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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Former Yugoslav republics – Politics and government »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Former Yugoslav republics – Politics and government"

Kennedy, Thomas. « Using Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia to predict the outcome of the dissolution of states : factors that lead to internal conflict and civil war ». Open Political Science 3, n^o 1 (9 mars 2020) : 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2020-0001.

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AbstractDuring the process of the dissolution of countries, there exist multiple critical junctures that lead to the partition of the territory, where the different groups cannot find a consensus on who rules and how to organize the government. The outcome of these crossroad decisions and political dynamics, who are often set-up centuries ago, either lead to conflict or relative peace between the nations and peoples who express opprobrium towards each other. The most recent cases of the divorce of Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia have many similitudes and are therefore appropriate to attempt to theoretically analyze the essential difference between these two types of partitions. The Yugoslav situation led to War between the nations of Croatia, Bosnia, Slovenia and Serbia, with an estimated 140,000 citizens of the former Yugoslav Republics killed, while the Czechoslovak case led to an innocuous settlement of differences and the creation of the Czech Republic and Slovakia, who joined the European Union ten years later and saw zero casualties.It is worthwhile to study the relationship between the dissolution of states and conflict using the Czechoslovak and Yugoslav cases for three main reasons. First, the similitude of the two instances enables one to identify variables that bring the outcome of having either peaceful relations or conflict between divorcing nations. Second, it is possible to compare the opposing disposition of variables with other countries that faced dissolution at one moment in history. Third, the sources and research for the two events are extensive, but very seldom put into conflict, since the causes for dissolution in both instances seem patent and explicit, contrasting significantly in scope and depth. This paper may be an occasion to disprove the notion that unworkable forces were at play here and demonstrate that the situation could have skewed in either direction, even though those structural forces are what lay the groundwork of the situation devolving into conflict.

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Simon, Djerdj. « Economic transition in Yugoslavia : A view from outside ». Medjunarodni problemi 55, n^o 1 (2003) : 104–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0301104s.

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Yugoslavia, once an advanced country in market reforms, was one of the least transformed countries in Eastern Europe in the nineties. Such a situation was caused by the civil war, policy of the Milosevic?s regime and international sanctions. The resistance of the ruling conservative forces made it impossible to establish an adequate reform policy. Thus, the transition stopped short halfway. The situation has radically changed only since the autumn of 2000, after Milosevic?s downfall, when after the gradual lifting of international isolation, economic and political reforms were given a new stimulus, and the country could start the process of European integration. This article is an attempt to give an overview of the transition of the Yugoslav economy in the last ten years or so. The growth rate of Yugoslavia?s GDP is compared not only with that of its neighbouring countries, i.e. other former socialist countries of South-Eastern Europe (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Macedonia, and Romania) but also with that of other transition economies in Central and Eastern Europe, including the Commonwealth of Independent States. A particular attention is given to the role of research and development (R&D) in Yugoslavia in the nineties as compared to Croatia, Slovenia, and the United States. The structural changes in the Yugoslav economy during the past decade are analysed together with property relations as well as the issues concerning small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). At the sectoral level, it is the performance of manufacturing and agriculture that is separately explored. In relation to this, wage formation and relative wage levels in Yugoslavia?s manufacturing are viewed regarding the country?s international competitiveness and wider characteristics of globalising world economy. In analysing the role of external sources in the Yugoslav economy, the problems of foreign trade, external indebtedness, and attraction of foreign direct investment (FDI) are emphasized together with the economic assistance rendered to the FRY by the European Union. Regarding the important indicator of openness, i.e. the share of exports and imports in GDP, a comparison is made between Yugoslavia, on one hand, and Croatia, Slovenia, the European Union, and the United States, on the other. The economic policy of Milosevic?s regime is contrasted with that of the new democratic government that came to power after the events in October 2000. Stabilisation, liberalisation, privatisation, and institutional reform are considered giving particular attention to the experience of the member republics of the Yugoslav federation: Serbia and Montenegro. The author comes to the following conclusions: in transition countries stabilisation, liberalisation, and privatisation cannot be successful without carrying out a comprehensive, deep reform of the system of political institutions that along with creation of conditions for establishment of democracy and its strengthening also enables building of a modern and efficient market economy. This complicated and often contradictory process could come across serious obstacles if the old state and party nomenclature in power retains the command economy without planning, and under demagogical, nationalistic, and populist slogans gets involved in wars even taking the risks of being put under international isolation. However, such an outdated economic system characterised by autarchy can only temporarily exist and hinder the unravelling of market reforms in the epoch of globalisation.

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Brautović, Mato, Julijana Antić Brautović et Romana John. « Use of Pre-web Computer Networks to Give Information About the Attacks on Dubrovnik and Vukovar ». Collegium antropologicum 46, n^o 4 (2022) : 271–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5671/ca.46.4.2.

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Although, 30-years ago, there was a limited number of computer networks and computers in the former Yugoslavia, as well as worldwide, they were used by academia and the elites, who had enough knowledge and access to computers and to modems. Their views on the political situation, which have been preserved in the digital world, may give valuable insight into events, and, notably, about how these elites perceived/participated in the collapse of the State, and how the public in different Yugoslavian republics articulated their views. The main problem relating to this kind of approach was the limited resources that were available, as the majority of the digital documents have been lost forever, so studying this topic through the use of pre-web digital documents looked more like digital archeology, and less like historical/textual analysis. This paper was written based on two case studies: the bulletin board systems (BBS) Sezam BBS, and the e-mail distribution list Pisma Bralcev, and how they were used to report on the Yugoslav People's Army’s attacks on Dubrovnik and Vukovar in Fall, 1991. In the first case, the study examines ‘Sezam BBS’, which was based in Belgrade and was used by Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian academics, politicians and journalists, and was, at the time, the most popular forum open to the public, and was under no government control. The second case was the email distribution list, Pisma Bralcev, which was run by Slovenian academics and was used for the distribution of news abroad. The data for analysis was collected through archival research on original discussions, e-mails, reports, etc. The main findings show that the bulletin board systems, discussion groups and e-mail enabled the first forums for the exchange of opposing ideas, and they became places in which the Yugoslavian elite could be informed beyond the information that was given by the mass media and politically controlled sources.

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Arapović, Adisa, Craig A. Depken et Mirsad Hadžikadić. « Corruption in Transition Economies : Cause or Effect ? » Zagreb International Review of Economics and Business 20, n^o 1 (24 mai 2017) : 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zireb-2017-0011.

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Abstract This paper investigates the empirical relationship between corruption, economic growth, and government spending in fourteen transitioning economies from 1995-2013. We find strong evidence of bilateral Granger causation between economic growth and corruption for the full sample but weaker evidence of such a relationship for four former Yugoslav republics. We also find bilateral Granger causality between government spending and corruption but a weaker unidirectional Granger causality from government spending to corruption in four former Yugoslav republics. Our results recommend caution when assuming that corruption is purely exogenous in empirical models.

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DRAGOSTINOVA, THEODORA. « On ‘Strategic Frontiers’ : Debating the Borders of the Post-Second World War Balkans ». Contemporary European History 27, n^o 3 (9 mai 2018) : 387–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000243.

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This article examines debates between Bulgaria, Greece and Yugoslavia concerning the post-Second World War Balkan borders in preparation for the Paris Peace Conference of 1946. While for most of the twentieth century Greece and Yugoslavia were close allies united in their position against revisionist Bulgaria, after 1944 the communist affiliations of the new Bulgarian and Yugoslav governments determined the rapprochement between the latter two states. As various proposals for border revisions and the possibility of a Balkan Federation were discussed, the Balkans became a prime battlefield in the emerging Cold War split between the Soviet Union, Britain and the United States. By examining a period of extreme political fluidity between 1944 and 1947, this article explores how the legacy of long-standing national tensions combined with the new political realities after the Second World War created the current borders of Bulgaria, Greece and the (former Yugoslav) Republic of Macedonia.

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Moroz, Olga. « Practical experience of self-government of the italian minority of Slovenia ». Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series : History. Political Studies 11, n^o 31-32 (2021) : 168–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2021-11-31-32-168-179.

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The Republic of Slovenia is a multinational state that appeared on the political map of Central and Eastern Europe as a result of disintegrating processes in socialist Yugoslavia. The problems of national minorities have been further deteriorated at the end of the SFRY existence, despite the fact that the Yugoslav leaders tended minority issues. National relations in modern Slovenia are a legacy of the socialist period. Italians and Hungarians are only two of national minorities in the republic who exercise their constitutional rights and guarantees. The Slovenian Constitution defines these minorities as autochthonous (historical). The article offers an analysis of situation and political activity of the autochthonous minorities in Slovenia using the example of the Italian community. Despite the fact that Slovenian Italians enjoy broad powers of autonomy in education, language, and they are actively involved in the political life of the state, there are still a number of unresolved problems of the coexistence of the Italian minority and the Slovenian majority, which are common to both autochthonous minorities and largely concern all other national communities of the Republic of Slovenia. The resettlement of Italians on the territory of Slovenia is characterized by compactness, which positively influenced the processes of consolidation of the minority in the matter of protecting their constitutional rights and guarantees. In the article, the author reasoned conclusion that Slovenian society has always been marked by a high level of xenophobia, also developed on the basis of the consequences of disintegration processes in socialist Yugoslavia. The concept of autochtonomism has become a kind of society response to the threat of external migration, and, according to the official Ljubljana, poses a danger to the titular nation and language. The Italians and Hungarians, in the minds of the Slovenes and the Slovenian government, are the lesser evil compared to the so-called unconstitutional minorities - immigrants from the former SFRY.

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Walgrave, Spyros A. « Mass Communication and the 'Nationalisation' of the Public Sphere in Former Yugoslavia ». Res Publica 39, n^o 2 (30 juin 1997) : 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i2.18591.

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Although the quasi-confederal character of Yugoslavia, especially after the introduction of its 1974 constitution did not encourage the development of a genuine Yugoslavian public sphere wherepublic debate could transcend ethnic and republic divisions, it nevertheless allowed the formation of what could be called Yugoslav cultural space, a space within which social and political actors (feminist, peace movements) forged their identities regardless of the ethnic or national diversity that characterised their membership. However, the existence of this 'space' had a limited impact in Yugoslav politics partly due to the breakdown of inter-republic communication and the fragmentation of the Yugoslavian mass media. This paper traces the process of disintegration of the Yugoslav cultural space and the emergence of national 'public spheres' in the republics and provinces of former Yugoslavia and attempts to assess the role of the mass media and cultural institutions in these developments by identifying the key strategies of representation employed in the process of the fragmentation and 'nationalisation' of the public sphere of former Yugoslavia.

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Cuzzi, Marco. « The refractory community : Yugoslav anti-communists in post-war Italy ». Balcanica, n^o 52 (2021) : 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2152159c.

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In the months between the Italian armistice (September 1943) and the end of the war (May 1945), Italy became the destination of a large group of Yugoslav exiles who, in various ways, opposed Tito and the Socialist and Federal Republic in the process of being formed. These exiles, divided by nationality and political affiliation (ranging from exponents of the resistance linked to the government in exile in London to the most radical collaborators with the Nazis), were united by their staunch anti-communism. Carefully observed by both the Italian secret services and the Allied military government, with the approach of the Cold War this Yugoslav ?refractory community? was increasingly used as a centre of propaganda and in part also of information by the West. After the Tito-Stalin split, this function was reduced, and the community waited for new developments that would only appear forty years later with the dissolution of the disdained Federal and Socialist Republic. This essay is an integral part of research based on the archives of the Italian Military Intelligence Service (SIM) kept at the Historical Office of the Italian Army General Staff in Rome, in the fonds of the Confidential Affairs of the General Directorate of Public Security of the Italian Ministry of the Interior and in the ?Affari Politici - Jugoslavia? collections of the Historical-Diplomatic Archive of the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The research is still in progress and aims to create a map of the Yugoslav anti-communist community in Italy from the end of the Second World War until the dissolution of the Federal Republic between 1989 and 1992.

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Cvijic, Srdjan. « Swinging the Pendulum : World War II History, Politics, National Identity and Difficulties of Reconciliation in Croatia and Serbia ». Nationalities Papers 36, n^o 4 (septembre 2008) : 713–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802230563.

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The downfall of communist Yugoslavia and the democratization process that followed at the end of the 1980s have led to the fragmentation of the country, which was accompanied by several wars of different intensity and duration (1991–1999). From the ashes of what once was the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia raised six independent states: Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Macedonia and Serbia. The situation relating to the southern Serbian province of Kosovo, after its unilateral declaration of independence at the beginning of 2008, and subsequent recognition by parts of the international community, remains unclear. Slovenia is already in the EU, while the rest of the former Yugoslav republics, within the framework of the Stabilization and Association Process of the European Union, have the status of EU Candidate or Potential Candidate countries and are slowly moving towards EU membership.

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Filić, Goran Patrick. « Critique of Instrumentalist and Primordialist Theories ». Političke perspektive 11, n^o 2 (9 mars 2022) : 93–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pp.11.2.04.

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Beyond the mainstream conflict in former Yugoslavia, an incomplete research ‎exists on the micro-military ethnic alliances and micro-conflicts on the local‎ and regional levels particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The article attempts ‎to fill this knowledge gap through the examination of the theoretical frameworks, ‎instrumentalism and primordialism as the two most frequently used ‎frameworks in explaining the Yugoslav disintegration. In terms of instrumentalism, ‎the article expands on the overreaching assumptions on the account of ‎elitist capacity to instrumentilize ethnic violence in multiethnic societies. Article ‎adds to the existing literature that instrumentalism can and often does ‎inadvertently neglect identifying instances where the elitist’s instrumentalisation ‎of the masses did not materialize. Conversely, primordialism an approach ‎that fell out of favor and an unfit framework in regards to Yugoslav dissolution,‎ was substantially and eagerly applied as an explanans, particularly in the first ‎stages of the war. In principle, the primordialism erroneously characterized the‎Yugoslav dissolution as the ancient ethnic grievances coming to the surface in ‎the absence of strong central government and the primordialist never bothered‎ to further that analysis. Hence, this article will go beyond the basic primordialist‎assumption, it confirms that primordialism, the genetically based‎ argument, cannot adequately tackle conflicts in multiethnic societies as seen ‎in Yugoslavia however, and omitted from the literature, the article posits that ‎the approach has an inexplicably staunch and protracting capacity to linger and ‎spread through the pores of society as a mechanism often utilized by nationalists ‎elites to manipulate and sustain their radical views. This capacity in principle‎ effectively protracts hostilities as attested in all former Yugoslav republics.‎

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Thèses sur le sujet "Former Yugoslav republics – Politics and government"

Mitropolitski, Simeon. « Explaining political regime diversity in post-communist states : an evaluation and critique of current theories ». Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99734.

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This study seeks to assess theories of post-communist political regime diversity. Since 1989 tens of former communist countries in Central and Eastern Europe and in the ex-Soviet Union developed into a rainbow of regimes, from stable democracies to stable autocracies. Four major theoretical approaches attempt to explain this diversity by focusing respectively on legacies, institutional choices, political leadership, and external influence. These approaches are tested using a sample of three post-communist countries representing different political trajectories: democracy, authoritarianism, and intermediate regimes. This study finds that none of these approaches comprehensively explains this diversity. "Unpacking" these approaches, however, and combining some elements from each, provides a good starting point for understanding the problem. Designing particular institutions like an electoral system and a strong presidential office may produce democratic or authoritarian trends. Particular legacies such as lack of shared public identity between rulers and the ruled can interfere and, despite institutional preconditions, keep post-communist countries in an intermediate regime position.

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Delcourt, Barbara. « La reconnaissance conditionnelle des républiques yougoslaves : un test de politique étrangère européenne ? Analyse politologique d'un discours juridicisé ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211686.

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Kennedy, Ryan. « LIFTING THE CURSE : DISTRIBUTION AND POWER IN PETRO-STATES ». Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1211481058.

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Yakacikli, Lebriz. « Les relations de la Turquie avec les ex-républiques soviétiques eurasiennes et caucasiennes sous Turgut Özal : une tentative de soft power ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210525.

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Il s'agit d'étudier la tentative de la Turquie de se positionner comme une puissance sur les échiquiers eurasiens et caucasiens sous la présidence de Turgut Ozal
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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SÖRENSEN, Jens Stilhoff. « State collapse and social reconstruction in the periphery : the political economy of ethnicity and development : Yugoslavia, Serbia, Kosovo ». Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6333.

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FRITZ, Verena. « The state of the state : a fiscal perspective on state formation and transformation in Ukraine and other countries of the former Soviet Union ». Doctoral thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6345.

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Defence date: 7 November 2003
Examining board: Prof. Jan Zielonka (EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Philippe Schmitter (EUI, co-supervisor) ; Prof. Valerie Bunce (Cornell University) ; Prof. Claus Offe (Humboldt-University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

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Livres sur le sujet "Former Yugoslav republics – Politics and government"

Jugoslawien und seine Nachfolgestaaten 1943-2011 : Eine ungewöhnliche Geschichte des Gewöhnlichen. Wien : Böhlau Verlag, 2012.

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1963-, Scharf Michael P., dir. Peace with justice ? : War crimes and accountability in the former Yugoslavia. Lanham, Md : Rowman & Littlefield, 2002.

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Dismembering the state : The death of Yugoslavia and why it matters. Lanham, Md : Lexington Books, 2001.

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From Yugoslavia to the western Balkans : Studies of a European disunion, 1991-2011. Leiden : Brill, 2013.

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Birgitta, Busch, et Kelly-Holmes Helen 1968-, dir. Language, discourse, and borders in the Yugoslav successor states. Buffalo : Multilingual Matters Ltd, 2004.

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Transnational societies, transterritorial politics : Migrations in the (post-) Yugoslav region, 19th-21st century. München : R. Oldenbourg, 2009.

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Carl-Ulrik, Schierup, et Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations (Economic and Social Research Council), dir. Scramble for the Balkans : Nationalism, globalism, and the political economy of reconstruction. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1999.

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Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia early parliamentary elections, 1 June 2008, OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission : Final report. Warsaw : OSCE/ODIHR, 2008.

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Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. Parliamentary Assembly et Council of Europe. Parliamentary Assembly, dir. International election observation mission, early parliamentary elections, The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia : Statement of preliminary findings and conclusions. Skopje : OSCE/ODIHR, 2008.

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From ethnic conflict to stillborn reform : The former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. College Station, TX : Texas A&M University Press, 2005.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Former Yugoslav republics – Politics and government"

Robinson Beachboard, Martine, et John C. Beachboard. « Implications of Foreign Ownership on Journalistic Quality in a Post-Communist Society : The Case of Finance ». Dans InSITE 2006 : Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/3029.

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When freedom from Communism largely eliminated overt government censorship of newspapers, other political and business pressures appeared. Consequently, Southeastern European newspaper publishers faced threats to financial viability and editorial integrity. The editor-in-chief of one newspaper in the former Yugoslavian republic of Slovenia claims to have found freedom from political and advertiser influence after a global media conglomerate invested in the publication. Notably, the business daily Finance is the only hard-news start-up to survive in the eleven years since Slovenia gained independence from the Republic of Yugoslavia. This research paper offers a provocative example where international investment appears to have contributed to the democratizing of media in a post-communist society. The paper is not intended to argue that foreign media investments are necessarily beneficial but to suggest some circumstances in which foreign media investment can be advantageous to the democratic aspirations of a society.

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