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1
Zinoviev, Vasily P. « A chronicle of state associations on the territory of Russia during the Revolution and the Civil War (1917-1922) ». Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no 482 (2023) : 104–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/482/11.
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The article analyzes the collapsing of the Russian Empire and the formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The process is presented as a chronicle of the creation and liquidation of state formations from 28 February 1917 to 30 December 1922 on the territory of the country, including Poland, Finland and the territories of Turkey and Austria, where Russian troops were stationed. The chronicle records the formation of 150 different authorities that claimed to be all-Russian or regional power, organized by Russian political forces or interventionist troops. The chronicle is based on information from encyclopedias and reference books. Statistics on the creation of organizations show that state construction was most intensive in 1917 (24 new formations were created), 1918 (60), and 1918 (22). During this three-year period, Anti-Bolshevik forces were more active than others and formed 50 governments, interventionists formed 17 governments, the Soviet authorities established 31 states. Some governments claimed the all-Russian status -- the Omsk government of Alexander Kolchak, the Special Meeting of Anton Denikin, the Government of the South of Russia of Pyotr Wrangel. The governments of the RSFSR, Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania, Finland, Poland, Latvia, Estonia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Khiva and Bukhara had nationwide claims. Most of the governments were regional and opportunistic, formed by local political and military circles, which were supported by the Whites, the Reds, or the interventionists. In 1920-1922, anti-Soviet forces were able to organize 4 governments, the interventionists 1, the construction of Soviet state structures was confidently underway = 32 states of different levels and 3 democratic state structures were created in the Far East under the control of the Bolsheviks. The result of state construction on 30 December 1922 recorded 7 sovereign states (USSR, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, the Tannu-Tuva People's Republic) and two governments without territory - the Belarusian People's Republic and the Karelian United government in Vyborg. The Soviet Union was a unique, extremely complex state entity: it included 4 union republics - the RSFSR, the Transcaucasian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic, the Ukrainian SSR, the Belarusian SSR. The Transcaucasian SFSR consisted of the Azerbaijani SSR, the Armenian SSR and the union of the Georgian SSR and the Abkhaz SSR. In addition, formally, the Soviet Union did not include two People's Soviet republics - Bukhara and Khorezm, with which the RSFSR had union treaties. The USSR included 2 labor communes, 8 autonomous republics and 12 autonomous regions. The basis of Soviet state-building was the principle of national self-determination. The Soviet experience of assembling a single state is now in demand again due to the growth of nationalism on the territory of the former USSR and the desire of Russia's geopolitical opponents to use it to destroy the country and seize its resources.
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BĂNCILĂ, Andi Mihail. « TRANSNISTRIA FROM THE FORMATION OF THE MOLDAVIAN AUTONOMOUS SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLIC TO ITS INTEGRATION INTO THE MOLDAVIAN SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLIC (1924-1940) ». Strategic Impact 85, no 1 (8 juin 2023) : 122–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/1842-9904-23-07.
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The creation of autonomous regions on the territory of the union republics of the newly created Soviet state was a practice often used by the communist regime to resubordinate the provinces lost at the end of the First World War. In order to theoretically preserve the chance to integrate the former province of Bessarabia into the new empire during 1924, the new Kremlin leader Joseph Stalin decided to form a republic and a new people, the Moldavian SSR and the Moldavian people distinct from the Romanian one. This decision proved to be catastrophic for the Romanians living in Bessarabia over the next 100 years, who in this way could be forced to link their fate to Russia.
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Ko, KaYoung. « The Reinterpretation of the Contact Zone expressed in the Exhibition of the Uzbekistan “National Memorial Museum of the Victims of Repression” After the Dissolution USSR ». Korean Society for European Integration 12, no 3 (30 novembre 2021) : 57–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2021.25.57.
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This article, in the 30th anniversary of the Soviet Union dissolution, is an attempt to examine how Uzbekistan, among the countries of the former Soviet Union, reinterprets its past history (mainly during the Soviet period) through an analysis of museum exhibitions. The immediate task of Uzbekistan, like other new born countries in Central Asia, which became independent after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, was ‘nation-building’. Various ways have been sought to create the identity of an independent nation. One of them is the change of interpretation of the Soviet period. Central Asian countries are putting forward a break with the Soviet era, citing the mistakes of the Soviet central government in the past. In addition, they are trying to strengthen the solidarity of the newly independent nation and create a national identity by putting themselves as victims of political oppression.
In the <Repression Museum> exhibition, Uzbekistan identifies itself with a colony conquered by the Soviet Republics. The subjects of the colonial empire include not only Tsarist Russia but also the Soviet central government.
Exhibitions 1 and 2 of the Museum of Repression in Uzbekistan reconstruct the history of oppression moving from the imperial Russia, through the Bolshevik revolution, the socialist construction, Stalin counter-terrorism and post-war period to the perestroika period. The repression related to the cotton scandal is unique to Uzbekistan. And the 3rd exhibition room deals with the current development of Uzbekistan.
In the Museum of Repression in Uzbekistan, the socialist revolution disappeared. And here Lenin s ideal of pursuing common prosperity by building a common home for the people that was considered to be different from imperial Russia, a prison for the people, became insignificant. The Bolsheviks changed into a plundering colonizers that are indistinguishable from the Western empires.
It is portrayed only in the portrait of a harsh empire that has invaded. Likewise today s authoritarian rulers in Uzbekistan are arbitrarily interpreting the past in order to solidify their own nation-state.
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Świder, Konrad. « Transformacja polityczna w Rosji w latach 90. XX wieku – główne problemy ». Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 17, no 1 (décembre 2019) : 97–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2019.1.4.
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In december 1991, the Soviet Union collapsed. This fact can be considered to be the most significant geopolitical event of the second half of the 20th century. As a result of the collapse of the USSR, fifteen union republics – the main units of the administrative-political and national division of the Soviet federation – gained state sovereignty and independence. One of the most important results of this process was the creation of Russia (Russian Federation), which declared itself and was recognized as the main successor of the Soviet empire. The young state faced many difficulties, which – at the level of internal policy – include carrying out socio-political-economic transformation, overcoming the deep structural crisis inherited from the late USSR, or building modern durable democratic institutions and democratic political culture. This meant that the new Russian elites needed to make a radical system change and to develop new political mechanisms in the management of this enormous country. The article will present the main problems faced by Russia and its establishment in the 1990s, with many turning points and breakthrough moments, specific to countries undergoing intensive and multifaceted post-communist transformation. Due to the importance and the role of Russia in the international system, the directions and tendencies of changes taking place in this country are particularly important, especially from the perspective of post-Soviet states and the countries of the former socialist block.
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Siscanu, Ion. « Soviet strategy regarding the Romanian territories (1918-1924) ». Revista de istorie a Moldovei, no 3-4(131-132) (novembre 2022) : 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.58187/rim.131-132.05.
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In 1918, Bessarabia proclaimed its independence from the Russian Empire and united with Romania. The Bolsheviks pursued the objective of transforming Bessarabia into a bridgehead for the Romanian revolution. The project failed. In 1918, Soviet Russia, counting on the support of Hungarian Soviet troops, prepared for war against Romania. And this project ended in failure. At the beginning of 1920, the highest-ranking military specialists prepared a report addressed to L. Trotsky, the president of the Revolutionary-Military Council of the Russian Soviet Republic, in which they argued the necessity of regaining Bessarabia, because the province, they claimed, covered the entire south of Russia from Hungary and Romania. In the situation where Romania would not accept the retrocession of Bessarabia, the option of delimiting the Romanian territory between the Prut and Dniester was proposed based on the ethnic structure of the population of the counties of the former Bessarabian governorate and, above all, based on the strategic interests of Soviet Russia. On October 12, 1924, the III Session of the Central Executive Committee of Ukraine adopted the decision “On the creation of the Moldavian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic within Ukraine”, according to which the border of the SSR, to the west and southwest, lied on “state border of the USSR”. In the conviction of some Bolshevik leaders from Balta and Kyiv, this formula would have meant that the territory between the Dniester and the Prut was also included in the composition of the MASSR, since the Soviet Union had not recognized the union of Bessarabia with Romania. At the current stage of the research, no official document was identified in which the western and southwestern borders of the MASSR were fixed on the Prut River and the Danube. On the contrary, the western and southwestern border of the MASSR was not even declared on the Prut and the Danube but remained on the Dniester.
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Begum, Toheeda. « The Evolving Russo-Pak Entente-Cordiale : Challenges for the Future ». Central Asia 90, Summer (20 juillet 2022) : 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-90.168.
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Historically, the Russo-Pak relationship had aforeign policy context and a legacy that went through the historic eras of pre-partition Great Game between the British Indian and Czarist Empires,and the post-partition Cold War between the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the United States of America (USA).Pakistan on its creation sided with the American led West through Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) and Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) or Baghdad Pact, plus, the partnerships against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and in the War on Terror. The US military and financial aid and the support by the International and Asian financial institutions for Pakistan is decades old—albeit now with a friction over Afghanistan, Russia and China. Still, the transactional-cooperation remains over Afghanistan through the air-corridorthatis useful for Americans in many ways. American influence, assets and the air-corridor is a deadly mix in Afghanistan. The Afghan Taliban know thatthe drones, jets and aircrafts using the corridor take-off from and land at Qatar without ever landing in Afghanistan. Moreover, intelligence sharing is part of Pak-US operational cooperation with a possibility of a military base too. The context of Pak-US cooperation is the centuries old British era Frontier Policy. It remained until the American strategic withdrawal from Afghanistan. Therelationship since then has deteriorated and the perception of each other is not harmonious despite the tactical cooperation in Afghanistan. The reason is the strategic choices made by Pakistan and America lackingcongruence over China, Russia, Afghanistan and India.Theinteractive-arm-twisting of Pakistan is an indicator. The restis the detail of Pakistan’s New Frontier Policy.
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Stašulāne, Anita. « ESOTERICISM AND POLITICS : THEOSOPHY ». Via Latgalica, no 2 (31 décembre 2009) : 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/latg2009.2.1604.
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Interference of esotericism and politics became apparent especially in the 19th century when the early socialists expected the coming of the Age of Spirit, and narratives about secret wisdom being kept in mysterious sacred places became all the more popular. Thus, the idea of the Age of Enlightenment underwent transformation: the world will be saved not by ordinary knowledge but by some special secret wisdom. In this context, Helena Blavatsky (1831–1891) developed the doctrine of Theosophy the ideas of which were overtaken by the next-generation theosophists including also the Russian painter Nicholas Roerich (1874–1947) and his spouse Helena Roerich (1879–1955) who developed a new form of Theosophy. The aim of this article is to analyse the interference between Theosophy and politics paying special attention to its historical roots, which, in the context of Roerich groups, are to be sought in the political activities of Nicholas Roerich, the founder of the movement. The following materials have been used in the analysis: first, writings of the founders of Agni Yoga or Teaching of Living Ethics; second, the latest studies in the history of Theosophy made in the available archives after the collapse of the soviet regime; third, materials obtained from the interviews of a field research (2006–2008). The author has made use of an interdisciplinary approach combining anthropological methods with the method of systematic analysis. The historical roots of the political activity of contemporary theosophists stretch into the political aspirations of Nicholas Roerich, the founder of Agni Yoga or Teaching of Living Ethics. Opening of the USSR secret archives and publication of several formerly inaccessible diaries and letters of theosophists offer an opportunity to study the “spiritual geopolitics” of the Roerichs. Setting off to his Central Asian expeditions (1925–1928; 1934–1935), Nicholas Roerich strived to implement the Great Plan, i.e. to found a New State that would stretch from Tibet to South Siberia comprising the territories governed by China, Mongolia, Tibet and the USSR. The new state was conceived as the kingdom of Shambhala on the earth, and in order to form this state, Nicholas Roerich aspired to acquire the support of various political systems. During the Tzarist Empire, the political world outlook of Nicholas Roerich was markedly monarchic. After the Bolshevik coup in Russia, the artist accepted the offer to work under the wing of the new power, but after his emigration to the West Roerich published extremely sharp articles against the Bolsheviks. In 1922, the Roerichs started to support Lenin considering him the messenger of Shambhala. Roerich’s efforts to acquire Bolshevik support culminated in 1926 when the Roerichs arrived in Moscow bringing a message by Mahatmas to the soviet government, a small case with earth for the Lenin Mausoleum from Burhan-Bulat and paintings in which Buddha Maitreya bore strong resemblance to Lenin. The plan of founding the Union of Eastern Republics, with Bolshevik support, failed, since about the year 1930 the soviet authorities changed their position concerning the politics of the Far East. Having ascertained that the Bolsheviks would not provide the anticipated support for the Great Plan, the Roerichs started to seek for contacts in the USA which provided funding for his second expedition (1934–1935). The Roerichs succeeded even in making correspondence (1934–1936) with President Roosevelt who paid much larger attention to Eastern states especially China than other presidents did. Their correspondence ceased when the Security Service of the USA grew suspicious about Roerich’s pro-Japanese disposition. Nicholas Roerich has sought for support to his political ambitions by all political regimes. In 1934, the Russian artist tried to ascertain whether German national socialists would support his efforts in Asia. It may seem that the plans of founding the Union of Oriental Republics have passed away along with Roerich; yet in 1991 his son Svyatoslav Roerich (1904–1993) pointed out once again that the Altai is a very important centre of the great future and Zvenigorod is still a great reality and a magnificent dream. Interference between esotericism and politics is observed also among Latvian theosophists: the soviet regime successfully made use of Roerich’s adherents propagating the communist ideology in the independent Republic of Latvia. In the 1920s and 1930s, the embassy of the USSR in Riga maintained close contacts with Roerich’s adherents in Latvia and made a strong pressure on the Latvian government not to ban the Roerich’s Museum Friend Society who actively propagated the success of soviet culture and economy. On 17 June 1940, the soviet army occupied the Republic of Latvia, and Haralds Lūkins, the son of the founder of the Roerich’s Museum Friend Society, was elected to the first government of the soviet Latvia. Nevertheless, involvement of theosophists in politics was unsuccessful, since after the official annexation of Latvia into the USSR, on 5 August 1940, all societies including the Roerich’s Museum Friend Society were closed. Since the members of the movement continued to meet regularly, in 1949, Haralds Lūkins was arrested as leader of an illegal organization. After the Second World War, theosophists were subjected to political repressions. Arrests of Roerich’s followers (1948–1951) badly impaired the movement. After rehabilitation in 1954, the repressed persons gradually returned from exile and kept on their illegal meetings in small groups. To regain their rights to act openly, Roerich’s followers started to praise Nicholas Roerich as a supporter of the soviet power. With the collapse of the soviet regime, Roerich’s followers in Latvia became legal in 1988 when the Latvian Roerich Society was restored which soon split up according to geopolitical orientation; therefore, presently in Latvia, there are the following organisations: Latvian Roerich Society, Latvian Department of the International Centre of the Roerichs, and Aivars Garda group or the Latvian National Front. A. Garda fused nationalistic ideas with Theosophy offering a special social reorganization – repatriation of the soviet-time immigrants and a social structure of Latvia that would be formed by at least 75% ethnic Latvians. Activity of A. Garda group, which is being criticized by other groups of theosophists, is a continuation of the interference between theosophical and political ideas practised by the Roerichs. Generally it is to be admitted that after the crush of the soviet regime, in theosophist groups, unclear political orientation between the rightists and leftists is observed, characterised by fairly radical ideas.
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Kniazevych, N. V. « HISTORICAL AND LEGAL ANALYSIS OF THE HEALTH CARE WORKERS’ LEGAL STATUS DEVELOPMENT ». Medicne pravo, no 2(28) (7 octobre 2021) : 9–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.25040/medicallaw2021.02.009.
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The administrative and legal status of a health care worker gives a possibility to determine his place and role in public administration and other public relations. The rights and responsibilities of health care workers are of great scientific and practical importance, especially in view of the ongoing health care reform processes in the country. Given this, it is important to study the peculiarities of the formation of certain rights and responsibilities of medical workers, which constitute their current legal status, over a significant period of history of the Ukrainian state.
The article provides a historical and legal analysis of the development of the legal status of a health care worker, the beginning of the establishment of the first norms of behavior and professional responsibilities of medical workers in Ukraine, as well as legal acts governing the legal regulation of the legal status of medical workers in different years of existence of the Ukrainian state. The importance of research in the context of modern health care reforms for the formation of its individual areas of implementation is emphasized.
In Ukraine, as in every country, the legal regulation of the legal status of health care workers has its own genesis. The field of health care dates back to the establishment of the statehood by East Slavic tribes in the ninth century and various subjects in the field of treatment were singled out. Thanks to the work of the first "doctors" of Kievan Rus, medical knowledge and skills were spread out, the foundations of deontological norms of behavior and professional responsibilities were formed, and the interest of the state authorities in providing medical care to the population appeared.
"Kyiv-Pechersk Paterik" contains a list of responsibilities of that time doctors that lived in monasteries, namely, they had to do menial work, caring for the sick; be tolerant in dealing with them; do not care about personal enrichment.
The first professional duties of a secular doctor were contained in the "Svyatoslav's Miscellany " in 1076, compiled for the Chernihiv prince Svyatoslav Yaroslavovich from the " Miscellany " of the Bulgarian King Simeon (X century). Among such responsibilities was the provision of surgical care - the ability to cut the skin, amputate limbs, burn wounds, fight suppuration.
The first basic act, which determined the legal status of medical workers was "Rules governing the professional work of medical staff" (hereinafter - the Rules), was approved by the SNC of the USSR on April 17, 1924. It established qualification requirements for medical positions. According to Art. 1 of this document, the medical staff included persons who had the qualifications of a doctor, dentist, obstetrician, assistant doctor, pharmacist, nurse or brother (medical), masseur. To hold the position of a doctor, it was necessary to obtain the appropriate qualification in a medical institute or university, or a higher medical school of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (hereinafter - the USSR) or the former Russian Empire. At the same time, such a right was granted to persons who had obtained medical education and the qualification of a doctor of medicine abroad and had passed an examination at a higher medical school in the USSR. Such professionals could engage in both medical practice and hold administrative positions in the field of medicine. Physicians, in agreement with the administration, were given the right to have a personal seal stating their qualifications.
The rules also determined the features of medical intervention (surgery, hypnosis, anesthesia, etc.). For example, a doctor had the right to use anesthesia only with the consent of the patient or in the case of his infancy or mental illness, or fainting of parents or guardians. In case of urgent surgical intervention, the doctor had to consult with a fellow surgeon. Otherwise, he had to make decisions alone. Doctors were required to report such medical interventions to health departments within 24 hours.
The health care system in 1969-1991 was based on the norms enshrined in the Fundamentals of the Legislation of the USSR and the Union Republics on Health Care (1969) and the Law of the Ukrainian SSR "On Health Care" (1971). (hereinafter - the Law), which emphasized that public health is one of the most important tasks of the Soviet state and the duty of all state bodies and public organizations. The basics of the legislation of the USSR and the Union Republics on health care served as a kind of legislative basis, on the basis of which other laws and bylaws regulating the health of citizens were subsequently adopted.
The law provided the duty to maintain medical confidentiality, which meant that doctors and other medical and pharmaceutical workers were not allowed to disclose information about illnesses, intimate and family life of citizens, which they found out as a result of their professional duties.
To sum up, we can identify the main historical stages of formation of the legal status of a health care worker:
1) IX century, the times of Kievan Rus - the first mention of the duties of that time doctors ("Kiev-Pechersk Paterik", "Svyatoslav's Miscellany " 1076);
2) The times of the USSR in 1919 - the first attempt to streamline medical activities and outline the legal status of medical workers, including the provision of certain social and material guarantees ("Rules governing the professional work of medical staff", approved by the USSR SNK April 17, 1924), Resolution of the SNC of the USSR "On Improving the Situation of Medical and Sanitary Workers" of June 10, 1920).
3) 1969-1991, Ukraine in the Soviet period - strengthening democratic principles in public and state life, a new codification of Soviet law (Fundamentals of the legislation of the USSR and the Union Republics on health care (1969), the Law of the Ukrainian SSR " On health care "(1971))
Moreover, we can identify the basic principles of health care in Ukraine, which were formed over a long period of history of the Ukrainian state, due to the different legal and economic situation of the country and, due to historical and legal development that became decisive for the current legal status of medical workers. These are such principles as: recognition of health care as a priority of society and the state, availability and free medical care, democracy, provision of state guarantees, observance of medical secrecy, etc.
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Hove, Mediel. « The Emergence of the New Cold War : The Syrian and Ukraine Conflicts ». Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 20, no 2 (décembre 2016) : 135–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598416680432.
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This article evaluates the emergence of the new Cold War using the Syrian and Ukraine conflicts, among others. Incompatible interests between the United States (US) and Russia, short of open conflict, increased after the collapse of the former Soviet Union. This article argues that the struggle for dominance between the two superpowers, both in speeches and deed, to a greater degree resembles what the world once witnessed before the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in 1991. It asserts that despite the US’ unfettered power, after the fall of the Soviet Union, it is now being checked by Russia in a Cold War fashion.
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Bevzyuk, Evgen, et Olga Kotlyar. « WESTERN EURASIA : THE SEARCH FOR A REGIONAL SECURITY PARADIGM ». Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni : naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki 32 (20 novembre 2023) : 81–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2023.32.081.
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The paper analyzes the circumstances of the formation of a new security paradigm in Asian countries (former Soviet republics - Armenia, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan). The twilight of bipolarity, unfortunately, did not open a new qualitative page in the system of regional security. Global socio-economic transformations and political upheavals have added to political instability and uncertainty. Against this historical and political background, Russia's war against Ukraine became a bifurcation point for such a region as Western Eurasia. The relevance of the research topic is determined by the international political processes that are taking place today in the territory of the former Soviet Union. The security format of the former republics of the Union is traditionally considered mainly in the regional - post-Soviet geopolitical context. Therefore, when analyzing the foreign policy features of the region, one should take into account the fact that the Asian republics were part of the USSR for a long time. At the same time, the process of the collapse of the Soviet Union did not fundamentally change the specific status of Russia in the Eurasian “Heartland”. For a long time, Russia and the southern republics of the former Soviet Union were bound by ties of common imperial history, culture and values. However, the fact that Asia has been under the political roof of the Russian Empire for many years has determined the paradigm of Russia's paternalistic attitude towards the countries of the region and for many years defined the framework of the regional security paradigm. Regional political processes are an urgent problem in the system of researching processes and phenomena in the post-Soviet space, causing a clash of different points of view and practice. The focus of the research is the problem of the past and present in the countries of Asia (former Soviet republics) as international regional actors and the determination of possible prospects for the development of their foreign policy scenario. The purpose of the study is to clarify the role and place of Asian countries (former republics of the USSR) in the process of forming a new regional security paradigm from the moment of the beginning of the active phase of Russia's military aggression against Ukraine. The object of research is Western Eurasia as a modern regional phenomenon of geopolitics. The subject of the study is the foreign policy of modern Asian countries (former Soviet republics) in the conditions of the formation of a new paradigm of international relations and the growing competition of world actors in the region (USA, EU, China, Russia).
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Chichinadze, B. « CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF SELF-GOVERNMENTS IN POST- SOVIET REPUBLICS ». Food Industry Economics 11, no 3 (16 octobre 2019) : 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15673/fie.v11i3.1470.
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The article analyzes the situation with local self-government in the former Soviet republics, the path that they followed after gaining independence, information has been given on the socio-economic situation in local governments. The activities and plans of the central authorities of these countries for the nearest future have also been given. The implemented effective policy should guarantee the real development of local selfgovernment of the former Soviet republics. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, one of the most acute problems in the post-socialist republics was the formation and strengthening of local self-government.The situation in the former Soviet states , from the point of view of the development of local self-government, is almost identical (except are the Baltic republics).
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Lityński, Adam. « Ukraina na drodze do suwerenności. Uwagi historyka prawa. Recenzja : A. Olechno, Ewolucja konstytucyjnych podstaw systemu rządów Ukrainy, Białystok 2019, ss. 290 ». Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 20, no 2 (2021) : 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2021.20.02.13.
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The author deals with the history of the formation of a sovereign state – Ukraine in the twentieth century. The author begins with the activities of Ukrainians after the Russian Revolution of 1917. Among Ukrainian politicians, there were different ideas: autonomy within the Federation Republic of Russia or as a sovereign state. The idea of fighting for a sovereign Ukraine was prevalent. Simon Petlura was the main proponent of this direction. Territorial affairs were very contentious. Which country should compose a sovereign Ukraine in the future? In this matter, the Ukrainians came into conflict with all their neighbours. Thus, the Ukrainians were almost in a siege. Between 1918 and 1920 the Ukrainians fought the most serious battles against the Russian Bolsheviks. In Ukraine there was also a civil war with the Ukrainian Bolsheviks. At that time Simon Petlura allied himself with Poland against the Russian Bolsheviks. The Ukrainian people did not support this alliance. Ukraine was conquered by Bolshevik Russia. For several decades, Ukraine became one of the republics of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. As you know, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics – contrary to its name – was a centralised state in which terror prevailed for decades. In 1991 – under Michael Gorbachev – Ukraine was one of the republics of the USSR that left the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics fastest. For the first time in its history, Ukraine became a sovereign state.
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Reshetnikov, Vladimir, Evgeny Arsentyev, Sergey Bolevich, Yuriy Timofeyev et Mihajlo Jakovljević. « Analysis of the Financing of Russian Health Care over the Past 100 Years ». International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 16, no 10 (24 mai 2019) : 1848. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16101848.
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Brown, Archie. « The End of the Soviet Union ». Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no 4 (octobre 2015) : 158–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00600.
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This essay reviews a recent book by Serhii Plokhii, The Last Empire: The Final Days of the Soviet Union. Focusing on the role of the USSR's union-republics, especially Russia and Ukraine, in the breakup of the country, the book explains why efforts to hold the Soviet Union together ultimately proved abortive. The book, like earlier literature, debunks tenacious myths about the dissolution of the Soviet Union—myths that have been discredited before but are worth rebutting again—and provides an in-depth account of the final weeks of the USSR.
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Modest, Kolerov. « World Revolution Against Russia : the Factor of the Ukraine in the Cause of Russia Fragmentation for the Sake of World Soviet Republics (1923) ». Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 1, no 2014 (28 février 2024) : 127–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2024-0-1-127-136.
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The history of Russia transforming into the USSR is the history of fragmentation of Russian into the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic and other union republics of the USSR initiated by the Bolsheviks on the basis of their doctrine. In other words, the history of the Bolshevik project of world revolution, or the World Soviet Republics, that was supposed to be realized in the world mosaic of ethno national states. This concept was clearly evident in the process of USSR Constitution preparation in 1924 (it came into force in 1923)
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Kononenko, Valerii. « National Policy of Ukrainian Soviet State Formations at the Stage of Formation of the Bolshevik Regime (1917–1920) ». Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series : History, no 36 (juin 2021) : 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2021-36-42-49.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The aim of the article is to analyze the state policy towards the national minorities of Ukraine of the Ukrainian Soviet state formations of the period of formation of the Soviet goverment in Ukraine. The author explores the peculiarities of the formation and change of the national policy of the Bolsheviks on the eve of the October coup of 1917 and during the functioning of the Ukrainian People’s Republic of Soviets (UPR Soviets) and the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic (USSR). The research methodology is based on a combination of general scientific and special-historical methods of scientific research. Using the method of content analysis, the main Bolshevik legal acts of the period of establishment of the Bolshevik regime are analyzed, which reflect the basic principles and provisions of the national policy of the first Ukrainian Soviet state formations on the territory of Ukraine. The scientific novelty of the work is that the author focused on the evolution and functioning of the national policy of the Bolsheviks in Ukraine depending on internal and external factors that were associated with the establishment of the Bolshevik regime of 1917 – 1920’s. Conclusions. We believe that the policy of the Ukrainian Soviet state formations during the period of establishment of the Bolshevik regime towards the national minorities of Ukraine was an indispensable component of the national policy of the Bolsheviks of the RSFSR. The flirtation with the national liberation movements of the former peoples of the Russian Empire through the «right to self-determination» and the «right to national and cultural life» weakened with the stages of Bolshevism in Ukraine, and disappeared altogether with the establishment of the Bolshevik regime. Belief in the rapid and «triumphant» future victory of communism at the initial stage of Soviet rule in Ukraine deprived the Ukrainian Bolsheviks of the opportunity to determine the basic principles and provisions of national and cultural policy toward Ukraine’s ethnic minorities. Preserving the «independent» status of Soviet Ukraine during the Soviet Union and the Ukrainian SSR was nothing more than a tactical step in the process of «convergence» of national Soviet formations in the natural process of victory of communism.
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Obushnyi, Mykola. « «RUSSIAN WORLD» AS THE NEO-IMPERIAL IDEOLOGY OF MODERN RUSSIA ». Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no 27 (2020) : 122–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2020.27.18.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the article the essence of the neo-imperial ideology of the «Russian world», is revealed, which appearance is connected with the necessity of the modern Russia`s expansionist policy in ideological substantiation after the collapse of the Bolshevik`s empire commune – the Soviet Union. Moreover, the basis for resuscitation and the creation of a new empire is still preserved. In the newly created states from the post-Soviet republics, the vast majority of former party leaders came to the power, who sought little or no effort to eliminate the old, in essence, authoritariantotalitarian system of political government, almost all of them sought to preserve the economic ties that were established in a single economic complex between the republics of the former Soviet Union. The Union of Independent States (CIS), established in December 1991, provided additional opportunities for the new neo-empire. Under such conditions, pro-Kremlin theorists-statesmen were actively involved in the development of ideological and theoretical foundations for the new ideology. However, the very name «Russian world» was introduced into scientific and political circulation only in 2005. Since then, the spatial boundaries of the ideology «Russian world» are constantly expanding and now include those countries and peoples «where the Russian language is heard». Thus, the main goal of the new ideology «Russian world» is to include in the Russian neo-empire not only Russia itself, but all of Russia abroad, ie «almost a third - a billion Russian-speaking people or almost every twentieth inhabitant of the Earth» (O. Batanova). Thus, according to the great powers, it will be possible to correct the geopolitical mistake associated with the collapse of the Soviet Union. It has been proved that the neo-imperial ideology of the «Russian world» is based on Russian ultranationalism, which is permeated by the ideas of pan-Russianism, Russian exclusivity, and strong statehood, which Putin now embodies. This feature of the ideology of the «Russian world» indicates its neo-imperial orientation and geopolitical intentions of the great-power policy of modern Russia.
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Ushakov, I. B., A. A. Blaginin et S. I. Lustin. « To the 90th birthday of professor Stanislav Alekseevich Bugrov ». Bulletin of the Russian Military Medical Academy 22, no 2 (15 juin 2020) : 252–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/brmma50082.
Texte intégralRésumé :
June 10, 2020 it is the 90th anniversary of the birth of major General of the medical service, doctor of medical Sciences, Professor, honored doctor of Russia, head of the State research and testing Institute of aviation and space medicine of the Ministry of defense of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1984-1988), head of the air force aviation and space medicine service - Deputy head of the Central military medical Department of the Ministry of defense of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (1988-1991), Head of the faculty of training doctors for the Air force of the S.M. Kirov Military Medical Academy (from 1975 to 1982), Chairman of the State medical Commission for selection of cosmonauts, Chairman of the State Commission for the preparation and launch of a series of biosatellites Cosmos, co-chair of the subgroup Space medicine joint Soviet-American working group on space exploration (1988-1991), member of the International Academy of Astronautics, a member of the fighting in Afghanistan, Chevalier of the order of the red Star, For service to Motherland in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics Armed forces III degree, and numerous medals, veteran of the Armed forces of the Russian Federation, honorary doctor of the State research and testing Institute of the Ministry of defense of the Russian Federation (aviation and space medicine) and honorary Professor of the Voronezh N.N. Burdenko state medical University.
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Trofimov, Yevgeny. « Migration Processes in the Post-Soviet Territory in the 21st Century ». Bulletin of Baikal State University 30, no 1 (25 mars 2020) : 23–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-2759.2020.30(1).23-29.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The author analyzes contemporary characteristics of migration processes in the post-Soviet territory. Factors which explain the dynamics of migration gain of Russias population due to former Soviet Republics and the ones which lead to increased ethnic tensions are considered. Such post-Soviet phenomenon as xenophobia is highlighted. It can be observed in the majority of former republics of the USSR. The author draws a conclusion that international migration is becoming a specific indicator which characterizes attractiveness of a country. The article discusses some issues which concern peculiarities of migrants employment and their discrimination in the labor market. It is mentioned that most migrants come to Russia from Ukraine, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Moldova, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan and Armenia. The author substantiates that the dissolution of the Soviet Union sharply intensified migration processes between the former republics. These processes are characterized by, to some extent, fast cyclic changes.
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Saidov, Shavkat J. « SCIENTIFIC, THEORETICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF THE RESEARCH OF KHOREZM-RUSSIAN RELATIONS IN THE SOVIET ERA (XIX CENTURY AND THE FIRST HALF OF THE XX CENTURY) ». American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations 6, no 4 (1 avril 2024) : 38–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/volume06issue04-06.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article is dedicated to studying the scientific-theoretical and methodological aspects of bilateral relations during the historical period from the early 19th century to the first quarter of the 20th century between the Khiva Khanate and the Russian Empire (1806-1917), the Provisional Government (March-October 1917), the Soviet state (1917-1920), and the Khorezm People's Soviet Republic (KPSR) with the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) (1920-1924) in the historiography of the Soviet period. The author attempts to illuminate the scientific-theoretical and methodological aspects of studies conducted during the Soviet era on international relations and foreign policy, based on the "class" approach and commissioned historical research.
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Elamiryan, R. G. « Russia and the European Union in Post-Soviet Space : In Search of Cooperative Co-Existence (the Case of Armenia) ». Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 24, no 3 (15 juin 2022) : 405–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2022-24-3-405-412.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article introduces the prospects of cooperative co-existence for Russia and the European Union in former Soviet republics within the current confrontation paradigm. It describes their foreign policies, strategies, and interests in the post-Soviet space. The author applied discourse and case-study analyses to the case of Armenia. The authentic idea of cooperative co-existence was projected on the relations between Russia and the European Union in post-Soviet countries. In Armenia, cooperative co-existence could be a win-win strategy, beneficial for all actors involved. The case of Armenia proved the possibility of a collaborative co-existence between Russia and the European Union in the post-Soviet space, the risk factors being the policies of small Caucasian states, the USA, China, and Turkey.
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Rodionova, I. A., et O. V. Shuvalova. « West or East ? Changing directions of supply of products of the republics of the former USSR in conditions of global instability ». International Trade and Trade Policy 8, no 3 (21 novembre 2022) : 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2022-3-64-77.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Due to the collapse of the USSR and the destruction of economic cooperation, all the former Soviet republics traded among themselves as independent states, and trade was carried out not at domestic (as before), but at world prices. New state borders (previously internal) prevented the export and transit of products to "third countries". The purpose of the study is to characterize the export of certain types of products in the post-Soviet space by country in dynamics from 1995 to 2020. The data was from UNCTAD. We used the principles of a systematic approach, in particular historical, analytical, mathematical-statistical and cartographic research methods. Russia remains the main supplier of mineral resources to the republics of the former Soviet Union, but its role in the foreign trade of the republics as a whole is declining. Exports began to consist mainly of exports of raw materials. Goods from the countries of the former USSR are exported mainly to the Asian market. Trade between countries is affected not only by geographical factors - it is easier to trade with neighbors, but also by other factors, including the ability to transport products around the world. Therefore, the spatial diversification of exports of steel, mineral fertilizers, and grain is higher than that of oil and natural gas, which are traded mainly through pre-laid pipelines. Interstate territorial disputes that have grown since the collapse of the USSR are harmful to economic cooperation. Difficulties arise in relations between such republics of the former Soviet Union as Russia and Ukraine, Armenia and Azerbaijan. In Soviet times, there was close cooperation between them, but now it is broken. This hinders the economic development of these countries.
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Norkus, Zenonas. « A Qualitative Comparative Analysis of Patterns in the Acceleration and the Catching Up Performance of the Former Soviet Union Republics ». Comparative Sociology 16, no 1 (13 février 2017) : 39–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341417.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Mikhail Gorbachev’s reform promised to accelerate the growth of the Soviet economy, leading it out of the trap of stagnation. Boris Yeltsin’s circle of reformers also believed that shedding the status of empire would encourage Russia’s process of “catching up.” Nationalists from Soviet republics believed that the independence of their homelands would prompt similar economic effects. Did these hopes and promises materialize? Two measures are used to assess the economic effects of the dissolution of theussr. (1) Acceleration performance: did thegdpper capita of the former Soviet (fSU) republics grow more rapidly during post-communist independence than in the late Soviet “stagnation era”? (2) Catching up performance: did fSU republics decrease thegdpper capita gap, separating them from theu.s.(fulfilling the promise to catch up and overtakeu.s.which legitimated Communist rule in theussrsince 1961)? After dividing the fSU republics into two subsets (“success” and “failure” cases), multi-value qualitative comparative analysis (qca) is applied to explore the explanatory power of differences in the models of post-communist capitalism, involvement in wars, and natural resource endowments.
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Shailieva, M. M., et K. N. Sergeeva. « Machine-tool industry retrospective analysis in member countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States ». UPRAVLENIE / MANAGEMENT (Russia) 11, no 3 (18 octobre 2023) : 28–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2309-3633-2023-11-3-28-37.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article examines the dynamics of machine tool production in the countries of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and post-Soviet states from the standpoint of statistical science. In the course of the work a data was obtained, the tabular and graphical presentation of which made it possible to identify certain periods of time in the machine tool industry of the USSR and the Commonwealth of Independent States (including the Baltic states), characterized by different dynamics and production structure in individual states. The initial stage of development fell on the territory of modern Russia, but during the years of the existence of the USSR, a number of machine-tool industries were opened in the Union Republics. This gave impetus to industrial development on the periphery of the Soviet state, and by the time the domestic machine tool industry flourished in the late 1970s, the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic accounted for less than half of the all-Union output. However, after 1978 there was a significant decline in the dynamics of production in the industry. And after the collapse of the country there is almost complete destruction of the machine-tool industry on the territory of the countries of the former USSR. The results obtained in the course of the study can be useful in scientific and practical activities in assessing the current situation, as well as prospects for the production and consumption of machine tools in the countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States, including Ukraine and the Baltic states.
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Hasanova, Dilbarhon. « Teaching and learning English in Uzbekistan ». English Today 23, no 1 (janvier 2007) : 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078407001022.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Only A couple of decades ago, few could imagine that one of the most powerful countries in the world – the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) – would collapse, and Russian – the most prestigious and predominant language of the Soviet people – would be overtaken by English, the language once considered ‘the language of Western imperialism’ (Dushku, 1998:372). Today, because of both its unique international role and the fall of the Iron Curtain, English has become the most popular foreign language taught in schools and other educational institutions in former Soviet republics. The present paper will focus on the teaching and learning of English in Uzbekistan – a Soviet republic until 1990. In addition, issues related to foreign-language curriculum innovations, to teacher training, and to teaching resources will be discussed.
26
Triggs, Gillian. « Asian Nations in Transition to Market Economies and the World Trade Organisation : The Shrimp Case ». International Journal of Legal Information 28, no 2 (2000) : 336–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500009124.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since the late 1970's the Asian region has witnessed the paradox of socialist nations moving to market or “capitalist” economies. The experiment began with economic reforms in the People's Republic of China (PRC), spreading to the Soviet Union in 1985 with the adoption ofperestroika, to Viet Nam underdoi moiin 1986 and since then to the former republics of the Soviet Union after the ‘cold war’ in 1991. There are now nine countries in transition in the Asian region; the PRC, Viet Nam, Cambodia, Lao PDR, Mongolia, Myanmar, Kazakstan, Krygyz Republic and Uzbekistan.
27
Gleason, Gregory. « National Self-Determination and Soviet Denouement ». Nationalities Papers 20, no 2 (1992) : 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999208408231.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On the theatrical stage, the term “dénouement“ refers to the resolution of a dramatic complication. On the stage of world events, few historical periods can rival the present situation in the Soviet successor states for satisfying this definition more exactly. On December 21, 1991, eleven men—all, ironically, former communist party officials—signed an agreement in Alma-Ata, Kazakhastan, resolving that the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics “henceforth will cease to exist.” With this announcement, the “Soviet experiment” came to an end and a new world, inchoate and uncertain, began to emerge.
28
Urbańczyk, Joanna. « “What if it is actually true?” ». Nova Religio 20, no 3 (1 février 2017) : 74–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2017.20.3.74.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Siberian community of Vissarion (Last Testament Church) is a new religious movement established at the beginning of 1990s, after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Among its members (estimated at several thousand), who come mainly from Russia and former Soviet republics, there is also a large group of Vissarion’s followers from Eastern Europe. In this article, I present a general characteristic of the movement and four stories from adherents. I indicate common elements in their narratives of coming to and living in the community, such as belief in continuing spiritual development, the importance of living close to nature, the focus on feelings, and concern for future generations. I also point out a “generational shift” among members of the importance of the breakup of the Soviet Union and suggest the need for scholarly consideration of its decreasing significance for adherents of new religious movements in the post-socialist region.
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Wiedlack, Katharina. « A feminist becoming ? Louise Thompson Patterson’s and Dorothy West’s sojourn in the Soviet Union ». Feminismo/s, no 36 (3 décembre 2020) : 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/fem.2020.36.05.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article follows the socialist activist Louise Thompson (later Patterson) and the writer Dorothy West on their infamous journey to Soviet Russia to shoot a film about North American anti-Black racism in 1932. The film about the US history of racial oppression was ultimately never made, but the women stayed in the Soviet Union for several months, travelling to the Soviet republics, meeting famous Soviets, and experiencing Soviet modernization. Looking at the travel writings, correspondence, and memoirs of Thompson and West through the lens of intersectionality, this article analyses the women’s distinctly gendered experiences and their experience of socialist women’s liberation movements. It argues that a close reading of the literary writing, travel notes, letters, and memoirs and their biographical trajectories after they returned to the United States reveals how their experiences in the Soviet Union created a feminist consciousness within the two women that crucially altered their political and personal views of Black women’s agency and significantly altered their life trajectories.
30
Wiedlack, Katharina. « A feminist becoming ? Louise Thompson Patterson’s and Dorothy West’s sojourn in the Soviet Union ». Feminismo/s, no 36 (3 décembre 2020) : 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/2020.36.05.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article follows the socialist activist Louise Thompson (later Patterson) and the writer Dorothy West on their infamous journey to Soviet Russia to shoot a film about North American anti-Black racism in 1932. The film about the US history of racial oppression was ultimately never made, but the women stayed in the Soviet Union for several months, travelling to the Soviet republics, meeting famous Soviets, and experiencing Soviet modernization. Looking at the travel writings, correspondence, and memoirs of Thompson and West through the lens of intersectionality, this article analyses the women’s distinctly gendered experiences and their experience of socialist women’s liberation movements. It argues that a close reading of the literary writing, travel notes, letters, and memoirs and their biographical trajectories after they returned to the United States reveals how their experiences in the Soviet Union created a feminist consciousness within the two women that crucially altered their political and personal views of Black women’s agency and significantly altered their life trajectories.
31
Shafiyeva, Ulker, et Sara Kennedy. « English as a foreign language in Azerbaijan : English teaching in the post-Soviet era ». English Today 26, no 1 (23 février 2010) : 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078409990629.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the Soviet era, language teaching methodology in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) was premised on promoting a deep knowledge of a language's grammar and vocabulary. To this end, the selection of texts was centrally mandated, and teaching techniques and activities were carefully controlled and monitored. This rigorous approach to language teaching had both benefits and drawbacks for teachers and students. In response to the drawbacks of traditional Soviet methodology, some teachers and teacher trainers in former Soviet republics are currently promoting communicative language teaching, also known as the communicative approach. Communicative language teaching, as opposed to more traditional Soviet teaching methodology, emphasizes learning to use language to communicate rather than learning language solely as a linguistic system. However, the implementation of communicative language teaching has been problematic, for reasons ranging from government policies to teachers' beliefs and training to students' expectations. The purpose of this article is twofold. We first describe important characteristics of traditional Soviet language teaching methodology and the consequences of that methodology for language learning. Then, we explore the challenges of transforming traditional language teaching methodology (for the teaching of English as a foreign language, in particular) in post-Soviet republics, using Azerbaijan as a specific example.
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Samarukha, Viktor I., Aleksei V. Samarukha et Ivan V. Samarukha. « To the question of national, economic and financial security of Russia ». Siberian Financial School, no 3 (20 décembre 2022) : 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.34020/1993-4386-2022-3-5-14.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article reveals the theoretical aspects of the national, economic and financial security of Russia before the Great October Socialist Revolution, in the period from the formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) to its collapse and in the period of the modern history of the Russian Federation. the author's position of the activation of the global geopolitical crisis and geo-economic crisis (caused by the creation of new geo-economic centers for the development of the world economy) is given, which is an objective reason for the redistribution of the world caused by the next phase of the reproductive crisis and the global financial crisis in the world economy. the role of finance in economic development and ensuring economic and financial security at different historical stages of Russia, the USSR and the Russian Federation is shown. It is concluded that in the conditions of the global monocentric model of the functioning of financial capital, led by the United States, the countries of the economic "periphery" are forced to bear losses due to the monopoly dictate of the world financial centers of emission (primarily the dollar and the euro). the reasons for the destruction of the USSR are formulated, the main of which is: the destruction of the country's national security system by the top leaders of the USSR, the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) and other union republics of the Soviet Union. the principled character of the Soviet leadership in conducting a sovereign, national monetary policy is shown. the creation by the global financial system of conditions for overproduction of two world fully unsecured currencies (the dollar and the euro) and the formation of the potential of the global financial crisis are argued.
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Aves, Jonathan. « Assessing the Prospects of the New Soviet Successor States ». Nationalities Papers 22, no 1 (1994) : 209–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/00905999408408318.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The formation of fifteen nation states on the territory of the former Soviet Union poses a series of challenges to specialists in Soviet nationalities. They are asked to pronounce on the degree of stability which the new states will enjoy and assess the dangers (mainly military) and the opportunities (mainly economic) that have arisen. The background of preconceptions about nationalism on which such judgements are based is usually characterized by an ambivalence, stemming from a feeling that the dissolution of the Soviet empire into nation states was somehow natural and inevitable, and also by the condescension of mature and powerful states which believe they have outgrown nationalism and the possibly dangerous antics of their younger brothers. Consequently, analysis of the post-Soviet scene produces tentative or confused results. This article attempts to apply a common framework of analysis across all the republics of the former Soviet Union to identify some of the broad but discrete trends which the future development of these states might take. The reader will quite reasonably question whether it makes sense to compare Estonia with Tajikistan or Russia with Moldavia. In reply, it could be argued that political scientists have been presented with an unprecedented opportunity to compare states with very different historical and cultural traditions but which, by virtue of their having been part of the Soviet Union, share remarkably similar political and social structures.
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Iordanishvili, Andrey K. « Dental research carried out by the scientific academician, Fyodor Ivanovich Komarov ». Russian Journal of Dentistry 25, no 3 (19 avril 2022) : 287–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/1728-2802-2021-25-3-287-292.
Texte intégralRésumé :
To date, the contributions of Professor F.I. Komarov and his students to the field of dentistry are little known to a wide range of doctors and teachers in medical universities across the country.
This paper summarizes the achievements of Professor Fedor Ivanovich Komarov, an outstanding scientist and clinician, veteran of the great Patriotic war, academic at the Russian Academy of Sciences, Hero of Socialist Labor, Laureate of the State Prize of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, honored scientist of Russia, doctor of medical sciences, General Colonel of medical services, and a forerunner of modern medicine on the occasion of the anniversary of his 100th birthday. As head of the central military medical department of the Ministry of Defense and Vice-President of the Academy of Medical Sciences of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Professor F.I. Komarov made a significant contribution to the development of medical science and practical and military health care. This paper focus on his contributions to some of the lesser-known areas of research in the field of dentistry.
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Busygina, Irina, et Mikhail Filippov. « Trade-offs and inconsistencies of the Russian foreign policy : The case of Eurasia ». Journal of Eurasian Studies 12, no 1 (janvier 2021) : 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366521998241.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this article, we explore the inherent trade-offs and inconsistencies of Russia’s policies toward the post-Soviet space. We argue that attempts to rebuild an image of Russia as a “great power” have actually led to a reduction of Russian influence in the post-Soviet region. The more Russia acted as a “Great Power,” the less credible was its promise to respect the national sovereignty of the former Soviet republics. In 2011, Vladimir Putin declared that during his next term as president, his goal would be to establish a powerful supra-national Eurasian Union capable of becoming one of the poles in a multipolar world. However, Russia’s attempt to force Ukraine to join the Eurasian Union provoked the 2014 crisis. The Ukrainian crisis has de-facto completed the separation of Ukraine and Russia and made successful post-Soviet re-integration around Russia improbable.
36
Kokebayeva, G. K. « ACTIVITIES OF THE «TURKESTAN NATIONAL UNION» IN EUROPE ». History of the Homeland 95, no 3 (27 septembre 2021) : 182–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/1814-6961_2021_3_182.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article discusses the history of the “Turkestan National Union” in Europe. This organization was created by the Turkic emigrants consisting of the most educated and cultural layers of the Turkic nations of the former Russian empire. They contributed greatly to developing the ideological basis for the national liberation struggle of the Turkic nations in the USSR. The political activity of emigrants from the Soviet Union in Europe was carried out mainly within the framework of the “Prometheus” League. “Prometheus” was a political club that united a number of independent national organizations of the former colonial regions of the Russian Empire. The sources for the study - are documents and materials from the European archives. The main ideas and goals of the “Turkestan National Union” are viewed as an alternative to the creation of Soviet republics in Turkestan.
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Ordukhanyan, Emil. « The Impact Of Russia's War In Ukraine On Post-Soviet Space ». International Journal of Progressive Sciences and Technologies 38, no 2 (26 mai 2023) : 267. http://dx.doi.org/10.52155/ijpsat.v38.2.5334.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The research paper explores the impact of Russia’s war in Ukraine on post-Soviet space. Since 2014 the Russian aggression on Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity is considered as an act of obvious violation of international law as well as an attempt to change the current world order established after the Soviet Union collapse when former Soviet republics gained full independence. But the new situation emerged by Russia's invasion of Ukraine threatens not only the existence of Ukraine as an independent state but it also creates similar threats to other post-Soviet republics that are located in Russia’s so called “near abroad”.The paper explores Russia's geopolitical interests in post-Soviet era and space towards the former Soviet republics. It emphasizes the peculiarities and impact of Russia’s war in Ukraine on ongoing processes in Eastern Europe, South Caucasus, and Central Asia. The concept of “Russian world” and its geopolitical provisions are also observed and analyzed. It is argued that this concept has no more potential to be advanced with the use of "soft power" tools. The paper also forecasts a strategic retreat for Russia in post-Soviet space as a probable consequence of the Ukrainian war because of losing by Russia the global information warfare and the lack of international support. It is concluded that Russia's aggression has a real potential to be copied and reproduced by other authoritarian leaders which will aggravate the situation in other post-Soviet conflict zones. At the same time, this war is also considered a struggle between democracy and autocratic rule expansion when the latter has less chance to succeed.
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Waliyullahi, Abimbola Damilola. « Russia/Nigeria Diplomatic Ties : An Historical Perspective ». European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no 1 (29 janvier 2016) : 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n1p323.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Diplomatic relations between Nigeria and USSR (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) now Russia started over 55 years ago. Russia, being the legitimate heir to the USSR in 1961, opened its Embassy in Lagos with Ambassador Feodor Pavlovich Dolya as the Head of the Mission, Nigeria reciprocated in 1962 in Moscow with Ambassador C.O Ifeagwu as the Head and till this day, both countries have maintained cordial political, economic and cultural relationships but not without some disagreements. However, Soviet involvement in Nigeria, just like in many other African countries diminished greatly in the wake of Mikhail Gorbachev’s perestroika (reconstruction) of the middle 80s. With the Cold War continuing and the Soviet economy in shambles, the USSR had little incentive to continue its active presence in Africa. By the time of Soviet Union disintegration in 1991, the country had lost much of its influence and prominence in Nigeria and Africa. Nigeria is a focus of this paper as this article examines Russia/Nigeria diplomatic ties from the historical point of view relying on diplomatic theory as a tool to trace the existing diplomatic ties between the two countries.
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Gourdon, C. C. « Thirty Years from the End of the USSR ». Outlines of global transformations : politics, economics, law 14, no 5 (7 novembre 2021) : 247–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-5-13.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article contains a brief retrospective assessment of the reasons given by various scholars and observers for the breakdown of the Soviet Union under Mikhail Gorbachev’s leadership and it situates that crisis in the larger context of history and the imperial legacy of the Russian state. It particularly looks at the issue of nationality as an ethnic, cultural and linguistic concept vis-a-vis the universalistic notion of empire as a community of destiny among diverse people. The author compares the Soviet Union’s structure as a ‘non classical’ empire to those of other European states and especially to Germany’s which has also evolved from being a loose Central and East European ‘Reich’ inspired by the Roman and Carolingian heritage – to becoming a federal nation surrounded by smaller countries that share with it ancient civilisational and political legacy. Whereas Germany is gradually asserting leadership among many of its former dependencies and in the post-Brexit European Union as a whole, Russia is led by geographical and strategic compulsions to rebuild a Eurasian confederal association with erstwhile Soviet Republics and possessions of the Tsarist Empire, in conformity with its location between the ‘West’, the Islamosphere and the Chinese world. Will Russia be able to create a synthesis between the Slav Orthodox Oikoumene envisioned by Nikolay Danilevsky and the Eurasian syncretistic model promoted by Lev Gumilyov?
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Kozhanova, Mira. « Curating national renewal : the significance of arts and crafts in the construction of Soviet identity at the 1925 Exposition internationale des arts d�coratifs et industriels modernes in Paris ». Art East Central, no 3 (2023) : 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/aec2023-3-3.
Texte intégralRésumé :
At the Exposition internationale des arts d�coratifs et industriels modernes in Paris in 1925, the newly recognised Soviet Union was given a platform to present its ideology through art. It constructed an official narrative of national renewal through a sophisticated exhibition concept that complemented contemporary art (particularly constructivism) with arts and crafts. This article sheds light on why the Soviet officials chose this specific approach and how their strategy was rooted in the earlier exhibition experience of the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union. Focusing on the two sections of arts and crafts presented in Paris � the Kustar goods of Soviet Russia and folk art from other Soviet Republics � the article examines their significance for the carefully constructed Soviet identity of the time. Furthermore, it analyses the contributions of individual organisers to these sections in light of their statements and writings, their professional positions and their prior experience. By illuminating the human factor behind the official narrative, the article exposes a parallel level of interpretation in order to further a more nuanced understanding of the Soviet contribution.
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Lindner, Rainer. « Forum : New Directions in Belarusian Studies Besieged Past : National and Court Historians in Lukashenka's Belarus ». Nationalities Papers 27, no 4 (décembre 1999) : 631–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/009059999108867.
Texte intégralRésumé :
At the beginning of the 1990s, when the former Soviet republics declared sovereignty, the questions of their national histories, long neglected in the Soviet period, once again became important. In taking up the national and cultural traditions of the pre-Soviet era, as well as a literary language that had been reduced to folklore, the post-Soviet national intelligentsias began to develop their own versions of the Belarusian past. As the old Soviet empire declined, new “historical” nations developed against a background of diverse ethnicity and political struggles for power. Western scholars have discussed in detail the changes in historical writing since the emergence of glasnost'. The post-Soviet intelligentsia not only faced a crisis in historical writing and history generally within the late Soviet Union, but were confronted with what Aaron Gurevich has called a “vacuum of historical vision.”
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Jackson, Marvin. « The Rise and Decay of the Socialist Economy in Bulgaria ». Journal of Economic Perspectives 5, no 4 (1 novembre 1991) : 203–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.5.4.203.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The political reconstruction of Bulgaria has gone on more slowly than in Central Europe, but the role of the former communists is weaker than in neighboring Romania or Serbia and, of course, much more so than in the Soviet Union (except for the Baltic Republics). This paper discusses the economy before communist rule; economic institutions and policy options under the communists; economic decay and the dangers of procrastination; and the new government's program and its prospects.
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Simonsen, Sven Gunnar. « “You Take Your Oath Only Once:” Crimea, The Black Sea Fleet, and National Identity Among Russian Officers ». Nationalities Papers 28, no 2 (juin 2000) : 289–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687467.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Soviet military officer's motto was “I serve the Soviet Union.” He had taken an oath to a state whose leadership constantly stressed the ethnic diversity of its population. When the USSR fell apart, however, only one of its 15 successor states—the Russian Federation—did not declare itself the homeland of one specific ethnic group. The reality of the divorce was difficult to grasp for many people in the former Soviet Union. In Russia, ideas of democracy and hopes for the future of the RSFSR as an independent state were standing strong. Not all the newly independent states would be missed; the Central Asian republics were widely seen as a culturally distant periphery tapping the RSFSR of resources. However, shedding off Kazakhstan, Belarus, and above all, Ukraine was a completely different story.
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Moore, David Chioni. « Is the Post- in Postcolonial the Post- in Post-Soviet ? Toward a Global Postcolonial Critique ». PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 116, no 1 (janvier 2001) : 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2001.116.1.111.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The enormous twenty-seven-nation post-Soviet sphere—including the former Soviet republics and the former “East Bloc” states—is virtually never discussed in the burgeoning discourse of postcolonial studies. Yet Russia and the successor Soviet Union exercised colonial control over the Caucasus, Central Asia, the Baltics, and Central and Eastern Europe for anywhere from fifty to two hundred years. The present essay interrogates the possible postcoloniality of the post-Soviet sphere, including Russia. The investigation is complicated by Russia's seeming Eurasian status and its history of perceived cultural inferiority to the West. A broad range of theoretical, historical, cultural, and geographic positions are examined, and figures such as Curzon, Conrad, Lermontov, and Shohat are addressed. In conclusion the essay argues against the current occidentocentric privileging of Western European colonization as the standard and proposes a fully global postcolonial critique. Overall, it critiques both too narrow post-Soviet studies and too parochial, too Anglo-Franco-focused postcolonial studies.
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Moore, David Chioni. « Is the Post- in Postcolonial the Post- in Post-Soviet ? Toward a Global Postcolonial Critique ». Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 116, no 1 (janvier 2001) : 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812900105073.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The enormous twenty-seven-nation post-Soviet sphere—including the former Soviet republics and the former “East Bloc” states—is virtually never discussed in the burgeoning discourse of postcolonial studies. Yet Russia and the successor Soviet Union exercised colonial control over the Caucasus, Central Asia, the Baltics, and Central and Eastern Europe for anywhere from fifty to two hundred years. The present essay interrogates the possible postcoloniality of the post-Soviet sphere, including Russia. The investigation is complicated by Russia's seeming Eurasian status and its history of perceived cultural inferiority to the West. A broad range of theoretical, historical, cultural, and geographic positions are examined, and figures such as Curzon, Conrad, Lermontov, and Shohat are addressed. In conclusion the essay argues against the current occidentocentric privileging of Western European colonization as the standard and proposes a fully global postcolonial critique. Overall, it critiques both too narrow post-Soviet studies and too parochial, too Anglo-Franco-focused postcolonial studies.
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Kumo, Kazuhiro, et Elena Shadrina. « On the Evolution of Hierarchical Urban Systems in Soviet Russia, 1897–1989 ». Sustainability 13, no 20 (15 octobre 2021) : 11389. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132011389.
Texte intégralRésumé :
One piece of evidence of the inefficiency of the spatial economy of modern Russia presented in the seminal work of Hill and Gaddy (2004) is that Russian urban agglomerations are non-viable. This was demonstrated using Zipf’s rank-size distribution, which does not hold for Russian urban systems. Hill and Gaddy explained this through the legacy of the Soviet command-administrative planning. Having constructed an original dataset, which incorporated comprehensive historical data for all the cities in the former Soviet Union republics and tested the rank-size distributions for the respective years, the study yielded more nuanced findings. First, unlike the modern Russian hierarchical urban systems, the Soviet ones followed rank-size distribution fairly well. Second, the Soviet urban systems were evolving. In the late Imperial era and early Soviet period, they followed the Zipf’s law prediction. However, between 1939 and 1959, the rank-size distribution diverged from the predicted one. Yet again, the Soviet hierarchical urban systems revealed a trend of convergence toward the traditional rank-size distribution in the late Soviet era. A corollary to such evidence from data trajectory appears that the evolution of the Soviet hierarchical urban systems was not necessarily the ultimate product of the urban development policies of the command-administrative system. It can be thus presumed that, contrary to the established belief, command administrative urban development might be ineffectual even in centrally planned socialist economies.
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Marková, Alena. « Society and Language : Debates Surrounding the National Language in Belarusian Society at the Beginning of the 1990s ». HISTORICKÁ SOCIOLOGIE 14, no 2 (15 novembre 2022) : 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/23363525.2022.15.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The dissolution of the Soviet Union at the end of the 1980s and beginning of the 1990s sparked a wave of political and national emancipation in its republics that led to the creation of new successor states. This also applied to the former Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR), which declared its independence on 27 July 1990. Even before this, however, a project concerning a wholly new and groundbreaking law was introduced in the country for public debate. According to the law, the Belarusian language – as the national language of the majority population – would become the one and only state and official language in the republic.
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Peck, M. D., S. Viswanathan et S. Bangdiwala. « Patterns of Burn Deaths in Former Nations of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics ». Journal of Burn Care & ; Research 27, Supplement (mars 2006) : S98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01253092-200603001-00099.
Texte intégral
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Eremyan, Vitaliy V. « The Soviet Union as a composite state structure : education, development trends and causes of disintegration ». RUDN Journal of Law 26, no 4 (15 décembre 2022) : 747–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2337-2022-26-4-747-807.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article is devoted to a critical comparative-legal analysis of the process of formation, development, transformation and disintegration of the first multinational political-territorial entity with a republican form of government of the “Soviet” type, which over time has become a clear example for such complex European states as Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia. This theme is unique not only in terms of solving the ethnic issue, but also as the “model” of territorial structure since the basis of one federation, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, formed another federation, the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, which integrated, along with traditional administrative units, national political-territorial entities in the form of autonomous republics, regions, and districts. The article emphasizes the fact that one of the consequences of the appearance on the political map of the Soviet Union, which defeated Nazi Germany and its numerous satellites in World War II, was not only the formation of “popular democracy” countries and the so-called “socialist camp” that existed for over forty years and represented a civilizational alternative to the capitalist path of social development, but also the collapse of the colonial system and acquisition of independence and sovereignty by the peoples inhabiting the regions of Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. The Soviet model of the state structure and democracy institutions as antipodes to bourgeois populism and liberal demagogy facilitated an accelerated transition from declarations of constituent and constitutional documents proclaiming human and civil rights and freedoms to their practical implementation in the economic and political sphere in countries that had associated themselves with Western-style democracy; it resulted in a more socially oriented role of state and its structures. The Soviet experience clearly demonstrates what real results the state and society can achieve in solving the women's issue, elimination of total illiteracy, and growth of the well-being of citizens. At the same time, manifestations of authoritarianism and totalitarianism that took place at certain stages reveal that the power mechanism was subject not only to voluntaristic tendencies or official personification, but also to relapses into a personality cult, one of the most negative consequences of state disintegration and local civil wars within its former territory.
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Kaznina, Eka. « Influence of Cultural and Historical Context on the Moral Competence in Modern Society (in Terms of Georgia and Russia) ». ETHICS IN PROGRESS 7, no 1 (1 septembre 2016) : 152–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/eip.2016.1.9.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991 sharply cast the relationships between the Republics of post-Soviet space and Russia back, mutual trust was lost, economic and cultural interaction was practically stopped. The global changes of the 1990s in the field of political order, social and economic lifestyle in the countries of the former socialist camp brought up to severe demographic situation (depopulation), impoverishment of its significant part, criminalization of society and, what is quite important, to negative changes in consciousness and behavior of its population, including deformation of ethical code of personality, for long time fixing the acute social-cultural situation. A. Zhuravlev & A. Yurevich call that the moral collapse. It is worth mentioning that the economic crisis of the 90s in Georgia was considerably more serious than in Russia. Attempt to teach norms of “new” morale were done by M. Saakashvili (2009–2013), who declared that during 20 years he would be able to change the mentality of Georgians – rejection of the Russian culture and language up to prohibition and adherence to anti-Russian policy at a level of the State. The author reports on that project and she intends to find the difference of how moral competence is understood by the generation which was formed in 1990s and the generation formed under the Soviet Union.