intended for the Austrian ruling house in general, in order to help them govern the lands which had come into their possession only a few years before. The book consists of two parts: textual and illustrative, the latter including 29 figures. In the textual part, De Traux largely focuses on the state of Dalmatian fortifications, including mainland settlements and those on the islands. He then describes the geography of the area and the communication lines with regard to the defence potential and the need of investing in the construction of new fortifications. The population is described in the tradition of Alberto Fortis, whereby he distinguishes between two types: the urban inhabitants, which resemble the Italians in all aspects, and those of the hinterland, the so-called Morlacs. He also describes “Albania”, the area around Boka Kotorska, previously governed by the Venetian Republic under the name of Albania Veneta. In this section he addresses, among other things, the problem of the Orthodox population, arguing that it would be beneficial to appoint a separate Orthodox bishop (episkopos) for “Albania” and that the Orthodox will never be loyal subjects to a Catholic monarch as their religion creates a state within the state. The illustrative section of De Traux’s report includes ground plans of various fortifications and maps of Dalmatia, the Kvarner Islands, and “Albania”. At the very beginning, there are separate illustrations, with a particular focus on Sanmicheli’s Land Gate. It was given a special place in the report and, although it was still a part of the fortification belt and played a role in communication and defence, De Traux did not waste a word on that aspect, commenting instead on its symbolic role as an entrance to the main Venetian city of Dalmatia. De Traux’s booklet is rather small (11x19 cm) and thus the author calls it “a pocketbook” (Taschenbuch). This can be explained by its aim: it had to be handy and easy to use by its addressee, Archduke Johann, and this aspect was obviously more important than a possible representative character. Because of the size, De Traux’s ground plans had to be limited in the number of details in order to remain clear, which resulted in unusually effective and suggestive depictions.

O pastoreio em Portugal começa a chegar formalmente até nós, sobretudo através das referências inscritas nos forais, cartas régias, alvarás régios, códigos de posturas municipais. Também nalguns estudos históricos se inserem descrições etnográficas que fornecem dados importantes sobre o mesmo tema. No entanto os estudos sistemáticos sobre o tema foram conduzidos, entre outros, por Tude de Sousa, Amorim Girão, Jorge Dias, Orlando Ribeiro, Alberto Martinho. A nível de estudos monográficos aparecem referências várias a este tema que nós citaremos neste trabalho.

An intellectuel maverick : dans le domaine des idées, et plus encore des idées économiques, Albert Otto Hirschman a toujours été un franc-tireur1. Brillant, admiré, célébré, reconnu, mais irréductiblement franc-tireur. Le mot est appelé par sa propre histoire, qu’il convoque souvent à l’appui de ses thèses. Il fait écho à ses engagements antifascistes, à ses fulgurances d’expert non-conformiste dans le domaine du développement, à ses combats civiques, à ses fortes intuitions analytiques en matière de théorie économique, à ses apports à l’histoire intellectuelle de notre temps — et avant tout à cette liberté de pensée sans pareille qui a toujours marqué ses écrits.

RÉSUMÉCet article examine l’évolution de la théorie et la recherche sur le bonheur deux décennies après la publication du Psychological Well-Being in Later Life (Butterworths, 1991) par Albert Kozma, Michael Stones, et Kevin McNeil. Les avancements empiriques majeurs comprennent de nouvelles connaissances au sujet des contributions au bonheur résultants d’effets liés génétiquement et leur personnalité. Les traits de personnalité exercent des relations plus fortes avec le bonheur que ne l’était il ya 20 ans et de contribuent à la covariance entre le bonheur et certains ses prédicteurs. Accents de recherche en évolution comprennent les façons dont les effets qui sont génétiquement liés influencent la manière dont on forme et réagit à son environnement.

Na narrativa da nação portuguesa, a Espanha foi muitas vezes olhada como um perigoso «outro», uma ameaça que justificava a demonização do vizinho ibérico. Séculos de anti castelhanismo, ou de pura hispanofobia, constituíram assim um ingrediente definidor do nacionalismo português. Um dos mais fortes defensores deste discurso foi, na segunda metade do século XX, Alberto Franco Nogueira, ministro dos Negócios Estrangeiros do Estado Novo, entre 1961 e 1969, e conhecido crítico de qualquer amizade ibérica no quadro da Democracia e da Europa. Explorando os seus escritos sobre as relações luso-espanholas, e a forma como intransigentemente se opôs a qualquer abordagem política ou cultural de cariz hispanófilo, o objetivo deste texto é o de evocar uma disposição e discurso públicos que, longe de constituírem uma excentricidade individual, informaram muitas opiniões portuguesas anti cosmopolitas, criando ou reforçando uma noção de fronteira inexpugnável contra a Espanha, que foi tanto realidade física quanto, sobretudo, representação e barreira mental.

O presente artigo analisa na obra Memórias de um sobrevivente, de Luiz Alberto Mendes, a escrita de si, que resultando de uma escrita autobiográfica produzida sobre a experiência de cárcere, se coloca na condição de literatura testemunhal e sua condição de subalterno. A obra traz elementos da memória e da história de vida do próprio autor, narrando momentos de fortes relações de subalternidades e da construção do sujeito da voz. Abordaremos nuanças da memória e da subalternidade, adotando uma nova nomenclatura: a dupla subalternidade, por se tratar de um escritor pobre, portanto subalterno, e um escritor na condição de preso, ou seja, duplo subalterno. O presente estudo abordará ainda a resistência ao discurso dominante através da voz de um escritor preso. Trago questões sobre a multidão e o que o preso representa dentre os muitos na construção do espaço e do discurso. Aborda-se a questão da subalternidade e o posicionamento do escritor pobre e preso, diante desta performance do subalterno. Portanto, tenta-se adequar o conceito de obra literária produzida na prisão com o conceito de literatura de multidão. Escrita de muitos. Posicionamento e reposicionamento do sujeito da voz como subalterno no campo literário.

Este artigo analisa a primeira década da Escola Regional de Meriti, instituição educacional privada, criada na vila de Meriti (atual Duque de Caxias/RJ), em 1921. As conexões entre os movimentos sanitarista e educacional da década de 1920, na Capital, fizeram surgir a ideia de modernização do Brasil através da criação de uma escola, para cuidar do corpo e do espírito das crianças do sertão. Esse empreendimento, liderado por Armanda Álvaro Alberto, contou com a participação e apoio de intelectuais da Capital Federal, como Edgar Sussekind de Mendonça, Francisco Venâncio Filho, Belisário Penna, Antonio Pacheco Leão, Edgar Roquette Pinto e Alberto Rangel. O conceito de regionalismo presente nos discursos dos participantes da Escola ressaltava a necessidade de levar educação e saúde aos sertanejos brasileiros. Começando pelas crianças, mas também aos responsáveis destas e, por fim, a todos os homens e mulheres do sertão. Assim, eles poderiam crescer fortes, saudáveis e com conhecimentos para que o país alcançasse o progresso. Havia uma perspectiva de manter o sertanejo no seu próprio lugar, sem a necessidade de buscar uma vida melhor nas cidades. E, ao mesmo tempo, o interesse de fazer com que cada região se desenvolvesse de acordo com suas potencialidades. A escolha da vila de Meriti, um sertão próximo à Capital, era a possibilidade de estar em um lugar de fronteira entre o interior e a grande cidade e de que os intelectuais partícipes da escola pudessem construir uma escola no sertão e debater nos círculos intelectuais da Capital. Palavras-chave: educação; saúde; modernização; regionalismo; sertão próximo.

A Guerra do Paraguai (1864-1870) foi um acontecimento chave para a consolidação do estado nacional argentino, mas provocou fortes resistências tanto a nível material como simbólico. Ainda que com uma vida muito curta (o primeiro semestre de 1866) o periódico La América foi o maior exponente desta última, em Buenos Aires. Nele foram publicados artigos de intelectuais como Juan Bautista Alberdi e Carlos Guido Spano. Nesta oportunidade analisaremos as representações da nação argentina no jornal em relação a contienda. Teremos en conta também as representacões dos outros países beligerantes, aliados e inimigos, e sua incidência no conteúdo da identidade nacional argentina.

O objetivo do presente artigo é responder ao seguinte questionamento: em que medida a pedagogia emancipatória do Direito, desenvolvida por Luis Alberto Warat, poderá contribuir para a preeminência das metodologias ativas de ensino jurídico existentes? Parte-se do pressuposto de que o ensino jurídico brasileiro ainda se encontra distante das dimensões fáticas e axiológicas do Direito, uma vez que a metodologia predominante prioriza a sua dimensão normativa. Inúmeras são as soluções oferecidas para contornar o referido problema, todavia, dificilmente encontram-se propostas pedagógicas capazes de enfrentá-lo em raiz. Para isso, pretende-se analisar uma proposta alternativa e complementar: a pedagogia emancipatória do Direito, cujo o escopo é ressignificar epistemologicamente e sociologicamente o ensino jurídico. A metodologia utilizada foi a investigação do tipo bibliográfica e documental, com pesquisa expositiva de abordagem qualitativa e explicativa, tendo como método o hipotético-dedutivo. Concluiu-se que o ensino jurídico carnavalizado e surrealista – modelos de ensino originados da pedagogia emancipatória do Direito –, quando aliados às metodologias ativas, possibilitam, em alguma medida, a superação de três fortes obstáculos à adoção: a) rigidez do ambiente acadêmico; b) visão dedutiva do Direito; e c) prevalência de métodos passivos de ensino.

La sociologie et l'anthropologie sociale ont été radicalement remises en question ces dernières années par le développement même de leur objet d'étude, les sociétés industrielles et les pays en voie de développement. Ces deux disciplines ont ainsi amorcé un rapprochement autour des problèmes de changement et de développement socio-économique, dans la voie tracée par Georges Balandier et Max Gluckman en anthropologie, par Georges Gurvitch en sociologie. Par ailleurs, à travers diverses tentatives de planification, aussi bien en milieu développé que dans les nouvelles nations, s'esquissait cette « société planifiée selon les principes du collectivisme pluraliste décentralisateur » qu'affectionnait Gurvitch. De ces transformations naissait une nouvelle perspective, celle d'une sociologie ou d'une anthropologie de la participation. Parmi les expériences déjà nombreuses de planification-participation, allant de la société autogérée yougoslave aux multiples tentatives de développement communautaire, l'expérience poursuivie de 1963 à 1966 par le Bureau d'aménagement de l'Est du Québec a revêtu une importance particulière, tant du point de vue du développement que de celui de la recherche sociologique ou anthropologique. Voici ce qu'en dit un observateur extérieur, le professeur Albert Meister, spécialiste de la sociologie de la participation: «Enfin, mentionnons l'effort théorique basé sur l'expérience du Bureau d'aménagement de l'Est du Québec: tenant son inspiration de travaux français et nord-américains, le dossier québécois est une contribution importante à la définition de l'approche de l'animation rurale et, surtout, la tentative la plus cohérente à ce jour d'utilisation de la recherche sociologique empirique pour un développement basé sur l'animation. » C'est une double critique de cette expérience particulière que nous voudrions amorcer ici: critique théorique d'abord à travers certains textes élaborés par un de ses principaux inspirateurs scientifiques le sociologue Gérald Fortin; critique factuelle ensuite à partir d'une recherche empirique portant sur l'aménagement et les changements socio-culturels aux Iles-de-la-Madeleine, partie du territoire-pilote.

O texto aborda a história recente da cidade de Teresina, capital do Piauí­, tendo como objeto de estudo as sociabilidades e sensibilidades urbanas em espaços culturais da referida urbe, nas décadas de 1980 e 1990. Analisa as práticas sociais desenvolvidas nesses ambientes, por artistas teresinenses, interpreta a forma como esses artí­fices se relacionavam com os locais indicados e, avalia a importância desses espaços culturais para os artistas da cidade. Os sujeitos da pesquisa foram os artistas locais, com destaque aos atores, músicos e literatos, que vivenciaram os espaços culturais da cidade de Teresina no referido perí­odo. O campo temático da pesquisa se enquadra na história das cidades, na perspectiva da Nova História Cultural, que concebe a cidade como um problema e um objeto de reflexão, onde se pode trabalhar com o imaginário urbano, fazendo análises de discursos e imagens de representação da cidade, que refletem espaços, atores e práticas sociais. A narrativa foi construí­da com base em variadas fontes, que incluem jornais, crônicas e relatos orais. A análise dessas fontes e a discussão sobre memória e história oral contou com o aporte teórico de Ecléa Bosi (2003), Sônia Freitas (2002), Verena Alberti (2004) e Alessandro Portelli (2016). O trabalho apontou a Feira Popular de Arte, o Teatro de Arena, o Verdão e o Auditório Herbert Parentes Fortes, como significativos espaços de produção e consumo artí­stico para um público heterogêneo. Indicou as práticas sociais de notí­vagos, nos bares da cidade – tais como o Bar do Cuspe, o Sachas Bar, o Green Bar, o Zeus, o bar Elis Regina e o bar Nós e Elis – que tinham como elemento comum a frequentação de artistas, no palco e/ou na plateia. Mostrou que os principais espaços culturais de Teresina estavam localizados na região central da cidade. Salientou ainda que alguns jovens, especialmente aqueles ligados, direta ou indiretamente í s artes, após a socialização no centro desta urbe se destinavam í Zona Leste da capital para completar a noite no bar "Nós e Elis".

The renovation of Adriatic towns under Venetian rule included all major urban settlements on the islands in the Quarnero Gulf. The size of Osor, the Roman centre of the Cres-Lošinj group of islands, radically decreased during this period. The scholarship holds that the town of Cres started to grow in the second half of the fifteenth century while Osor fell into disrepair. Apart from the new Renaissance Cathedral, other late Gothic and Renaissance buildings in Osor have never been thoroughly studied, partly because their state of preservation is modest and party because of the deep-seated opinionthat the fifteenth century was only an epilogue to Osor’s great past. As a consequence, no basic analysis of local architecture has ever been done and the urban layout of historic Osor is not very well known. The causes of Osor’s demise, on the other hand, are well known. The population was decimated by illness and the town itself was destroyed by wars in the fourteenth century. Furthermore, maritime navigation changed from coastal to that accustomed to the open sea and Osor lost the strategic importance it held when it came to sailing along the Adriatic. The relocation of the local Count to Cres, frequently underlined as one of the key moments in the history of Osor’s decline and dated to 1450, does not seem to be as fateful as the reduced numberof its inhabitants and the loss of naval and trading significance. The relocation created a dual government of sorts and a bimunicipal county was established. The historical importance of Osor as a traditional seat of power was paramount to Venice and the town maintained the prestige it had acquired during the Roman period as a town which controlled a large territory.In the mid-fifteenth century Osor was a building site: architectural structures were maintained, repaired and built anew. In the fourteenth century, a Gothic church of St Gaudentius was constructed on the main street and in the first half of the fifteenth century the Town Hall was built on the site of the ancient Roman curia. Until now, it was held that the reason for the construction of thenew cathedral was the bisection of Osor which occurred in the mid-fifteenth century when the new fortification walls – with a reduced catchment area –were erected and so excluded the old cathedral from the perimeter. However, the decision to reduce the circumference of the new walls was made only in the last quarter of the fifteenth century, that is, after the foundations for the new cathedral had been laid. This means that the plans drawn up in the second half of the fifteenth century covered a larger area than previouslt thought and that they were done during the pontificate of Bishop Antun Palčić who wasoriginally from Pag and who witnessed first-hand the building of the new town of Pag. A decree of 1581 records the construction of the town walls at Cres and Osor. The new fortification walls of Cres were being built throughout the sixteenth century and so it is likely that the transversal wall at Osor was constructed at the same time as the new walls at Cres, during thesixteenth century. The building of the new wall was not an ambitious feat of fortification construction but a simple encircling of the remodelled town centre. The new wall was just a consequence of urban reorganization and its directionwas determined by the pre-existing defence buildings which were utilised and incorporated in the new addition. In the late fifteenth century, the main town square was fully developed and surrounded by the most importantpublic and religious buildings. The Town Hall stood on the south-east corner and the new cathedral was built on the square’s south side. The Episcopal Palace extended along the entire west flank of the square. The Palace’s long andnarrow east wing, facing the square, connected the two main wings of the complex. Despite its modest role as nothing more than a link, the east front was the widest part of the Palace and closed the square’s west side, respecting the new, small-scale urban layout of Osor. The north-east corner of the complex is decorated with an engaged colonette topped by a leaf capital. Its counterpart can be found on a building at the opposite side of the square, which was subsequently heavily rebuilt. These corresponding engaged colonettes indicate that the architects wanted to create a meaningful urban space. The north side of the square no longer exists in its original shape. In the mid-fifteenth century, this area was occupied by religious buildings traces of which can be seen in the present-day modest houses. These traces are mostly elements of Gothic decoration and so it can be concluded that this side of the square featured Gothic structures. The analysis of the architecture on the main square demonstrates that it there were consecutive building phases and that the Cathedral was the last building to be built. There was no unifying stylistic concept; the buildings on the square were either Gothic or Renaissance. This does not reduce the importance of this feat of public building because the Episcopal Palace and Osor Cathedral were built at the same time, by the same master builders, for the same patron, the difference being that the former in the Gothic and the latter in the Renaissance style. This, in my opinion, means that the value of the main square at Osor should not be assessed throughstylistic unity but by considering the harmonious spatial relationships between its structures, the attention given to their design, their role as public buildings and the balance achieved by adapting the newly built structures tothe pre-existing ones. It is well known that the late fifteenth century was the time when traditional Gothic decoration was used alongside new Renaissance forms and so the stylistic inconsistency apparent in Osor’s main squarewas done in the spirit of time. The remodelling of the town centre lasted for the whole century and the town was also well maintained in the period that followed. Archival records tell us that a grain store was built inthe late fifteenth century but nothing is known about its location or appearance.Despite the efforts and large-scale building campaigns of public and religious architecture, the migration of able-bodied people looking for work continued and Osor was gradually transformed into an occasional dwelling place of the nobility and the clergy – a town of the Church and aristocracy. Today, Osor is a town with low-density architecture. The legacy of medieval town buildingcan be seen only in the row of houses that face the main street. They are huddled together and arranged around communal courtyards, which is a characteristic of local medieval town planning on the island of Cres. The mostprominent residential building is the palazzetto of the Draža family, an old noble family of Osor. The location of the Draža house and its spatial relationship with the surrounding, more modest houses, implies that it embodied the medieval concept of densely built town blocks dominated by a single aristocratic building. Other aristocratic houses at Osor are more isolated and surrounded by green spaces. These large green areas were once occupied by Roman and medieval houses and insulae. Following the late middle ages, the decaying architectural structures were not repaired butused to create gardens: their perimeter walls were neatly re-arranged and became the dividing walls between different gardens while the spaces they contained were filled with a layer of soil, as archaeological test pits have shown. Apart from large gardens and courtyards, the residential character of Osor as an aristocratic resort is attested by the Latin inscriptions on the building façades but also by the written records about noble familieswhich possessed estates in both Cres and Osor during the period that followed the formation of the bimunicipal county in the fifteenth century.All these events created a set of specific characteristics in Osor during the late fifteenth and the sixteenth century. Its importance as the seat of a commune and a bishop was reflected in the main town square which was planned in the spirit of the Renaissance and according to the redesign of towns under the Venetian rule. The medieval legacy is still evident in the buildings on the main street which are densely huddled around communal courtyards and which centre around dominant aristocratic houses. In contract to them, large gardens and the aforementioned historic circumstances indicate that Osor was a residential resort of the local nobility. From the fifteenth century onward, the most frequently recorded features of Osor were its decay and mala aria (bad air). Nevertheless, as late as 1771, Alberto Fortis described it as the only town on the island of Cres to have kept the legacy of its noble past. In addition to the aforementioned Gothic and Renaissance elements of architecturaldecoration, many more were rebuilt into later houses. They are as frequent as the Roman and early medieval spolia and were reused in the same manner. Their existence witnesses that Osor had had another important historic phase in its long life.

he renovation of Adriatic towns under Venetian rule included all major urban settlements on the islands in the Quarnero Gulf. The size of Osor, the Roman centre of the Cres-Lošinj group of islands, radically decreased during this period. The scholarship holds that the town of Cres started to grow in the second half of the fifteenth century while Osor fell into disrepair. Apart from the new Renaissance Cathedral, other late Gothic and Renaissance buildings in Osor have never been thoroughly studied, partly because their state of preservation is modest and party because of the deep-seated opinion that the fifteenth century was only an epilogue to Osor’s great past. As a consequence, no basic analysis of local architecture has ever been done and the urban layout of historic Osor is not very well known. The causes of Osor’s demise, on the other hand, are well known. The population was decimated by illness and the town itself was destroyed by wars in the fourteenth century. Furthermore, maritime navigation changed from coastal to that accustomed to the open sea and Osor lost the strategic importance it held when it came to sailing along the Adriatic. The relocation of the local Count to Cres, frequently underlined as one of the key moments in the history of Osor’s decline and dated to 1450, does not seem to be as fateful as the reduced number of its inhabitants and the loss of naval and trading significance. The relocation created a dual government of sorts and a bimunicipal county was established. The historical importance of Osor as a traditional seat of power was paramount to Venice and the town maintained the prestige it had acquired during the Roman period as a town which controlled a large territory. In the mid-fifteenth century Osor was a building site: architectural structures were maintained, repaired and built anew. In the fourteenth century, a Gothic church of St Gaudentius was constructed on the main street and in the first half of the fifteenth century the Town Hall was built on the site of the ancient Roman curia. Until now, it was held that the reason for the construction of the new cathedral was the bisection of Osor which occurred in the mid-fifteenth century when the new fortification walls – with a reduced catchment area –were erected and so excluded the old cathedral from the perimeter. However, the decision to reduce the circumference of the new walls was made only in the last quarter of the fifteenth century, that is, after the foundations for the new cathedral had been laid. This means that the plans drawn up in the second half of the fifteenth century covered a larger area than previouslt thought and that they were done during the pontificate of Bishop Antun Palčić who was originally from Pag and who witnessed first-hand the building of the new town of Pag. A decree of 1581 records the construction of the town walls at Cres and Osor. The new fortification walls of Cres were being built throughout the sixteenth century and so it is likely that the transversal wall at Osor was constructed at the same time as the new walls at Cres, during the sixteenth century. The building of the new wall was not an ambitious feat of fortification construction but a simple encircling of the remodelled town centre. The new wall was just a consequence of urban reorganization and its direction was determined by the pre-existing defence buildings which were utilised and incorporated in the new addition. In the late fifteenth century, the main town square was fully developed and surrounded by the most important public and religious buildings. The Town Hall stood on the south-east corner and the new cathedral was built on the square’s south side. The Episcopal Palace extended along the entire west flank of the square. The Palace’s long and narrow east wing, facing the square, connected the two main wings of the complex. Despite its modest role as nothing more than a link, the east front was the widest part of the Palace and closed the square’s west side, respecting the new, small-scale urban layout of Osor. The north-east corner of the complex is decorated with an engaged colonette topped by a leaf capital. Its counterpart can be found on a building at the opposite side of the square, which was subsequently heavily rebuilt. These corresponding engaged colonettes indicate that the architects wanted to create a meaningful urban space. The north side of the square no longer exists in its original shape. In the mid-fifteenth century, this area was occupied by religious buildings traces of which can be seen in the present-day modest houses. These traces are mostly elements of Gothic decoration and so it can be concluded that this side of the square featured Gothic structures. The analysis of the architecture on the main square demonstrates that it there were consecutive building phases and that the Cathedral was the last building to be built. There was no unifying stylistic concept; the buildings on the square were either Gothic or Renaissance. This does not reduce the importance of this feat of public building because the Episcopal Palace and Osor Cathedral were built at the same time, by the same master builders, for the same patron, the difference being that the former in the Gothic and the latter in the Renaissance style. This, in my opinion, means that the value of the main square at Osor should not be assessed through stylistic unity but by considering the harmonious spatial relationships between its structures, the attention given to their design, their role as public buildings and the balance achieved by adapting the newly built structures to the pre-existing ones. It is well known that the late fifteenth century was the time when traditional Gothic decoration was used alongside new Renaissance forms and so the stylistic inconsistency apparent in Osor’s main square was done in the spirit of time. The remodelling of the town centre lasted for the whole century and the town was also well maintained in the period that followed. Archival records tell us that a grain store was built in the late fifteenth century but nothing is known about its location or appearance. Despite the efforts and large-scale building campaigns of public and religious architecture, the migration of able-bodied people looking for work continued and Osor was gradually transformed into an occasional dwelling place of the nobility and the clergy – a town of the Church and aristocracy. Today, Osor is a town with low-density architecture. The legacy of medieval town building can be seen only in the row of houses that face the main street. They are huddled together and arranged around communal courtyards, which is a characteristic of local medieval town planning on the island of Cres. The most prominent residential building is the palazzetto of the Draža family, an old noble family of Osor. The location of the Draža house and its spatial relationship with the surrounding, more modest houses, implies that it embodied the medieval concept of densely built town blocks dominated by a single aristocratic building. Other aristocratic houses at Osor are more isolated and surrounded by green spaces. These large green areas were once occupied by Roman and medieval houses and insulae. Following the late middle ages, the decaying architectural structures were not repaired but used to create gardens: their perimeter walls were neatly re-arranged and became the dividing walls between different gardens while the spaces they contained were filled with a layer of soil, as archaeological test pits have shown. Apart from large gardens and courtyards, the residential character of Osor as an aristocratic resort is attested by the Latin inscriptions on the building façades but also by the written records about noble families which possessed estates in both Cres and Osor during the period that followed the formation of the bimunicipal county in the fifteenth century. All these events created a set of specific characteristics in Osor during the late fifteenth and the sixteenth century. Its importance as the seat of a commune and a bishop was reflected in the main town square which was planned in the spirit of the Renaissance and according to the redesign of towns under the Venetian rule. The medieval legacy is still evident in the buildings on the main street which are densely huddled around communal courtyards and which centre around dominant aristocratic houses. In contract to them, large gardens and the aforementioned historic circumstances indicate that Osor was a residential resort of the local nobility. From the fifteenth century onward, the most frequently recorded features of Osor were its decay and mala aria (bad air). Nevertheless, as late as 1771, Alberto Fortis described it as the only town on the island of Cres to have kept the legacy of its noble past. In addition to the aforementioned Gothic and Renaissance elements of architectural decoration, many more were rebuilt into later houses. They are as frequent as the Roman and early medieval spolia and were reused in the same manner. Their existence witnesses that Osor had had another important historic phase in its long life.

AVALIAÇÃO DO PLANEJAMENTO INADEQUADO DOS RECURSOS HÍDRICOS NO PERÍMETRO IRRIGADO DE SUMÉ - PB. Augusto Francisco da Silva Neto,Escola Técnica Federal da Paraíba - ETFPB, João Pessoa, PB.Ricardo Pereira da Silva,Laboratório de Meteorologia , Recursos Hídricos e Sensoriamento Remoto da Paraíba - (LMRS- PB) Campina Grande, PbMaria José dos Santos;Carlos Alberto Vieira de Azevedo;José Dantas Neto,UFPB - CCT - Departamento de Engenharia AgrícolaFone: (083) 310 -1318; fax : (083) 310 - 1011CEP 58109 - 970 , Campina Grande - PB 1 RESUMO O melhoramento da eficiência do uso da água nos perímetros irrigados, requer um aperfeiçoamento das técnicas de manejo dos recursos hídricos disponíveis, não somente a nível parcelar, como também no gerenciamento das obras hidráulicas. Embora a Engenharia dos Recursos Hídricos, tenha obtido avanços notórios, ainda existem sérios problemas no planejamento e operação entre os técnicos e administradores dos perímetros, os quais nem sempre são técnicos especialistas ou se são, com freqüência não estão atualizados, e além do mais sujeitos a fortes pressões políticas. O presente trabalho mostra a precária situação em que se encontra atualmente o perímetro irrigado de Sumé -PB, em conseqüências do planejamento inadequado para a captação e utilização dos recursos hídricos disponíveis. A análise temporal das imagens TM/LANDSAT/5, obtidas em julho de 1984 e dezembro de 1990, complementadas com reconhecimento e verificação de campo, bem como o boletim Hidroinforme do Laboratório de Recursos Hídricos e Sensoriamento Remoto da Paraíba (LMRS-PB ,1995), mostrou que no mês maio do ano de 1984 o açude público de Sumé estava e com seu volume máximo de água armazenada (44.864.100 m3 ), fato não observado no mesmo período do ano de 1990 (8.526.510 m3). Conforme o Estudo Técnico Integrado sobre o Uso Múltiplo dos Recursos Hídricos da Bacia Hidrográfica do Rio Sucuru , neste intervalo de tempo foram construídos 75 açudes pequenos, um de médio porte e um açude de grande porte, o que provavelmente poderá ter influenciado na recuperação do nível de água armazenada, embora os dados de precipitação no período tenham apresentado condições favoráveis ao abastecimento do açude. No mês de janeiro de 1995 o volume do referido açude caiu para 216.362 m3 de água, que representa apenas 0,48% de sua capacidade máxima de armazenamento. Nas condições atuais os recursos hídricos superficiais que abastecem o açude de Sumé encontram-se totalmente comprometidos, servindo a água do açude unicamente para o abastecimento urbano. O déficit de água para a operação deste projeto com aproximadamente 15 anos de existência, trouxe como conseqüência uma desativação gradual, nos últimos sete anos, das atividades de irrigação com danos irreversíveis das obras hidráulicas do perímetro irrigado, causando assim, graves conseqüências sociais e econômicas para a região. UNITERMOS: Recursos Hídricos, Planejamento, Perímetro Irrigado. SILVA NETO, A. F., SILVA, R. P., SANTOS, M. J., AZEVEDO, C. A. V., DANTAS NETO, J. Evaluation of inadequate water resources planning in sumé public irrigation project 2 ABSTRACT The present paper shows the critical situation that is the Public Irrigation Project in Sumé-PB due to inadequate planning and use of available water resources.The analysis of TM/LANDSAT/5 temporal images, obtained in July 1984 and December 1990, complemented with field works and HIDROINFORME Bulletin informations showed that Sumé reservoir was full (44,864,100 m3) in May 1984, but in the same period of 1990 the storage was only 8,526,510 m3. According to Integrated Technical Study on Multiple Use of Water Resources in Sucuru River Basin, it had been built 75 small reservoirs, 1 middle size dam and 1 big reservoirs during that period. This fact might have influenced water storage in Sumé reservoir, once rainfall in the basin could provide sufficient inflow to fill the reservoir.The surface water resources in Sumé reservoir basin became short and the water deficit brought gradual diminution of crop production in Public Irrigation project in last 7 years with irreversible damages to hydraulic structures and serious social and economical loss to the region. KEI-WORDS: Water Resources, Planning, Irrigation Project.

All living beings share eco-biopsychosocial systems. Good health of any single element of the system is dependentuponwell-beingof allthe elementstogether.The primary source of ourfood isfrom plants. A healthy plant is not conceivable without a healthy soil in which itsrootsystem grows. Soil contains multifarious microorganisms, fungal networks, nematodes and arthropods etc. These all act in concert to contribute to the richness of the milieu through zillions of phytochemicals that they all produce and exchange. Plants participate in the trade through root exudatesin exchange fortheir own needs. Greater the biodiversity of the species, greater the opportunities and benefits for all. Also, quorum sensing prevails, and population balances are maintained. Thisis how life has evolved and flourished on planet earthoverthe lastfour billionyears. In higher animals, humans included, relationships similar to the plant-soil situation the soil prevail within the body, in the gastrointestinal system. Diversity of our food ingestion determines the health of our gut microbiome,hence ourhealth too.Hunter-gatherers perhaps had great health given their circumstances favouring better survival based on diverse foods. Human settlements necessitated food sources with longerstorage lives. This brought increasing dependence on grains to support growing populations. The high starch content of grains meant increasing glucose load for the body as the proportion of starch kept on creeping up in our diets. This is furthercompounded by the advent of refined grains and simple sugarsin most of our food. The situation today is that most ofthe humanity is not able tometabolise the sugarload safely. About 20% are overtly type II diabetic and atleast another 40% prediabetic. Their tissues have developed insulin resistance, a defensive mechanism against insulin attempting to push, undesirably, even more glucose into the cells. Glucose is not a mandatoryfuel for metabolising tissue cells. Protein and fat deficiencies are known to cause disorders. There is no disease produced by absence of glucose from diet. By any measure, sugar has been the most potent, and most prevalent,weaponofmassdestruction unleashedonto humanity.Most of the 'modern era' diseases have insulin resistance with consequent hyperinsulinaemia as their underlying pathogenic mechanism. This includes, in addition to the pathology of type II diabetes mellitus, hypertension, atherosclerotic vascular disease (underlying myocardial infarction and stroke), allergies, autoimmune diseases,many types of cancers, autismand dementia. The common denominator, in this burdenof noncommunicable diseases (NCDs), is the inflammation ushered in due to, and accompanying, hyper insulinaemia.Sugars and starches have addictive potential. The thriving industrial/commercial activity benefitting from this humanpredilectionhas continuedto pocket huge profits,particularly overthe last century.Natural, organically grown wholesome foods have receded as the corporate industrial and supply chain processes had out stripped them. All this despite scientific evidence mounting up in favour of such food. The industry thrived onmanaged perception through advertisement. There waslittle to guard the peoples' right to knowthe reality foritis crowdedout by thecorporate efficiencies andpropaganda.The costs of health care on account of all the NCDs, as stated above, keeps on soaring. Globally, NCDs kill 41 million people each year, accounting for 71% of all deaths.1Institute of Global Health Sciences at University of California San Francisco had estimated, in 2017, that the NCDs could cost global economy US $ 47 trillion by 2030.2Disease prevention and health promotion through correction of our diet, by replacing sugar and starch rich foods with diverse nutrient dense, organic, wholesome foods, is obviously necessary. However, it is not easy. Old habits die hard. Those who profit from this human suffering may not become the most compliant easily, either.After all, as Albert Einstein had remarked, 'it is easier to fool people than to convince them that they have been fooled”.

Educar para la mayoría de edad pluriversalJulio César Arboleda, Director RedipeCon la expresión “mayoría de edad pluriversal” significamos aquí el potencial que permite a alguien ser tejedor de vida personal, social y del complejo de universos que habita. La educación debería cultivar con esmero esta fortaleza evolutiva. La desorientación de la educación estriba, en gran parte, en su minoría de edad, por la cual no genera escenarios para que se formen ciudadanos planetarios, cuidadores de la vida. Nuestra educación no evoluciona con la vida, por el contrario se anquilosa cada vez en las enseñanzas, las formaciones y los aprendizajes que, al margen de la función de educar, nada o poco hilvanan vida, aplazando esta función radical.La mayoría de edad para la vida va más allá de la razón y la ilustración. Una luz diáfana de la conciencia no la otorga solamente la reflexión y la razón, pues estas también sirven propósitos que atentan contra la vida. La proyección de luces de vida precisa, además, de una sensibilidad y razón sentiente, que permitan, por ejemplo, depurar la conciencia de pensamientos erosivos. La conciencia co-razonante fluye con la vida, está al servicio del cuidado de la vida humana y no humana; más que una consciencia psíquica, se trata de una consciencia actuante, edificante. Este parece ser el gran reto de la educación y de la función de educar para su reorientación por la senda evolutiva.La reflexión anterior responde a las ideas, indagaciones y hallazgos puestos de presente en este número 11-12 de la revista Boletín Redipe. Uno y otro apuestan a una educación auténtica, que nos encamine por la existencia pluriversa como dignos existentes.En seguida se presenta la síntesis de cada documento. (RE) PENSAR LA EVALUACIÓN EN LA FORMACIÓN INICIAL DOCENTE CUANDO MEDIAN LAS TIC. María Evangelina Méndez Sauane, Administración Nacional de Educación Pública- Consejo de Formación en Educación. Uruguay. Artículo que refexiona sobre la evaluación en la Formación Inicial Docente mediada por TIC a partir de la investigación doctoral que se viene desarrollando sobre la temática. La misma se encuentra apoyada por el Consejo de Formación en Educación de Uruguay mediante el otorgamiento de una beca para la realización de la misma. En esta línea, se propone, por un lado, re pensarnos como evaluadores en un marco de formación profesional en donde los evaluados se constituirán en evaluadores. Es así que la práctica evaluativa se desplaza de la acreditación como fn último, al desarrollo de experiencias evaluativas que se constituyan en un saber formativo profesional. Por el otro, se enmarca la evaluación en el contexto actual, altamente tecnologizado, con la necesidad del desarrollo de competencias digitales docentes también en lo que refere a la mediación TIC en las prácticas de evaluación. EDUCAR PARA PLANIFICAR EL DESARROLLO HUMANO Y EL CUIDADO RESPONSABLE DE LA VIDA. Artículo de investigación. Mario Alberto Álvarez LópezFrancisco A. Yusty B.- Olga Patricia López L. Universidad de San Buenaventura, Santiago de Cali- Colombia. Pone de manifesto la necesidad de planifcar el desarrollo humano y el cuidado de la vida desde lugares institucionalizados como la escuela, específcamente desde sus PEI, pero también desde lugares instituyentes que no conocen fronteras, no saben de barreras. Queda a consideración vincular a la concepción de nuevos itinerarios de desarrollo humano las acciones propias (de toda índole, políticas, económicas, culturales, etc.) que permitan materializar una sociedad que revindique el sentido de humanidad y el amor y la compasión por la vida cualquiera sea su manifestación. REFLEXIONES SOBRE LA PEDAGOGÍA DE LAS ARTES. LA PERSPECTIVA MESOAXIOLÓGICA. Nelly Fortes González, Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, España. Artículo de refexión generativa. Deriva principalmente de dos capítulos dedicados a las artes como ámbito de educación dentro del libro Pedagogía de las Artes. La perspectiva mesoaxiológica. Uno de ellos establece la relación artes y educación desde la educación formal; mientras que el otro, lo aborda desde la construcción de los museos como ámbito de educación en donde se trabajan procesos de educación no formal. La pedagogía mesoaxiológica establece una relación entre artes y educación con criterio pedagógico donde es posible construir el diseño educativo del ámbito común, específco y especializado. Es decir, se estudia el ámbito artístico, como instrumento o medio de educar, como meta y como objeto de educación. A partir de estos planteamientos se proponen tres refexiones en las que se pretende mostrar de qué manera la pedagogía mesoaxiológica puede aplicarse al área artes para constituirlas como instrumento de educación válido, la importancia de incluir a las artes para lograr una educación integral y la necesidad de formar a los futuros profesionales de la educación en pedagogía aplicada a las artes. PRÁCTICAS DE ACCESO AL OBJETO ARTÍSTICO CULTURAL. REFLEXIONES SOBRE EL USO DE LA TECNOLOGÍA DE ADOLESCENTES Y JÓVENES EN LA ERA DIGITAL. Elsa Cristina Navarrete Ochoa - Irma Fuentes Mata, Universidad Autónoma de Querétaro - Red Investicreación Artística. Artículo de investigación. Pone de presente el lugar del objeto artístico-cultural en el contexto actual intervenido por las tecnologías de información y comunicación, en donde son manipulados por estudiantes adolescentes y jóvenes mediante las pantallas de los equipos móviles y computadoras que permiten un manejo personal, y personalizado, pero también compartido en la dinámica del espacio colectivo. Se plantea abordar el problema de la(s) mediación(es) de contenidos de arte y cultura auditivos, visuales y audiovisuales que circulan en redes sociales y plataformas de contenido como Facebook, Instagram, YouTube y Spotify. De ahí nos proponemos refexionar acerca de las prácticas de aproximación, apropiación y resignifcación del objeto artístico-cultural que emprenden los sujetos y sus vínculos con procesos pedagógicos. Recupera los planteamientos de autores como: Teresa de Lauretis, Walter Benjamín, Jesús Martín Barbero, Antoine Hennion y Néstor García Canclini. DISEÑO DE UNA SECUENCIA DIDÁCTICA Y SU VIRTUALIZACIÓN. Guillermo Aguilar Herver- Alfredo Leonardo Romero SánchezLuis Enrique García Álvarez- Ana Cristina Núñez González, Centro Universitario del Norte de la Universidad de Guadalajara, Colotlán, Jalisco, México. Artículo de investigación. Describe un proceso de diseño de una secuencia didáctica sustentada en teorías flosófcas de la educación, pasando por modalidades educativas acompañadas de modelos de diseño instruccional susceptibles a implementar en una institución educativa. Manifestan los autores que los educadores estamos haciendo uso de las diversas herramientas tecnológicas que están a nuestro alcance, desde aquellas que tienen la fnalidad de enriquecer el ambiente de aprendizaje hasta las plataformas integrales para la administración del conocimiento. Se ha escrito mucho sobre la pertinencia en el uso de las herramientas, sus formas de implementación y sus bondades. Es necesario hablar también del sustento teórico educativo para garantizar más pedagogía y tal vez, menos tecnología, o de menos la necesaria. LA FORMACIÓN DOCTORAL EN CIENCIAS DE LA EDUCACIÓN: UNA PERSPECTIVA TEÓRICO-METODOLÓGICA EN LA UNIVERSIDAD DE MATANZAS. Artículo de refexión generativa. Inés Milagros Salcedo Estrada, Bárbara Maricely Fierro Chong, María de Lourdes Artola Pimentel, Universidad de Matanzas. Un abordaje teórico - metodológicas sobre las buenas prácticas logradas y los desafíos por resolver en el marco de la formación doctoral en Ciencias de la Educación en el país, desarrolla por más de dos décadas la formación doctoral que de manera ininterrumpida desarrolla desde hace más de dos décadas por la Universidad de Matanzas, un ejercicio continuo de incorporación de los saberes y experiencias de los más prestigiosos investigadores de sus instituciones provinciales, así como de otras del país. EL APRENDIZAJE INFORMAL EN EL CURRÍCULO INFORMAL DESDE UNA PERSPECTIVA CRÍTICO-SOCIAL. Andrés Felipe Pérez Velasco, Investigador Redipe, Red Iberoamericana de Pedagogia. Explora el papel de la educación a través del aprendizaje informal en la práctica de la socialización digital, en particular, en el rol que tienen los memes, frases e ilustraciones como parte del currículum informal en la co-edifcación de la intersubjetividad de los jóvenes actuales, en redes sociales como Facebook e Instagram. No se halla la existencia general de prosumidores [productor-consumidor]; al contrario, se planteó la existencia general de prosumidores-replicantes en la gran mayoría de la población usuarios-estudiantes, en virtud de lo cual los contenidos prefgurados, los medios y plataformas digitales estarían realizando una nueva educación bancaria en la intersubjetividad por vía del aprendizaje informal. Esta propuesta investigativa emergió como resultado de la tesis de Maestría en educación: Desarrollo humano de la Universidad San Buenaventura-Cali. LAS RELACIONES ENTRE LOS AGENTES INSTITUCIONALES Y FAMILIARES EN LA/S ESCUELA/S DE ÁMBITO RURAL Y SU IMPACTO EN EL CAMPO SOCIAL, EN ESCENARIOS COMPLEJOS DE AULA. Artículo de refexión generativa. María de los Ángeles Cignoli, Universidad Católica de Córdoba. La/s escuela/s ubicadas en el ámbito rural son portadoras de historia. Fueron y se van defniendo ante la pérdida de la tradicional identidad del territorio e invitan a integrar la mirada estructural [sistema de relaciones], con una mirada histórica y de proceso. En primer lugar, se ve afectada por cambios, transformaciones sociales y culturales de la industrialización y la modernidad; posteriormente, a los fenómenos derivados de la sociedad postindustrial y postmoderna: la irrupción de las tecnologías de la comunicación, los mercados globalizados, diversas emigraciones del campo a la ciudad, fenómenos naturales y antropológicos. Por otro lado, la crisis de los modelos de la vida urbana, la situación de pandemia ocasionada por el COVID-19 y otras como: la convivencia y/o controversia de culturas diversas con códigos éticos, prácticas sociales y culturales diferentes en relación a los contextos territoriales. Lo anteriormente expuesto conduce desde un enfoque metodológico cualitativo a explorar, analizar e interpretar la/s relación/es entre estudiantes-docentes-equipo de conduccióngrupos familiares y cómo estas interacciones impactan en la/s situación/es de clase y el aprendizaje en el campo social de los diversos escenarios, bajo la infuencia de factores como: la multiplicación de las confguraciones familiares, los elementos socio-culturales, geográfcos y ocupacionales, la inestabilidad y la carencia de algunos recursos: económicos, afectivos, culturales, educativos, tecnológicos, contextuales. Dentro de este marco, lo que sucede en la escuela en el escenario del aula, lo que acontece en el seno de la familia, lo que el sistema escolar produce, impacta sobre la/s trayectoria/s de los/as individuos. En este marco, los grupos familiares, relacionados con las trayectorias escolares y la dinámica de la escolarización (cómo défcit o cómo aporte al proceso de enseñar y aprender), en la estructura social, conlleva a indagar, no sólo con pertinencia teórica sino también con relevancia empírica para interpretar la acción social que opera en el ámbito escolar de la región quince del oeste de la provincia de Buenos Aires y, por ende, su repercusión en la/s situación/es acontecidas en los escenarios complejos que ha tenido el aula en los últimos cinco años.

Prije dvije stotine godina pojavila se u pisanom obliku na našem jeziku i u talijanskom prijevodu usmena (narodna) balada »Ža- lostna pjesanca plemenite Asan-aginice«, danas poznatije pod naslovom »Hasanaginica«. Od 1774, kad je izašla u Veneciji u putopisu talijanskog opata Alberta Fortisa Viaggio in Dalmazia, ta je pjesma, po riječima mnogih književnih stručnjaka, kao prva naša usmena pjesma prevedena na strani jezik, postala sastavnim dijelom svjetske književnosti kao pravi, nepatvoreni »pjesnički biser«. Umjetničkom jednostavnošću i skladom, zgusnutošću izraza i elegancijom iz- kaza složene ljudske tragike u formi tragedije jedne obitelji, posebno jedne plemenite žene, supruge i majke, pjesma je oduševila i oduševljava školovane i neškolovane, književne stručnjake i književne laike; i u SVom primarnom, »originalnom« obliku, iz usta narodnog pjevača, i u sekundarnom, zapisanom stanju, iz knjiga usmene poezije, i u tzv. tercijalnim, »neautentičnim« vidovima, iz prijevoda na strane jezike.

Alberto Fortis (1741-1803) was an Italian naturalist who had a wide range of scientific interests from linguistics and ethnology to geology, geography and hydrology. This paper presents an overview of hydrological features that Fortis recorded in two of his works: Saggio d'Osservazzioni sopra l'Isola di Cherso ed Osero (1771) and Viaggio in Dalmazia (1774). These works were a result of several Fortis' travels in the region and were noted in European scientific literature of that time. Fortis revealed to European public the eastern Adriatic coast, a then little-known part of Europe with its wide variety of natural features. Despite the scarce appearance of surface water in karst, numerous interpretations of hydrological features can be found in Fortis’ descriptions of the East Adriatic coast. He often shows a remarkable understanding of karst hydrology even though some of his ideas and explanations are dubious from the present point of view. Although Fortis is not considered a karstologist in the strict sense, his works contain elements of what will eventually become karstology.

Već devedesetak godina traje znanstvena diskusija o načinu na koji je Alberto Fortis (1741—1803) došao do teksta slavne na- rodne balade »Hasanaginice«, koju je, kao što je poznato, objavio u originalu i u talijanskom prijevodu u I svesku svog Viaggio in Dalmazia (Mleci, 1774), Autor shvaća termin tekst u širem smislu, tj, kao suvisao skup izričaja koji nije nužno pismena karaktera. Nijedna od suprotnih teza nije dosad potvrđena nepobitnim dokazima. Zastupnici prve teze, po kojoj bi Fortis bio imao pred sobom gotov prijepis, dokazali su doduše da je krajem XVIII st. postojao u Splitu živ interes za našu narodnu poeziju i da se na tom polju istakao i Fortisov prijatelj Julije Bajamonti (1744—1800), ali nije bilo moguće dokazati da je tzv. splitski rukopis, koji je poslije objavio F. Miklošič (i koji su osobito proučavali M. Murko i M. Curčin, postojao prije izlaska Fortisove knjige. Isto tako nije bilo moguće dokazati da je Marko Bruerovič (rođen oko 1770; kao dijete došao 1772. u Dubrovnik sa svojim ocem, francuskim konzulom) saopćio A. Fortisu tekst »Hasanaginice« iz prostog razloga što on u tako mladoj dobi to nije bio u stanju uraditi.

Abstract<title> RIASSUNTO </title>Si pubblica un elenco di lettere integrativo al carteggio di Alberto Fortis (1741-1803). Si tratta di dieci nuclei principali e di varie lettere disperse in biblioteche ed archivi per un totale di 307 lettere. Esse vanno ad aggiungersi alle 1338 già inventariate dal Muljacic in «Nuncius», fasc. I, (1990), pp. 127-203.

Iako je prošlo već dvjesta godina otkako je talijanski literat,, prirodoslovac, etnograf i folklorist Alberto Fortis (1741—1803) po- duzeo svoje prvo putovanje u hrvatske krajeve (Cres i Osor, u svib- nju g. 1770), znanstveni interes za nj i za njegova djela ne popušta; dapače, moglo bi se reći da je u zadnje doba u porastu: kroz pro- tekla dva decenija što nas dijele od konca drugog svjetskog rata ob- javljeno je — što znamo’ — 48 članaka i knjiga u kojima su izneseni brojni novi podaci o slavnom Talijanu. Istina, monografija koja bi obradila tu kompleksnu ličnost u cjelini još ne postoji,1 a ne postoji ni djelo o Fortisovu zanimanju za slavenski svijet; a barem ovo posljednje trebalo je već davno da se uradi s obzirom da u brojnim talijanskim, jugoslavenskim i drugim arhivima leže neizdana brojna pisma našeg autora »grondanti di erudizione slava«

Pred 35 godina objavio je dr Marijan Stojković u radu »Ivan Lovrić, pristaša struje prosvjetljenja u Dalmaciji« historijat polemike koju je izazvala kritika Fortisova Viaggio in Dalmazia što ju je ob- javio spomenuti sinjski prosvjetitelj. I pored kasnijih radova o Lovriću ostala su otvorena mnoga pita- nja, tako na primjer da li je Petar Sklamer Crešanin (Pietro Sclamer Chersino) pseudonim Alberta Fortisa ili se radi o drugoj osobi2 i, u vezi s tim, koliki je udio imao Fortis u sastavljanju i objavljivanju knjižice izašle pod Sclamerovim imenom. Nalaz jednoga Fortisova pisma u Burgerbibliothek u Bernu baca novo svjetlo na taj predmet.

U prilogu »O akademiji Miha Sorkočevića«, koji je objavljen prije 18 godina, R. Maixner je držao da je ta dubrovačka akademija bila arkadijskog tipa1 pa je nasuprot takvu njezinu usmjerenju isticao stav talijanskog prosvjetitelja Alberta Fortisa (1741— 1803), intimnog prijatelja dubrovačkog erudita Miha Sorkočevića-Sorgo (1739—-1796). Fortis je »imao strože nazore o ulozi akademije, u kojoj je gledao u prvom redu znanstvenu ustanovu praktičnog zna- čaja«. Tom je prilikom Maixner upozorio na Fortisovu knjigu Mineralogische Reisen durch Calabrien und Apulien,23 koja je, prema tadašnjem običaju, bila napisana u epistolarnom obliku: autor apo- strofira svog mladog dubrovačkog prijatelja i istomišljenika Tomu Basiljevića (1756—1806), inače nećaka Miha Sorkočevića (Tomina majka Kata bila je Mihina sestra) i kasnijeg člana njegove efemerne akademije koji je, spomenimo usputno, bio najvažniji član dubro- vačke prosvjetiteljske elite po svom definitivnom povratku u do- movinu nakon preko deset godina provedenih na Zapadu (Italija, Švicarska, Njemačka, Austrija), što iz studijskih a što iz obiteljskih razloga.“ Ta je knjiga izašla 1788. god., u Weimaru.

Defendemos com este trabalho que, no ato de comunicar, é necessário muito mais do que uma linguagem estruturada, pois tal ato para se realizar, deve estar intimamente ligado às emoções.O Homem é um ser da linguagem, não podendo, desta forma, escapar a ela. No entanto, existe uma necessidade frequente nele de expressar aquilo que sente, e esta não consegue ser suprida somente por meio da linguagem. O Amor é um destes fortes sentimentos que move o Homem para comunicar,numa necessidade de atingir algo para além das palavras. Para complementar nosso estudo,efetuamos uma análise de alguns poemas de Alberto Caeiro, que, nas suas diferenças, consegue falar desse profundo e complicado sentimento.

Defendemos com este trabalho que, no ato de comunicar, é necessário muito mais do que uma linguagem estruturada, pois tal ato para se realizar, deve estar intimamente ligado às emoções.O Homem é um ser da linguagem, não podendo, desta forma, escapar a ela. No entanto, existe uma necessidade frequente nele de expressar aquilo que sente, e esta não consegue ser suprida somente por meio da linguagem. O Amor é um destes fortes sentimentos que move o Homem para comunicar,numa necessidade de atingir algo para além das palavras. Para complementar nosso estudo,efetuamos uma análise de alguns poemas de Alberto Caeiro, que, nas suas diferenças, consegue falar desse profundo e complicado sentimento.

Albernoa é o nome de uma aldeia alentejana situada na região do Baixo-Alentejo (Sul de Portugal). Esta se encontra num processo acentuado de despovoamento e de envelhecimento (ao longo das últimas quatro décadas). Essas tendências acompanham o decrescimento ocorrido na actividade agrícola. Ao mesmo tempo identificámos alguns indicadores de dinamismo relacionados com o aumento da mobilidade espacial e do acesso a novos modos de vida urbanos. Contudo, esses novos fenómenos não são suficientemente fortes para poder inverter as tendências regressivas. Internamente a população demonstra uma grande incapacidade em se organizar em torno de projectos mobilizadores que poderiam gerar formas de capital social. Existe um cenário geral de falta de confiança entre os aldeãos.

There is a widespread concern among stakeholders and the ministry about the mental wellness of learners in secondary schools. The role of peer counselling in the helping processes of their fellow students cannot be under rated in the modern life for their proper growth and development. The study therefore focused on Assessment of the Forms of Peer Counselling in Providing Psychosocial Support to Students in Public Boarding Secondary Schools in Kericho County, Kenya. The study objective was to explore the forms of peer counselling providing psychosocial support for mental wellness of students in boarding secondary schools. Social Cognitive theory by Albert Bandura and Social Development theory by Lev Vygotsky guided the study. Data was generated from 12 schools, among 398 students and 48 peer counsellors selected by simple random sampling. Additionally, 12 heads of guidance and counselling and principals were included. The study adopted pragmatic paradigm, used mixed method research approach. The data was collected using questionnaires, interview schedules and focus group discussion. The results of the study revealed that the forms of peer counselling in boarding secondary schools use the roles of befriending (74.0%), mediation (72.8%), mentoring (72.8%), tutoring (72.6%) and educators (72.3%) in their helping process. The study concludes that the forms of peer counselling in public boarding secondary schools has a positive influence in providing psychosocial support to the students. The study therefore recommended that schools should use peer counselling for the psychosocial support of the learners. Sensitization of principals, teachers and heads of guidance and counselling on the benefits of Peer counselling on students’ psychosocial support is essential.

Interdisciplinarity has dominated the discourse of teachers and educational thinkers. The theories on the subject are multiplying, each with specific theoretical implications. Our goal in this report is to present proposals for interdisciplinary works that have been performed, comparing the speech that encourages this practice in order to offer concrete benefits and ideas for teachers of various disciplines. We discuss the limits of interdisciplinarity evaluating its relevance, as well as spaces for their achievement and the time that it can engage in the curriculum of basic education.Resumo A interdisciplinaridade tem dominado o discurso de professores e pensadores da educação. Multiplicam-se teorias sobre o tema e variações a ele: fala-se de multidisciplinaridade, pluridisciplinaridade, transdisciplinaridade, cada uma com implicações teóricas específicas. Nosso objetivo neste artigo é apresentar propostas de trabalhos interdisciplinares que já foram executadas, confrontando o discurso que estimula a pô-los em prática, a fim de oferecer subsídios e ideias concretas para professores de diversas disciplinas da educação básica. Procuramos discutir os limites da interdisciplinaridade avaliando sua pertinência, bem como os espaços de sua realização e o tempo que a ela se pode dedicar nos currículos da educação básica.Palavras-chave: Interdisciplinaridade, Transdisciplinaridade, Educação. Keywords: Interdisciplinarity, Transdisciplinary, Education.ReferencesDARWIN, Charles. A origem das espécies. São Paulo: Martin Claret, 2003.EINSTEIN, Albert. Como vejo o mundo. Tradução de H. P. de Andrade. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, 2011.FORTES, Clarissa Corrêa. Interdisciplinaridade: origem, conceito e valor. Sem data. 11 Folhas. Trabalho de conclusão de curso. AJES – Faculdades do Vale do Jurema. Disponível em: http://www.pos.ajes.edu.br/arquivos/referencial_20120517101727.pdf Acesso em 4/8/2016.KLINK, Amyr. Cem dias entre céu e mar. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2005.NICOLESCU, Basarab. O manifesto da transdisciplinaridade. Tradução de Lucia Pereira de Souza. São Paulo: Triom, 1999.POOLI, João Paulo et al. Projetos interdisciplinares. Curitiba: Intersaberes, 2013.RANDOM, Michel. O pensamento transdisciplinar e o real. Tradução de Lucia Pereira de Souza. São Paulo: Triom, 2000.

Introduction: At the Crossroad Well, I’ve been an important pawn [in regeneration], for instance, changing doors and windows, enlarging them, eliminating shutters and thus having big open windows, light […] Then came the florist, through a common friend, who was the second huge pawn who trusted in this […] then came the pastry shop. (Alberto, 54, shop owner). Alberto is the owner of Pleasure Factory, one of two upmarket restaurants in a gentrifying crossroads area in northern Milan. He started buying apartments and empty stores in the 1980s, later becoming property manager of the building where he still lives. He also opened two restaurants, and then set up a neighbourhood commercial organisation. Alberto’s activities, and those of people like him, have been able to reverse the image and the usage of this public crossroad. This is something of which all of the involved actors are well aware. They have “bet,” as they say, and somehow “won” by changing people’s common understanding of, and approach to, this zone. This paper argues for the necessity of a closer look at the ways that place is produced through the multiple activities of small entrepreneurs and social actors, such as Alberto. This is because these activities represent the softer side of gentrification, and can create zones of pleasure and authenticity. Whilst market forces and multiple public interventions of gentrification’s “hard” side can lead to the displacement of people and uneven development, these softer zones of authenticity and pleasure have the power to shape the general neighbourhood brand (Atkinson 1830). Speaking rhetorically, these zones act as synecdoche for the surrounding environment. Places are in part built through the “atmosphere” that consumers seek throughout their daily routines. Following Gernot Böhme’s approach to spatial aesthetics, atmosphere can be viewed as the “relation between environmental qualities and human states” (114) and this relation is worked out daily in gentrified neighbourhoods. Not only do the passer-bys, local entrepreneurs, and sociologists contribute to the local making of atmosphere, but so does the production of the environmental qualities. These are the private and public interventions aimed at refurbishing, and somehow sanitising, specific zones of central neighbourhoods in order to make them suitable for middle class tastes (Julier 875). Not all gentrification processes are similar however, because of the unique influence of each city’s scalar rearrangements. The following section therefore briefly describes the changes in Milan in recent times. The paper will then describe the making of a zone of authentic pleasure at the Isola crossroads. I will show that soft gentrification happens through the making of specific zones where supply and demand match in ways that make for pleasant living. Milan, from Global to Local and Back Milan has a peculiar role in both the Italian and European contexts. Its metropolitan area, of 7.4 million inhabitants on a 12 000 km² surface, makes it the largest in Italy and the fifth in Europe (following Ruhr, Moscow, Paris and London). The municipal power has been pushing for a long-term strategy of population growth that would make Milan the “downtown” of the overall metropolitan area (Bricocoli and Savoldi 19), and take advantage of scalar rearrangements, such as State reconfigurations and setbacks. The overall goal of the government of Milan has been to increase the tax base and the local government’s political power. Milan also demonstrates the entrepreneurial turn adopted by many global cities, evident in the amount of project-based interventions, the involvement of international architecture studios (“La città della Moda” by Cesar Pelli; “Santa Giulia” by Norman Foster; “City-Life” and “the Fair” by Zaha Hadid and David Libeskind), and the hosting of mega-events, such as the Expo 2015. The Milan growth machine works then at different scales (global, national, city-region, neighbourhood) with several organisational actors involved, enormous investments and heavy political struggles to decide which coalition of winning actors will ride the tiger of uneven development. However, when we look at those transformations through the lens of the neighbourhood what we see is the making of zones within the larger texture of its streets and squares. This zone-making is similar to leopard’s spots within a contained urban space, it works for some time in specific streets and crossroads, then moves throughout the neighbourhood, as the process of gentrification goes on. The neighbourhood, which the zone of authentic pleasure I’m describing occurs, is called Isola (Island) because of its clustered shape between a railroad on the southern border and three major roads on the others. Isola was, until the 1980s, a working-class residential space with a strong tradition of left-wing political activism, with some small manufacturing businesses and minor commercial activities. This area remained quite removed from the overall urban development that radically shifted Milan towards a service economy in the 1960s and 1970s. However, during the 1980s and 1990s, the land price impacts of private activities and public policies in surrounding neighbourhoods increasingly pushed people and activities in the direction of Isola. Alberto explains this drift through the example of his first apartment: Just look at the evolution of my apartment. I bought it [in the 1980s] for 57 million lira, I remember, then sold it in 1992 for 160, then it was sold again for 200 000 euros, then four years ago for 250 000 and you have to understand that we’re talking about 47 square metres. If you consider the last price, 250 000, I’ll tell you that when I first came to the neighbourhood you could easily buy an entire building with that money. The building at number five in this street was entirely sold for 550 millions lira—you understand now why Isola is a huge real estate investment, people like it, its central, well served by the underground—well it still has to grow from a commercial standpoint… This evolution in land prices is clear when translated into the price for square metre: 2.4 euros for square meter in 1985, 3.4 in 1992, 4.2 in 2000 and 5.3 in 2006. The ratio increase is 120% in 20 years, demonstrating both the general boost in the economy of the area and also what is at stake within uneven development. What this paper argues is that parallel to this political economy dimension, which may be called the “hard side” of gentrification, there is also a “soft side” that deserves a closer attention. Pastry shops, cafés, bars, restaurants are as strategic as real estate investments (Zukin, Landscapes 195). The spatial concept that best captures the rationale of these activities is the zone, meaning a small and localised cluster of activities. I chose to add the features of pleasure and authenticity because of the role they play in ordinary consumption practices. In order to illustrate the specific relevance of soft gentrification I will now turn to the description of the Isola crossroad, a place that has been re-created through the interventions of several actors, such as Alberto above, and also Franca and her pastry shop. A Zone of Authentic Pleasure: Franca’s Pleasure Corner We’re walking through a small residential street and arrive at a crossroad. We turn to look to the four corners, one is occupied by a public school building, the second and the third by upmarket restaurants, and the last by a “typical” Sicilian pastry shop and café. We decide to enter here, find a seat and order a coffee together with a small cassata, a cake made with sweet cheese, almonds, pistachios and candied fruit. While we are experiencing this southern Italian breakfast at some thousand miles of spatial distance from its original site, a short man enters. He’s a well renowned TV comedian, best known for his would-be-magician gags. Everybody in the café recognises him but pretends to ignore his presence, he buys some pastries and leaves. Other customers come and go. The shop owner, an Italian lady in her forties called Franca, approaches to me and declares: “as you can see for yourself, we see elegant people here.” In this kind of neighbourhood it is common to see and share space with such “elegant” and well-known people, and to feel that a pleasant atmosphere is created through this public display. Franca opened the pastry shop three years ago, a short time after the upmarket restaurants on the other corners. However, when we interviewed her she wasn’t yet satisfied with the atmosphere: “when I go downtown and come back, I feel depressed … it’s developing but still has not grown enough … Isn’t one of the classic rich places in Milan—it’s kind of a weird place.” Through these and other similar statements she expressed a feeling of delusion toward the neighbourhood—a feeling on which she’s building her tale—that emerged in contrast to the kind of environment Franca would consider more apt for her shop. Franca’s a newcomer, but knows that the neighbourhood has been “sanitised.” “It really was a criminal area” she states, using overtly derogatory terms just like they were neutral: “riffraff” for the customers of ordinary bars, “dull” for the northern part of the neighbourhood where “there even are kebab shops.” In contrast she lists her beloved customers: journalists, architects, two tenors, people working at the theatre nearby, and the local TV celebrity described earlier. When she refers to the crossroad she speaks of it as, “maybe the gem of the neighbourhood.” At some point she declares what makes her proud: A place like this regenerates the neighbourhood—to be sure, if I ever open a harbour bar I’d attract riffraff who would discredit the place. In short it’s not, to make an example, a club where you play cards, that bring in the underworld, noise, nuisance—here the customer is the typical middle class, all right people. The term “all right people” reoccurs in several of Franca’s statements. Her initial economic sacrifices, relative though if, as she says, she’s able to open another shop in a more central place (“we would like to become a chain-store”), are now compensated by the recognition she gets from her more polished clients. She also expresses a personal satisfaction in the role she has played in the changes in Isola: “until now it’s just a matter of personal satisfaction—of seeing, I’ve built this stuff.” Franca’s story demonstrates that the soft side of gentrification is also produced by individuals that have little in common with the huge capital investment that is at stake in real estate development, or the chain stores that are also opening in the neighbourhood. In one way, Franca is alone in her quest for regeneration, as most entrepreneurs are. In another way, though, she is not. Not only is she participating in the “upgrading” together with other small business owners and consumers who all agree on the direction to follow, thus building together a zone of authentic pleasure, but she can also rely on a “critical infrastructure” of architects, designers and consultants (Zukin, Landscapes 202) that knows perfectly how to do the job. With much pride in her interior design choices, Franca pointed out how her café mixes chic with classic and opposing them to a flashy and folk décor. She showed us the black-and-white pictures at the wall depicting Paris in the 1960s, the unique design coffee machine model she owns, and the flower vases conceived by a famous designer and filled by her neighbour florist. The colours chosen for the interior are orange, tied to oranges—a typical product of Sicily, whereas the brown colour relates to the land, and the gold is linked to elegance. The mixing of warm colours, Franca explained, makes the atmosphere cosy. Where did this owner get all these idea(l)s? Franca relied on an Italian interior design studio, which works at a global scale furnishing hotels, restaurants, bars, shops, bathing establishments, and airports in New York, Barcelona, Paris, and Milan. The architect with whom she dealt with let her “work together” in order to have an autonomous set of choices that match the brand’s offer. Authenticity thus becomes part of the décor in a systematic way, and the feeling of a pleasant atmosphere is constantly reproduced through the daily routines of consumption. Again, not alone in the regeneration process but feeling as if she is “on her own,” Franca struggles daily to protect the atmosphere she’s building: “My point is avoiding having kids or tramps as customers—I don’t want an indiscriminate presence, like people coming here for a glass of wine and maybe getting drunk. I mean, this is not the place to come and have a bianchino [cheap white wine]. People coming here have a spumante, and behave in a completely different fashion.” The opposition between a bianchino, the cheap white wine, and the spumante is one that clarifies the moral boundary between the targets of soft gentrification. In Italian popular culture, and especially in the past, it was a common male habit to have bianchino from late morning onwards. Bars therefore served as gendered public spaces where common people would rest from working activities and the family sphere. Franca, together with many new bars and cafes that construct zones of authentic pleasure in gentrifying neighbourhoods, is trying to update this cultural practice. The spumante adds a sparkling element to consumption and is branded as a trendy aperitif wine, which appeals to younger tastes and lifestyles. By utilising a global design studio, Franca connects to global patterns of urban development and the homogenising of local atmospheres. Furthermore, by preferencing different consumption behaviours she contributes to the social transformation of the neighbourhood by selecting customers. This tendency towards segregation, rather than mixing, is a relevant feature here, since the Franca’s favourite clientele are clearly “people like us” (Butler 2469). Zones like the one described above are thus places where uneven development shows its social, interactive and public façade. Pleasure and Authenticity in Soft Gentrification The production of “atmosphere” in a gentrifying neighbourhood goes together with customers’ taste and preferences. The supply-side of building the environmental landscape for a “pleasant” zone needs a demand-side, consumers buying, supporting, and appreciating the outcome of the activities of business people like Franca. The two are one, most of the time, because tastes and preferences are linked to class, gender, and ethnicity, which makes a sort of mutual redundancy. To put it abruptly: similar people, spending their time in the same places and in a similar way. As I have shown above, the pastry shop owner Franca went for mixing chic and classic in her interior design. That is distinctiveness and familiarity, individualisation and commonality in one unique environment. Seen from the consumer’s perspective, this leads to what has been depicted by Sharon Zukin in her account of the crisis of authenticity in New York. People, she says, are yearning for authenticity because this: reflects the separation between our experience of space and our sense of self that is so much a part of modern mentalities. Though we think authenticity refers to a neighbourhood’s innate qualities, it really expresses our own anxieties about how places change. The idea of authenticity is important because it connects our individual yearning to root ourselves in a singular time and place to a cosmic grasp or larger social forces that remake our world from many small and often invisible actions. (220) Among the “many small and invisible actions” are the ones made by Franca and the global interior design firm she hired, but also those done daily by her customers. For instance, Christian a young advertising executive who lives two blocks away from the pastry shop. He defines himself an “executive creative director” [in English, while the interview was in Italian]. Asked on cooking practices and the presentation he makes to his guests, he declares that the main effort is on: The mise en place—the mise en place with no doubt. The mise en place must be appropriate to what you’re doing. Sometimes you get the mise en place simply serving a plateau, when you correctly couple cheese and salami, even better when you couple fresh cheese with vegetables or you give a slightly creative touch with some fruit salad, like seitan with avocado, no? They become beautiful to see and the mise en place saves it, the aesthetics does its job …Do you feel there are foods, beverages or consumption occasions you consider not worth giving up at all? The only thing I wouldn’t give up is going out in the morning, and having a cappuccino down there in the tiny pastry shop and having some brioches while I’m at the bar. Those that are not frozen beforehand but cooked just in time and have a breakfast, for just two euros, two euros and ten […] cappuccino and fresh brioche, baked just then, otherwise I cannot even think—if I’m in Milan I hardly think correctly—I mean I can’t wake up really without a good cappuccino and a good brioche. Christian is one of the new residents that was attracted to this neighbourhood because of the benefits of its uneven development: relatively affordable rent prices, services, and atmosphere. Commonality is among them, but also distinctiveness. Each morning he can have his “good cappuccino and good brioche” freshly baked to suit his taste and that allows him to differentiate between other brioches, namely the industrialised ones, those “frozen beforehand.” More importantly, he can do this by simply crossing the street and entering one of the pleasure zones that are making Isola, there and now, the new gentrified Milanese neighbourhood. Zones of Authentic Pleasure In this paper I have argued that a closer attention to the softer side of gentrification can help to understand how taste and uneven development mesh together, to produce the common shape we find in gentrified neighbourhoods. These typical urban spaces are made of streets, sidewalks, squares, and walls, but also shop windows and signs, pavement cafés, planters, and the street-life that turns around all of this. Both built environment and interaction produces the atmosphere of authentic pleasure, which is offered by local entrepreneurs and sought by the people who go there. Pleasure is a central feature because of the increasing role of consumption activities in the city and the role of individual consumption practices. I f we observe closely the local scale where all of these practices take place, we can clearly distinguish one zone from another because of their localised effervescence. Neighbourhoods are not equally affected by gentrification. Internally specific zones emerge as those having the capacity to subsume the entire process. These are the ones I have described in this paper—zones of authentic pleasure, where the supply and demand for an authentic distinctive and communal atmosphere takes place. Ephemeral spaces; if one looks at the political economy of place through a macro lens. But if the aim is to understand why certain zones prove to be successful and others not, then exploring how soft gentrification is daily produced and consumed is fundamental.Acknowledgments This article draws on data produced by the research team for the CSS project ‘Middle Class and Consumption: Boundaries, Standards and Discourses’. The team comprised Marco Santoro, Roberta Sassatelli and Giovanni Semi (Coordinators), Davide Caselli, Federica Davolio, Paolo Magaudda, Chiara Marchetti, Federico Montanari and Francesca Pozzi (Research Fellows). The ethnographic data on Milan were mainly produced by Davide Caselli and by the Author. The author wishes to thank the anonymous referees for wise and kind remarks and Michelle Hall for editing and suggestions. References Atkinson, Rowland. “Domestication by Cappuccino or a Revenge on Urban Space? Control and Empowerment in the Management of Public Spaces.” Urban Studies 40.9 (2003): 1829–1843. Böhme, Gernot. “Atmosphere as the Fundamental Concept of a New Aesthetics.” Thesis Eleven 36 (1993): 113–126. Bricocoli, Massimo, and Savoldi Paola. Milano Downtown: Azione Pubblica e Luoghi dell’Abitare. Milano: et al./Edizioni, 2010. Butler, Tim. “Living in the Bubble: Gentrification and Its ‘Others’ in North London.” Urban Studies 40.12 (2003): 2469–2486. Julier, Guy. “Urban Designscapes and the Production of Aesthetic Consent.” Urban Studies 42.5/6 (2005): 869–887. Zukin, Sharon. Landscapes of Power. From Detroit to Disney World. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991. ———. Naked City. The Death and Life of Authentic Urban Places. New York: Oxford UP, 2010.