Articles de revues : « Foreign relations: Rumania, 1913 »

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Schwartz, Herman. « Foreign Creditors and the Politics of Development in Australia and Argentina, 1880-1913 ». International Studies Quarterly 33, n^o 3 (septembre 1989) : 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2600461.

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Dobrovolsky, L. V., et A. S. Nogmova. « Evolution, Current State of Foreign Trade Activities of the Russian Federation and its Influence for the Development of the Country’s Economy ». Post-Soviet Issues 9, n^o 1 (2 juin 2022) : 77–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2022-9-1-77-91.

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The article shows the role and place of the foreign trade activity of the Russian Federation in the development of its economy. The commodity composition, the main routes and the results of foreign trade in Kievan Rus and in the Moscow (Russian) kingdom have been investigated. The requirements of the Trade Charter of 1653, the New Trade Charter of 1667, the Customs Charter of 1775, customs tariffs, regulating foreign trade relations and aimed at developing foreign trade of the state, protecting it from foreign unfair competition are analyzed and summarized. The generalized results of foreign trade of the Russian Empire in the period 1901–1913 are presented. and the USSR in the pre-war and post-war periods (1940–1884). The current state of Russian foreign trade and its influence on the development of the country’s economy have been investigated. The features of the functioning of the entire system of international trade in the conditions of the formation of a global information society are revealed, the general characteristics and dynamics of the development of the information market are given. Comparative results of foreign trade of the Russian Federation for 2019–2021 are generalized and presented. The main problems of foreign trade and approaches to their solution are revealed.

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Karchaeva, T. G. « The Role of Foreign Authorities in the Property Relations of the Khakas in 1822–1913 (a Historical Aspect) ». Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series History 29 (2019) : 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2222-9124.2019.29.91.

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Oneal, John R., et Frances H. Oneal. « Hegemony, imperialism, and the profitability of foreign investments ». International Organization 42, n^o 2 (1988) : 347–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300032847.

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Socialists at the turn of the century explained modern imperialism as an attempt to escape the crisis of monopoly capitalism. “Super-profits” that could be secured in the periphery, according to Lenin, were necessary to offset declining rates of return in the advanced economies. Today, radical theorists stress the role of the multinational corporations in accounting for neocolonialism. If great national power does produce material benefits for foreign investors, this should be apparent in two cases: the experience of British capitalists in the “high age of imperialism,“ 1870–1913, and the operations of U.S. multinational corporations abroad after World War II. But rates of return on foreign investments have not been significantly different in the developed and less developed regions of the world—a finding that is relevant not only for theories of imperialism but also for understanding development and modernization, the operation of the multinational corporation, and international capital markets.

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MOHANU, Florina, Viorela-Valentina DIMA, Teodora Monica FULGA, Oana Mioara CÂRNICIANU et Maria-Antoaneta LORENTZ. « Internationalisation of Higher Education – A View from the Bucharest University of Economic Studies ». European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 14, n^o 1 (30 juin 2022) : 113–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24818/ejis.2022.08.

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The present paper aims to provide up-to-date information on the internationalisation endeavours undertaken in the last five years by the Romanian topmost economic university – the Bucharest University of Economic Studies (ASE), based on ambitious goals set by means of its “Internationalisation Strategy” launched in 2016. We first briefly refer to key national and international literature on the internationalisation of higher education, and to the University’s international dimension since its establishment in 1913: the enrolment of foreign students, the presence of study programs in foreign languages, the existence of student exchange programmes, cooperation agreements with universities from abroad etc. Next, the paper illustrates the measures taken since 2016 in four priority areas, where constant progress has been recorded: in-house internationalisation; internationalisation abroad; internationalisation of research; and consolidation of international prestige. The analysed data are collected mainly from ASE’s International Relations Department, the Rector’s Annual Reports (2016-2019), but also from various pages of the institutional website. The discussion and conclusion sections highlight the contribution and limitations of this paper to the national literature in the field.

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Wesseling, H. L. « Gabriel Hanotaux : A Historian in Politics ». Itinerario 25, n^o 1 (mars 2001) : 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511530000557x.

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The 1944–1945 Yearbook of the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences in Amsterdam includes a commemorative article written byjohan Huizinga in honour of the French historian Gabriel Hanotaux, who was a foreign member of the Academy from 1913 to 1944. Hanotaux was born on November 19, 1853, and died on April 11, 1944, a few months after his ninetieth birthday. In his commemoration of Hanotaux, Huizinga briefly sketched the life, work and achievements of Hanotaux who was, at that time, a wellknown French historian and politician. Huizinga was very impressed, as becomes apparent from his words: ‘Truly, it is almost unbelievable what this representative of all that is noble and pure in the French has created.’ He concluded his commemoration with a brief consideration of what he called his ‘temporary personal relationship with Hanotaux’.

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Bocharova, Zoya. « A Man Endowed with a “Living Vision of Reality” (the Fate of V. B. Elyashevich) ». ISTORIYA 13, n^o 7 (117) (2022) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022296-4.

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Based on archival and published materials, the article reconstructs the biography of V. B. Elyashevich as a scientist, teacher, public figure, philanthropist, and clarifies information about his place of birth. His main pedagogical activity was connected with the St. Petersburg Polytechnic Institute, which he combined, among other things, with teaching at St. Petersburg University (1911—1913) after defending his master's thesis and working in state bodies (1915—1917). During the Civil War, he emigrated. The sphere of scientific interests of the scientist concerned the problems of Roman law, legal entity, civil and land relations, issues of formation and development of law and the economy of Soviet Russia. Special attention is paid to the contribution of V. B. Elyashevich to the formation of Foreign Russia, the popularization of science, his public and charitable activities.

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Manukhin, Alexey. « The Mexico-US Border during the Mexican Revolution in the Context of the Issue of Compliance with the Principle of Neutrality ». Latin-American Historical Almanac 41, n^o 1 (27 mars 2024) : 117–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2024-41-1-117-148.

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The article analyzes the involvement of the United States in the events of the Mexican Revolution in relation to the situa-tion on the border of the two countries. Based on archival and published sources, it shows how socio-economic, legal and military factors influenced the decision-making process by officials in Mexico City and Washington, as well as non-state forces represented by rebel groups. It is noted that among the tools for achieving foreign policy goals and gaining ad-vantages over opponents during the revolutionary struggle, there was a constant appeal to the concept of “neutrality.” The rapprochement of the United States with the constitutionalist movement in 1913–1914 and the search for reducing the risk of war between the two countries in 1916 stand out as hall-marks. It is emphasized that due to this, Mexican-American relations were a complex combination of conflict and mutual interests.

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Yao, Yujia. « The Role of the Non-State Actor in Sino-American Relations : An Analysis Based on the Rockefeller Foundation and the Peking Union Medical College ». Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 38, n^o 1 (15 janvier 2024) : 118–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/38/20240602.

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Founded in 1913, the Rockefeller Foundation has played a major role in US cultural diplomacy. The RF has implemented various philanthropic programs to export a perception of American values, including freedom and democracy, with the aim of eliminating local vigilance and misunderstanding, improving its international reputation, and advancing US foreign policy. In particular, the RF has made significant investments in China. From 1909 to 1949, the RF consistently invested in the medicine, health, culture and education of China. The RF exerted an incalculable influence on Chinas modernization for half a century. One of its most significant and influential investments was the establishment of the Peking Union Medical College (PUMC). Accordingly, this essay seeks to analyse the RFs largest overseas investment, the establishment of the Peking Union Medical College, to evaluate its specific practices and influence, as well as to explore the role of the RF in Sino-American relations and Americas overseas expansion.

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Bogomolova, Daria Konstantinovna. « Serbian-Montenegrin relations and the prospect of the creation of the Balkan Union in 1904-1905 ». Исторический журнал : научные исследования, n^o 3 (mars 2024) : 70–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2024.3.70835.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the prospects for the creation of the Balkan Union in 1904-1905, the idea of which arose under the influence of the aggravation of the international political situation in connection with the Eastern question, as well as due to the beginning of the Ilinden uprising in Macedonia. This was the first attempt in the twentieth century by young Slavic states to unite and coordinate joint foreign policy goals in the fight against the Ottoman Empire. The main sources of research are the diplomatic documents of the Balkan countries, as well as reports from Russian diplomats, the analysis of which led to the conclusion that the agreements reached during the negotiations between Serbia, Bulgaria and Montenegro, although they did not lead to the final formation of the alliance, still played a major role in the future and formed the basis of the Balkan Union of 1912-1913. They also stressed the role of the Russian Empire as an arbitrator in inter-Balkan relations. The main focus of the article is on analyzing the Serbian-Montenegrin negotiations aimed at concluding a union treaty between the countries and strengthening bilateral relations, which became possible after the change of the ruling dynasty in Serbia. Despite the fact that at first Serbian and Montenegrin politicians highly appreciated the importance of possible agreements, later negotiations failed due to serious disagreements between the parties on the issue of future territorial delimitation in the event of victory over the Ottoman Empire and the inability to work out a compromise text of the treaty. The conducted research made it possible to significantly complement and expand the picture of the Serbian-Montenegrin and inter-Balkan negotiations of 1904-1905 and to conclude that during this period conditions had not yet developed for rapprochement and coordination of foreign policy goals between the Slavic countries of the Balkan peninsula, and the beginning of negotiations on the formation of the Balkan Union was dictated to a greater extent by the temporary aggravation of the situation in connection with the uprising in Macedonia.

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Thejalhoukho. « The Sikkim–Tibet Convention of 1890 and the Younghusband Mission of 1904 ». China Report 57, n^o 4 (14 octobre 2021) : 451–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00094455211047078.

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The controversy surrounding the Simla Conference of 1913–1914 and the legality of the McMahon line, which was produced by the Conference, has been at the centre of the boundary dispute between India and China. Amidst the diverging opinions amongst scholars and political commentators, the main issue rest on the unresolved question of Tibet’s political status. Was Lhasa authorised to sign treaties for Tibet? Was China the sovereign over Tibet? The answers to such questions are murky and complicated, made more so by the politics and conflicts in the post colonial period. This study attempts to highlight the complicated nature of political authority in Tibet through a study of British policy in Tibet towards the end of 19th and early 20th centuries. The signing of the 1890 Convention with China and the 1904 Convention with Tibet represents two extremes in British foreign policy which attest to the confounding situation presented before the British and the diverging opinions within the British official circles. The period between these two conventions provides a glimpse of the historical background in which the relations between British India, China and Tibet developed subsequently.

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Klynina, Тetiana. « THE FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES (FRUS) SERIES AS AN EXAMPLE OF OFFICIAL DOCUMENTARY HISTORY ». Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni : naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki 32 (20 novembre 2023) : 262–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2023.32.262.

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The purpose of the article is to reveal the idea of the emergence and evolution of the FRUS publication as the gold standard of official documentary history, to analyze the main periods of the collection's development, focus on the legislative basis for the publication of the series and the problems of understanding the FRUS series as an example of the transparency of the American government. Analyzing the scientific work on the topic of the study, the author draws attention to two aspects: the lack of interest in this collection in the Ukrainian scientific community and the rather limited interest among the world scientific community. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, a systematic approach, and relevant general scientific methods such as problem-chronological and information analysis. The scientific novelty is determined by showing the evolution of the collection, its functional orientation, and the proposed periodization of the publication's development. Conclusions: The publication of the collection began in 1861 and was viewed by Congress not only as a means of informing the public but also as a tool to control the executive branch. No clear criteria for publishing or removing materials were made public, although there was a consensus on which materials should not be published, namely those “that would be detrimental to the public good”. The publications of the period 1861-1905 did not take into account the fact of inconvenience to foreign governments, American diplomats, or US presidents. It is emphasized that the publications of the period 1920-1945 underwent profound changes in purpose, production, design procedures, and target audience. This period is associated with the appearance of the first official order that provided for mandatory historical “objectivity” and served as a charter for the series (with minor changes) until 1991. It is pointed out that the content of the collection and the speed of its appearance were seen as direct evidence of the US government's adherence to the policy of transparency and accountability. As a result, between 1920 and 1945, the State Department released 56 volumes, covering the years between 1913 and 1930. It is noted that gradually the balance between transparency and national security became increasingly difficult. The FRUS series has been and remains a vital resource for the public, academia, political scientists, and others. After the end of World War II, the State Department redefined the transparency paradigms of the 20th century. From the 1950s to the 1980s, the imperatives of the Cold War affected the timeliness of publication, as well as the decision-making process for declassifying U.S. government documents. At the beginning of the Cold War, the FRUS series was 15 years behind on average; by the 1980s, this gap had doubled to about 30 years. The volumes were also subjected to greater scrutiny by the U.S. government before being released. This was partly a result of expanding bureaucratic frameworks and partly a consequence of the Cold War. The publications of the second half of the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries moved away from the functional component of the nineteenth century and instead became a means of a certain historical transparency. The FRUS publications will allow us to analyze not only the evolution of US diplomatic skill but also the policy of openness as a key element of democratic development.

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Kuzmicheva, Lyudmila V. « Russian Diplomats Nikolai V. Charykov and Vassili N. Strandtmann on the Reasons for the Failure of the Russian Plan to Create a Balkan Federation ». Slavic World in the Third Millennium 16, n^o 1-2 (2021) : 154–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2021.16.1-2.08.

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In Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century, a new strategic line in relations with the Ottoman Empire was being developed. The urgent task of Russian diplomacy was to prevent the participation of the Ottoman Empire on the side of Russia’s opponents in a possible war. Unfortunately, Russian diplomacy failed to cope with this task. Diplomatic documents attest to the existence of a Russian plan to create a Balkan Federation under the auspices of the Ottoman Empire. Russia’s efforts in this regard intensified after the Young Turk Revolution of 1908. In 1910, the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs was developing a plan for the possible unification of the Balkan states into a single Balkan Federation led by the Ottoman Empire. Serbia played an important role in the implementation of this program. This idea was developed by Nikolai V. Charykov, the Russian ambassador to Constantinople from 1909 to 1911. Russian diplomacy sought to smooth out the contradictions in the Balkans and normalise the relations of the young states with the Ottoman Empire. In 1911, the Russian Envoy to Constantinople, Charykov, negotiated with the Turkish leadership on the Russian-Turkish treaty, which, in particular, included the question of the Balkan Federation. This episode in Russian-Turkish relations went down in the history of diplomacy as the “Charykov demarche.” The formation of the Balkan Union and the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913 meant the failure of the Russian model of peaceful coexistence of the Balkan states as a confederation, including the autonomy of European Turkey. The reasons for this failure were discussed in their memoirs by two Russian diplomats Nikolai V. Charykov and Vassili N. Strandtmann, who gave years of diplomatic service in the Balkans, and who remained living there after escaping from revolutionary Russia.

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Sabaydash, Marina Vladislavovna. « Retrospective analysis of the USSR sea trade ports operation in conditions of new economic policy (1921-1928). » Vestnik of Astrakhan State Technical University. Series : Economics 2020, n^o 1 (31 mars 2020) : 78–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24143/2073-5537-2020-1-78-90.

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The article highlights the specific features of implementing the new economic policy in the seaports of the USSR. The general laws of economic development of the commercial sea ports during the NEP period have been formulated. Statistical data on port capacity from the UK, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the USA, and France were used for the first time, and an assessment of the economic development of domestic sea ports was made in comparison with the above countries. It was stated that the drop in cargo turnover of the Soviet ports in relation to 1913 was the most significant, and the post-war restoration was slower in comparison with European ports, with the railway and inland water transport of the USSR. It was proved that the decrease in port turnover in the USSR was a consequence of a decrease in the foreign trade volume and short sea shipping. Maintaining the state monopoly of foreign trade, which in the NEP period transformed into the state capitalism, negatively affected outward and inward trade. The intensity of coastal shipping service grew slowly due to the low specialization of the regions. The seaport management system was studied; its centralization and similarity with the port management system of the Russian Empire were stated. There have been presented the study results of property relations in seaports. It was determined that the landowners in the ports were state departments represented by central ministries (people's commissariats), the owners of other property were state and sectorial governmental bodies, joint-stock companies with a predominance of state ownership. Sea trade ports were funded from the budget of the People's Commissariat of Communication Means. Port financing was ten times less than financing of railways and several times less than inland water transport financing

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Papian, Ara. « The Arbitral Award on Turkish-Armenian Boundary by Woodrow Wilson (Historical Background, Legal Aspects, and International Dimensions) ». Iran and the Caucasus 11, n^o 2 (2007) : 255–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338407x265487.

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AbstractThe paper is a complex study of the history of the involvement of Woodrow Wilson (the 28th President of the USA, 1913-1921), in the fate of Armenian people after WWI and the Republic Armenia (1918-1920), especially in determining the boundary between Armenia and Turkey. It presents an analysis of Wilson's Arbitral Award according to the international law and the United Nation's official methodology. The article focuses on the historical background, legal aspects and political implications of Wilson's Arbitral Award (November 22, 1920), officially titled: Decision of the President of the United States of America respecting the Frontier between Turkey and Armenia, Access for Armenia to the Sea, and the Demilitarization of Turkish Territory adjacent to the Armenian Frontier. The Arbitration's significance goes beyond Armenian-Turkish and Armenian-US relations. Border conflicts are still relevant issues on the regional and international agenda. American involvement in the Middle East is one of the key components of the United States' present foreign policy. An accurate and a broad understanding of the nuances of the extremely complex legal situation in the region and the bases for the behaviour of the players can be vital for the security, political and economic interests of the region. Moreover, due to the active participation of the United States in the Armenian-Turkish relations through Wilson's Arbitration, the Arbitral Award becomes a logical starting point for a stronger historical, political, and legal understanding of the conflict-prone region. The article also contributes to the better understanding of President Wilson's policy towards the Middle East during the dramatic period of 1917-1921 and its possible consequences for critical relationships in the region today.

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Timpson, Mark. « Akira Iriye, The new Cambridge history of American foreign relations : the globalizing of America, 1913-1945, vol. 3 (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2013. Pp. xvi + 253. 3 maps. ISBN 9780521763288 Hbk. £35) ». Economic History Review 67, n^o 3 (9 juillet 2014) : 874–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0289.12076_22.

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Coerver, Don M. « Mark Benbow . Leading Them to the Promised Land : Woodrow Wilson, Covenant Theology, and the Mexican Revolution, 1913–1915 . (New Studies in U.S. Foreign Relations.) Kent, Ohio : Kent State University Press. 2010. Pp. xiii, 204. $49.00. » American Historical Review 116, n^o 3 (juin 2011) : 826–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.116.3.826.

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DeVorkin, David. « George Ellery Hale’s Internationalism ». Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 13, S349 (décembre 2018) : 153–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921319000255.

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AbstractThroughout his career, George Ellery Hale thought globally. “Make no small plans” he was often heard to say (Seares 1939). His early sojourns to Europe, encountering the talent and resources in England and the Continent, contributed to his outlook. He knew that their patronage was critical to reach his personal goals. Here I outline the steps Hale took to establish the new “astrophysics” as a discipline, by creating the Astrophysical Journal, establishing a common language and then, through the first decades of the 20th Century, building an international collaboration to coordinate solar and later all astronomical research. The latter effort, which began in 1904, had expanded by 1910 to encompass stellar astronomy, when the Solar Union deliberated over spectroscopic classification systems, a standard wavelength system and stellar magnitude systems. This work continued through the fifth Union meeting in Bonn in 1913, which turned out to be the last because of the First World War. During the war, Hale became Chair of the National Research Council of the U.S. National Academy of Sciences, applying scientific talent to winning the war. He was also the Academy’s Foreign Secretary, so Hale became deeply involved in re-establishing international scientific relations after the war. In conjunction with Arthur Schuster and Emile Picard, he helped found the International Research Council in 1919, which formed the framework within which the worlds of science reorganized themselves. From this, the International Astronomical Union was born. It was not an easy birth in a world still filled with tension and anger over the war; formative conferences in London and Brussels reflected the extremes. Nevertheless, its first General Assembly was held in Rome in 1922. It would be years before it became truly international, “in the complete sense of the word” (Elis Strömgren), but many of the proposals made during the years of the Solar Union concerning disciplinary standardization were ratified. I will concentrate on this latter story, remembering Hale for his devotion to true internationalism.

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Roberts, Priscilla. « Iriye, A. (2013).The New Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations, Volume 3 : The Globalizing of America, 1913–1945.Thompson, A.S. and Fentzos, C.G. (Eds.) (2014).The Routledge Handbook of American Military and Diplomatic History, 1865 to the Present ». Diplomacy & ; Statecraft 26, n^o 1 (2 janvier 2015) : 172–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2015.1000122.

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Carroll, Francis M. « The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations, Where We Are NowThe Creation of the Republican Empire, 1776-1865, by Bradford Perkins. Volume 1 of The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations, edited by Warren I. Cohen. New York, Cambridge University Press, 1993. xii, 254 pp. $24.95 U.S.The American Search for Opportunity, 1865-1913, by Walter LaFeber. Volume 2 of The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations, edited by Warren I. Cohen. New York, Cambridge University Press, 1993. xvi, 263 pp. $24.95 U.S.The Globalizing of America, 1913-1945, by Akira Iriye. Volume 3 of The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations, edited by Warren I. Cohen. New York, Cambridge University Press, 1993. xii, 240 pp. $24.95 U.S.America in the Age of Soviet Power, by Warren I. Cohen. Volume 4 of The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations, edited by Warren I. Cohen. New York, Cambridge University Press, 1993. xiv, 283 pp. $24.95 U.S. » Canadian Journal of History 29, n^o 2 (août 1994) : 353–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.29.2.353.

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Juzbašić, Dževad. « Bosnia and Herzegovina in Austro-Hungarian policy of railways building towards the East ». Godišnjak Centra za balkanološka ispitivanja, n^o 42 (6 janvier 2022) : 165–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/godisnjak.cbi.anubih-42.29.

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While the Central European issues dominated in Austrian politics, the Habsburg Monarchy was not able to get more politically engaged in the Balkans. The turning point in relation towards the Austrian construction of the Balkan railways came into beingonly after the historical events that have significantly changed the position of the monarchy in Europe. This turning point in the policy, which is to some extent prepared by Beust, was marked with his departure from Ballhausplatz and appointment of JuliusAndrássy as foreign minister in 1871. At the Beust’s time construction of the direct rail connection with the Ottoman Empire was seen as a political and economic necessity for the Monarchy and the Turkish plan to build rail connection from Constantinople to the Austrian border near Novi in Bosnia, created in 1865, have fit the intentions of its policies. However,implementation of this plan in Bosnia ended the 1872 with construction of the normal line from Doboj to Banja Luka. Austrian nd Hungarian different interests in terms of the direction of the route to the Orientand foreign policy problems were an obstacle to the connection towards the East. Andrássy’s railway policy vacillated in terms of preference over the linethrough Serbia or Bosnia. Hungary was firmly against the eventual construction of the Bosnian lines before establishing a connection with the Orient through Serbia. Hungarians have agreed on a connection Sisak – Dobrljin only after ensuring the main train connections via Belgrade and interests of the Hungarian railways in the Bosnian traffic with Rijeka. Hungariangovernment has succeeded taking the win in its conception of the realization of rail connection with the Orient and Bosnia. Hungarian interests have played a significant role in the steps undertaken by the Andrassy, while in the Austrian public, after the Berlin Congress, was present dilemma for the most rational route for the rail connection with the East. This problemwill be actualized on several occasions in the late 19th and early 20th century, when new importance in the policy of the Monarchy in the relations between Austria and Hungary was gained. The Hungarian government tended more to secure themselves in relation to Austria, with more appropriate position in Bosnia for the establishing a connection with theEast, than they originally had in mind as benefits of rail connection with Bosnia. The new political and economic constellation inthe late 19th century re-actualized establishing normalgauge railway connection with stripe Sarajevo – Mitrovica, which would be an extension of normalgauge railway line Budapest – Sarajevo. The author analyzes the railway policy of Benjamin Kállay and his ideas on the strengthening of economic and political position of the Monarchy in the Western Balkansthrough the realization of rail links through the Sanjak of Novi Pazar. Kállay railway program in many issues anticipated Austro-Hungarian railway policy of the 20th century in the Balkans, which Aehrenthal and Berthold sought to realize. Railway through the Sanjak of Novi Pazar could not be taken as a world hightway and as a concurrent to the existing connectionof the Western Europe with Thessaloniki. Primarily It was Austrian-Hungarian political and military interest, and only partly economical interest. Plan of the railway construction was most closely associated with the development of the international situation and they represented one of the most important elements of Balkan politics Austro-Hungarian Empire,that author follows. Since the lines in Bosnia could be built only at the expense of the country, it has been built as a narrow-gauge track line from Sarajevo to the eastern border. It remained as one torso ineligible for remodelling into the normal line, at a time just before World War when normal line through the Sanjak of Novi Pazar were plotted. Paper is focusing to the problem of the realization of the Bosnian-Serbian railway connection as well as to directing Serbian export to the port in Dalmatia. In the time before the outbreak of the Balkan War in 1912 the Austrian industrialists, inferior in international competition, sought to create a closed space in the Balkans in which they could dominate. This plan was unrealistic. The writer analyzesthe Austro-Hungarian program for economic agreements with the Balkan countries adopted in February 1913, in which the railway policy was the main factor of economic penetration and political influence of the Monarchy in the Balkans. Concept Count Berthold sealed this program, by giving the role of a special political instrument to the railway connection Uvac– Mitrovica. Author also points to the opposing views of the Austrian government members who opposed to direct connection with Thessaloniki via Bosnia, in the period immediately after the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, considering the immediate Austrian interests. The opposition remained without effect on Berthold’s policy, which endured a failure. Austro-Hungarian political circles saw one of the main causes of the economic collapse of the Monarchy in the political events in the Balkans, so they gave a loud call for the solution of the situation.

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Bufacchi, Vittorio, Paul Cammack, Garrath Williams, Paul Acourt, Adrian Guelke, Charles A. Erin, Richard Falk et al. « Book Review : Justice as Impartiality, Economic Reforms in New Democracies : A Social-Democratic Approach, Restructuring Hegemony in the Global Political Economy : The Rise of Transnational Neo-Liberalism in the 1980s, towards a Socio-Liberal Theory of World Development, Philosophia : The Thought of Rosa Luxemburg, Simone Weil, and Hannah Arendt, South Africa's other Whites : Voices for Change, A Post-Apartheid Southern Africa?, Rights and Deprivation, The Ethics of Human Rights, Equal Justice, The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations : Volume I, The Creation of a Republican Empire, 1776–1865, The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations : Volume II, The American Search for Opportunity, 1865–1913, The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations : Volume III, The Globalizing of America, 1913–1945, The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations : Volume IV, America in the Age of Soviet Power, 1945–1991, Voices of Decline : The Postwar Fate of US Cities, Careers in City Politics : The Case for Urban Democracy, Community Economic Development : Policy Formation in the US and UK, The New Localism : Comparative Urban Politics in a Global Era, Managing Cities in Austerity : Urban Fiscal Stress in Ten Western Countries, Power Failure : New York City Politics and Policy since I960, The City Builders : Property, Politics and Planning in London and New York, The Closest of Strangers : Liberalism and the Politics of Race in New York, Postmodern Ethics, The Fate of the New Nietzsche, Nietzsche, Feminism and Political Theory, Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy Revisited, Liberalism and the Economic Order ». Political Studies 43, n^o 4 (décembre 1995) : 728–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1995.tb01730.x.

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Ahmetaj, Prof AS Dr Lavdosh. « DURRES CONGRESS EXPRESSION OF ALBANIA'S POLITICAL MATURITY ». EPH - International Journal of Humanities and Social Science 4, n^o 1 (10 février 2019) : 40–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.53555/eijhss.v4i1.73.

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The paper reflects the political sense of the Albanians who realized that in the conditions of the end of World War I needed political alliances that could not be realized without the formation of a government and the Albanian state on legal and legal grounds, so that to be represented with the proper sovereignty not only in the face of the Great Powers, which would gather at the Peace Conference in Paris in the beginning of 19119, but it was the best opportunity to avoid any representation which did not have the sovereignty of Albanians. Whereas, the preparatory stages internally for the organization of the Durrës Congress were accompanied by the initiative for the gathering of a congress in the city of Shkodra. This meeting was held in Lezha on December 9, 1918, organized by Catholic clerics and the mayor of Mirdita Bayribs, Preng Bib Doda as a movement, which included only North Albania, had not found extensive support. Another attempt was that of the city of Tirana, which took place on December 19-20, in which only representatives from some parts of Central Albania participated. These political movements gradually fused to the Durrës Congress, the organizers of the who had previously received Italy's political approval. The Durrës Congress opened on 25 December 1918 with the participation of 53 delegates, who were accompanied by the mandate of the province they represented, although these provinces were under the control of the Italian army. But delegates from the city of Vlora did not attend the congress because the Italian authorities had received instructions from Rome not to be allowed to be delegates from this city. The representatives of the provinces under the Serbian occupation, Peshkopia and Luma, and even those who were under French occupation, such as the city of Korca, were also missing. The delegates initially expressed political trust in the winners of the war, associating this with a special greeting against President Wilson, who had declared the principles of the selfdetermination of peoples. The Congress also discussed about the policy that should be followed in relations with Italy and the possibility of supporting it, which, from a strategic point of view, could have an interest in supporting Albania's territorial requirements. Through archival sources, it emerges that the most prominent politician of the Albanians, Mehmet Konica, at the Durrës Congress, had presented the Italian proposal for the formation of an "Enforcement Committee", which would try to send an Albanian delegation to the Peace Conference and acted to ensure the national and political life of the Albanian people. But, in turn, the sources reflect the political will of another part of the decalogue, which they expressed, for the creation of a provisional government, which should politically accept Roma as well. Seeking that, before this was announced, a response from Rome was taken, in the hope that it would accept its formation. While some other delegates stated that the government was a wish of the Albanian people and it did not matter whether it would be accepted by Italy. The Government, based on the minutes of the Senate parliamentary work, had two tasks: First, to send an Albanian delegation to the Peace Conference, and second, to ensure the national political life of the Albanian people. While the formation of a council or a committee would no longer be a helpless institution, leaving at the same time a free path to foreign intrigues and create free ground for antagonistic opponent Esad Toptani. The analysis also reflects the other side of the discussions, which concerned the view that the Albanian people did not have that degree of maturity to act independently, which would lead Albania to the collapse of relations with the only friend Albania had, which was considered Italy. So the development of discussions in Congress had naturally reflected the formation of two pillar groups, which were different: first, a group of congressmen was of prominent Orienteering who declared that for the decision of the formation of the government the interim was notified and Rome through the Italian command and expected its response; second, while the other group stated that they had not come to the congress to be presented as "puppets" to judge and act upon the orders of others, but to think about the will and political will of the people, who was looking for one sounds self-restraint. In fact, the critical spirit of the delegates to the London Underground Treaty of 1915 is considerable in material through three fundamental issues related to Albania. First, on the political plane, through the creation of the government, they were opposed to the Italian protectorate of the Albanian state through the representation of this state from Italy in relations with the world, as envisaged in paragraph VII of the Secret Treaty of London on 26 April 1915. This treaty was also struck from a principled point of view. Congress through the majority managed to consider the decisions of 1913 untouched, coupled with the full independence of the Albanian state already formed. Secondly, Congress could not bypass those decisions of the Treaty of London that heavily affected the territory of Albania. The delegates expressed their sternness about the VIth paragraph of the Treaty through which Italy was recognized sovereignty over Vlora, as well as for Point VII, according to which Italy would not object to the passage of southern Albania to Greece and to the north of Serbia and Montenegro Black, under the conditions that this would require other Treaty firms, such as France and England. Thirdly, Congress reiterated its critical stance on Vth of the Treaty of London, which expressed the existence of a "Muslim" Albanian state in Middle East. While reflecting on the criticism of Italy's attitude to the obstacles it had created for the representation of Vlora in Congress, which made it possible to sensitize even the question of the city of Vlora, which according to the Secret Treaty of London was in the protectorate of Italy. By the time the material was refreshed on the morning of December 26th, the main representatives of Congress presented a reminder to Italy's political representative, bringing arguments on the formation of the government to devalue the possible efforts of France and the Balkan states to call delegates of Esad Toptani at the Peace Conference. The analysis also raises the issue of the Albanian state's legal status and political affiliation to one or the other winning power, for which there were disagreements, they acted silently and in a compromise with each other. While the essence of the subject we are presenting is the political program that underpinned: First, the rights of the Peace Conference by the Government of Durres; Second, the search for Albania's ethnic boundaries; thirdly, maintaining public order and peace in the Albanian political territory. The material also includes the political support that Albanian Diaspora organizations provided to the congressional work as "Vatra", which saw political compromise with Italy over the formation of the Government of Durres an essential point because it envisioned the anatonomic diversity of the Albanian political streams that would to be presented at the Peace Conference in Paris. But by making a careful study of the period in which this agreement was reached, this attitude seems to be fair. This agreement came about as a result of the change of Albania's historical circumstances at the end of the war, such as: the collapse of political balances in the Balkans as a result of the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the loss of war from it.

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Prihartadi, Bambang, et Nafiah Ariyani. « Komunikasi Public Relations Politik Luar Negeri Rumania ». ijd-demos 5, n^o 1 (31 mars 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.37950/ijd.v5i1.389.

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AbstractPresident Klaus Werner Iohannis (KWI) implements strategic planning Public Relations for Romanian Foreign Policy (RFP). The obstacle of implementing RFP is the opposition from right and left populists using the issue of Euroscepticism. This paper will explain communications PR to overcome Euroscepticism and answer questions: How does President KWI uses communications PR for RFP?, How is Presiden KWI’s communications? and what step of communications is used by Romanian Government? To encounter Euroscepticism, KWI does communications PR by means of electronic media, printed media, and new media. Theoretical framework used is ’’Strategic Planning for Public Relations 5th Edition”: phase one formative research; phase two strategy; phase three tactics; and phase four evaluative research. In this paper, communications PR uses Laswell’s concept of communications: ’Who, Says What, In what Channel, to Whom dan with What effect. KWI uses communications PR for foreign policy for Romanian and EU citizens. Lack of understanding the importance of being the EU member will improve Euroscepticism. This situation is taken advantage by right and left populists in Rumania and EU countries who are anti-EU integration. Therefore, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Romania together with other Ministries or government institutions have communications PR of foreign policy.Keywords: Communications Public Relations, Romania Foreign Policy, European Union, and Euroscepticism. AbstrakPresiden Klaus Werner Iohannis (KWI) melakukan strategi perencanaan komunikasi PR Politik Luar Negeri (Pollugri). Tantangannya adalah kelompok populis kanan/kiri yang menggunakan isu Euroskeptisisme. Paper akan menjelaskan komunikasi PR Pollugri dalam menghadapi Euroskeptisisme. Paper ini, menjawab pertanyaan tentang bagaimana Presiden KWI melakukan komunikasi PR pollugri? Seperti apa komunikasi PR tersebut? Apa langkah KWI dalam melaksanakan komunikasi PR? Untuk menghadapi Euroskeptisisme, KWI melakukan komunikasi PR Pollugri yaitu melalui media elektronik, cetak dan media baru. Landasan teori yang diterapkan yaitu ‘’Strategic Planning for Public Relations 5th Edition” yaitu Phase one Formative Research; Phase Two Strategy; Phase Three Tactics; dan Phase Four Evaluative Research. Komunikasi PR, menggunakan konsep komunikasi dari Laswell yaitu ‘’Who, Says What, In what Channel, to Whom dan with What effect. Rumania menerapkan komunikasi PR kepada WN Rumania dan WN UE. Tujuan komunikasi PR Pollugri adalah untuk mendapatkan dukungan WN (warga negara) Rumania dan WN UE. Kurangnya pemahaman pentingnya Rumania menjadi anggota UE dapat menumbuhkan Euroskeptisisme. Keadaan tersebut dimanfaatkan oleh kelompok anti-UE baik di Rumania dan di negara-negara UE. Kementerian Luar Negeri bersama sama dengan kementerian/lembaga terkait secara serempak melakukan komunikasi PR kebijakan pro UE. Kata kunci: Komunikasi PR (Public Relations), Politik Luar Negeri Rumania, Uni Eropa, dan Euroskeptisisme.

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Medeiros da Silva, Edgardo. « “Recognition of Cuban Independence” : Henry Adams and Empire Building ». Left History : An Interdisciplinary Journal of Historical Inquiry and Debate 25, n^o 1 (17 novembre 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1913-9632.39654.

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Drawing on the correspondence of Henry Adams (1838-1918), one of the keenest observers and commentators on US politics throughout the second half of the nineteenth-century, this paper examines a report he prepared on behalf of Senator James Donald Cameron (1833-1918) of Pennsylvania, a member of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, entitled “Recognition of Cuban Independence” (1896), to try and justify the right of intervention of the United States in the cause of Cuban independence. Centered on two major arguments, national interest and the existence of a government already in place on the island of Cuba, the document in question, which hitherto has not been subject to any major scholarly examination, embodies many of the principles Adams felt should have guided American foreign policy at the time, bringing to light the extent to which he was a firm believer in the “manifest destiny” of the United States to help Latin American colonies break away from their European rulers within the framework of the Monroe Doctrine.

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Calnitsky, Naomi Alisa. « Labours of Love : Family, Human Rights, and Worker Invisibility in Seasonal Mexican Farm Worker Agricultural Migrations to Canada, 1974–Present ». Left History : An Interdisciplinary Journal of Historical Inquiry and Debate 22, n^o 2 (16 mars 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1913-9632.39485.

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This article provides a focused review of the history of seasonal and “foreign” farm labour migration in Canada, and in particular the Canadian Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program (SAWP). It underscores how Mexican migrant workers in particular have been portrayed in Canadian narrative discourses, drawn primarily from political and journalistic sources in Canada in the postwar period. Extended to Mexico in 1974, the SAWP has a longer history of managed agricultural migration in Canada that is also introduced. The article discusses leitmotifs linked to the history of temporary migration between Mexico and Canada: the fundamental place of family and gender relations; the trope of the male migrant as “breadwinner” (despite the later emergence of women migrants in the program); Mexican officials based in Canada and their role in mitigating labour disputes and unionization efforts among the seasonal migrant class in Canada; and the subjective, “subaltern” stories of migrant workers uncovered through an oral history case study carried out in British Columbia and Manitoba from 2012–2015. It introduces other thematic problems including exclusion/invisibility, human rights, patterns of remuneration, and “complementarity” in farm work, in a context of prior reliance upon the managed internal migration of First Nations’ harvest workers in both Ontario’s and Manitoba’s agricultural sectors.

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« The backgrounds and motives of Iran for severing its diplomatic relations with Britain 1951-1954 M ». Journal of Scientific Development for Studies and Research, 12 août 2023, 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.61212/jsd/104.

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Iran went through important incidents during the second half of the twentieth century that affected its political and social reality. These events coincided with the accession of Muhammad Mossadegh to the position of Iranian prime minister, who was elected twice between 1951-1953. In turn, he carried out many reforms, including the issuance of the Social Security Law and land reform, but the most important of them was The law of nationalization of the Iranian oil industry, which has been in the hands of the British since 1913. Mosaddegh believes that the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company is the arm of the British government to control Iranian oil, which contradicts the goals of the National Front that Mossadegh founded with a group of his colleagues, as it seeks to end the foreign presence in Iran At the same time, Mosaddegh reduced the powers of the Shah to a large extent and made them honorary functions, which annoyed Shah Muhammad Reza Pahlavi and his sister Ashraf Pahlavi, who was more severe than her brother and was trying to impose her personality in Iran and wanted to preserve the throne of her brother, Muhammad Reza Pahlavi, and the situation between Iran and Britain worsened. After the expulsion of the British company's employees, which prompted Britain to take action, file a complaint against Iran before the UN Security Council, and take legal action I am against oil buyers from Iran and contracting with international oil companies not to deal with Iran

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« The New Cambridge history of American foreign relations : v.1 : Dimensions of the early American empire, 1754-1865 ; v.2 : The American search for opportunity, 1865-1913 ; v.3 : The globalizing of America, 1913-1945 ; v.4 : Challenges to American primacy, 1945-present ». Choice Reviews Online 51, n^o 05 (19 décembre 2013) : 51–2856. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.51-2856.

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« The Cambridge history of American foreign relations : v.1 : The creation of a republican empire, 1776-1865 ; v.2 : The American search for opportunity, 1865-1913 ; v.3 : The globalizing of America, 1913-1945 ; v.4 : America in the age of Soviet power, 1945-1991 ». Choice Reviews Online 32, n^o 03 (1 novembre 1994) : 32–1723. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.32-1723.

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« Bradford Perkins. The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations. Volume 1, The Creation of a Republican Empire, 1776–1865. Warren Cohen, series editor. New York : Cambridge University Press. 1993. Pp. xii, 254. $24.95, Walter LaFeber. The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations. Volume 2, The American Search for Opportunity, 1865–1913. Warren Cohen, series editor. New York : Cambridge University Press. 1993. Pp.xvi, 263. $24.95, Akira Iriye. The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations. Volume 3, The Globalizing of America, 1913–1945. Warren Cohen, series editor. New York : Cambridge University Press. 1993. Pp. xii, 240. $24.95 and Warren Cohen. The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations. Volume 4, America in the Age of Soviet Power. Warren Cohen, series editor. New York : Cambridge University Press. 1993. Pp. xiv, 283. $24.95 ». American Historical Review, février 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/99.1.178.

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Al-ghailani, Y. A. « Oman and the Franco-British Colonial Rivalry : The Bandar al-Jissah Crisis 1898-1900 ». Journal of Faculty of Arts, University of Khartoum 27 (23 décembre 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.53332/jfa.v27i.620.

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For certainty that Oman had been a part of the Franco-British political and economic relations rivalry, during the last decade of the 19th century in the eastern seas, as it was an important economic centre in the reign of Sayyid Faisal bin Turki (1888-1900). At the same time Oman had managed to keep itself away from this conflict and secured from being under the influence of these powers. Under these circumstances France was seriously interested in sharing with the British interest in Oman, and tried to stop them from gaining all the benefits individually, by having a part of al-Jissah cove near Muscat in 1898, as a coal station. In consequence of these demands Oman had turned about to the French, producing a friendly attitude, because of the British unclear policy towards Muscat and her Sultan. In this regard the British received this policy as repudiation of the Sultan's commitment to them in accordance of the 1891 treaty. The British reaction then felt that the Sultan's alteration of loyal friendship to them were against their wish, and they threatened by using force against his country, while the French Officials considered this action incompatible with the Anglo-French Declaration of 1862. However, the crisis forced the British Foreign Office to enter into official negotiations with the French Ambassador in London to settle their differences over the lease of Bandar al-Jissah with some consideration to the French demands. Finally, the French found themselves in a position of accepting the British suggestions to solve the difficulties which had gathered over Muscat, when the French accepted the British offer of taking the southern site of al-Makalla Cove in August,1900.By the last decade of the 19th century, the Anglo-French rivalry was getting tougher in India and the eastern seas. At this time Oman became once again a centre for economic activity in the Gulf of Oman, the Arabian Gulf and the Indian Ocean. In these circumstances Oman was apotential allay to one or other powers in the region, because of its significant strategic position.Sayyid Faisal bin Turki bin Said (1888-1913) assumed power at a time when the Arab world was beset by a rising wave of European colonialist influence, particularly that of Britain and France who occupied several parts of the Arab world. Only a few Arab countries were able to escape this fierce colonialist attack. Among these was Oman; for Faisal bin Turki had skillfully established his rule amidst an overall climate of turbulence. He also paid great attention to the internal situation in a bid to strengthen the national front. One of the aims of Faisal’s policy was to establish a balanced relationship with England and France. In 1894, he approved the establishment of a French consulate in Muscat; this was followed by granting the French permission to install a coal warehouse at Bandar al- Jissah in 1898. This episode led to very serious results leading to the eruption of a crisis which endangered the British relations with both Oman and France. This paper is an attempt to discuss this crisis and its political consequences depending on British documentary sources.

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